Quite enlightening and frequently entertaining.
Chris Cooper is something of a fixture in North Carolina and even national media, with his excellent insights into political news. But he’s just as informative about the bigger picture, including North Carolina history, as he is about the latest political developments.
The core thesis of Anatomy of a Purple State is that the same national trends that divide the United States as a whole operate in North Carolina, amplified by the fact that the state is so closely divided between red voters and blue voters—in short, purple. If the state had fair districts, we would have seven Republican congressional districts and seven Democratic districts—as we did for a short time after a state Supreme Court ruling in 2022, which was subsequently overturned after the composition of the court changed in the next election. In any event, Cooper argues that North Carolina politics and government are shaped by three trends: the nationalization of politics, the increasing polarization of politics, and the very competitiveness of elections with a closely-divided electorate.
Among the topics Cooper covers are the impact of the distinct political regions of this geographically diverse state, the historical impact of being a former Confederate state, the impact of the rules about unaffiliated (a.k.a. independent) voters, and the power of the NC legislature (General Assembly) and weakness of the governor.
There were quite a few things I had not realized, possibly because I am a relative newcomer to the state, but I gather I’m not alone in my ignorance. For example, I hadn’t realized just how the NC Constitution, aided and abetted by the legislature, has rendered our governor one of the weakest in the entire country—and weaker by the year, as his power of appointment is whittled away. For example, North Carolina was the last state—by several decades!—to grant the governor veto power, but while in most states the legislature can override a veto with a two-thirds vote, in NC, the threshold is only three-fifths.
But I wouldn’t get too excited about the power of the legislators, whose annual salary is a stingy $13,951, an income that hasn’t risen since 1994! If you don’t live in this state, you may not realize just how far the state capital is from the edges of the state, but there’s really no way that someone from one of the far corners of the state can easily commute to Raleigh, so if you don’t near at the center of the state, to afford to serve in the General Assembly you pretty much have to have hospitable (and patient) friends or relatives that live near the capital, have a spouse with a very-well-paying job, a business that someone else can run, or be independently wealthy. Also, probably male, or with no or grown children. Fun fact: “each hour farther away from the capital equates to about a 7-percentage-point reductions in the likelihood that a woman will run for office.” North Carolina ranks 34th among the states in the percentage of women in its legislature. Not just annoying from a woman’s point of view, but also, turns out, that “women legislators sponsor more bills, pass more laws, and send their districts more money,” so everyone suffers. Cooper also argues that all legislators lack all kinds of resources to do their jobs, which makes them unduly dependent on lobbyists. Definitely not good.
The book is slim but full of important information. It’s one of those books that I suspect I’ll consult frequently in the future.