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336 pages, Paperback
First published October 13, 1971
A word, a single word, ultimate or first, intervenes here with the full discreet radiance of a speech borne by the gods: destroy. And here we are able to grasp the second exigency of this new word, for if one must love in order to destroy, one must also, before destroying, have freed oneself from everything-from one-self, from living possibilities, and also from things dead and mortal-by way of death itself. To die, to love: only then can we approach capital destruction, that destruction which the unfamiliar truth intends for us (as neuter as it is desirable, as violent as it is remote from all powers of aggression).
The operation is doubly advantageous. By disseminating works that are aesthetically rebellious, one gives oneself the appearance of being without prejudice, as is proper for the important patrons of culture; one secures oneself the collaboration of the intellectuals of the opposition whose untimely political declarations one would refuse, but whose literary cooperation is always harmless. One is thus supported by them, and with the backing that they innocently provide, one increases the effectiveness of the work of persuasion, just as one increases the authority of official statements. The more a cultural service is tied to the political, the more it is in its interest to present itself as literarily and artistically debonair. But this is still only a crude game.
The game becomes more subtle and more perverse when the object is to neutralize the works themselves. The consciousness industry, controlled by the power of the State, runs a risk in helping to diffuse certain troubling works: what is at stake is the ability to maintain control of consciousness without appearing to weaken it; the risk is to expand it, and in expanding it, to make it too lively by multiplying its contradictions. In the same way, the object is not to enslave the writer-a writer who has been won over is no longer a useful ally, he is useful only when he is used while remaining the adversary-but to let him be free, to employ his freedom, secretly to make an accomplice of the infinite power of contestation that is literature. At the end of a day of television, a skillfully elaborated series of programs (and those who do the programming have only a very confused consciousness of what they are doing, because they are working on the inside of a system, and it is the system that is conscious), if, after listening carefully to the clever interview of a writer who thinks it good to speak about what he has written without noticing that he thereby makes it inoffensive; after hearing a political commentary discreetly or indiscreetly oriented; after watching, one after the other, a daring work and an insignificant work, the viewer goes to bed telling himself that the day was a good one but that, in the end, nothing happened, then the result is achieved. There should be interesting events and even important events, and yet nothing should take place that would disturb us: such is the philosophy of any established power and, in an under-handed way, of any cultural service.