THE ORIGINAL FOUNDING BOOK OF BLACK THEOLOGY
James Hal Cone (born 1938) is an American theologian who is Professor of Systematic Theology at Union Theological Seminary, where he has taught since 1970. [NOTE: page numbers below refer to the original 1969 165-page paperback edition.]
He wrote in the Introduction of this 1969 book, “‘Black Power’ is an emotionally charged term… But the advocates of Black Power hail it as the only viable option for black people. For these persons Black Power means black people taking the dominant role in determining the black-white relationship in American society. If, as I believe, Black Power is the most important development in American life in this century, there is a need to begin to analyze it from a theological perspective. In this work an effort is made to investigate the concept of Black Power, placing primary emphasis on its relationship to Christianity, the Church, and contemporary American theology… It is my thesis … that Black Power … is not the antithesis of Christianity, nor is it a heretical idea to be tolerated with painful forbearance. It is, rather, Christ’s message to twentieth-century America.” (Pg. 1)
He adds, “To say that this book was written anger and disgust … is to suggest that it is not written chiefly for black people… This is a word to the oppressor, a word to Whitey, not in hope that he will listen (after King’s death who can hope?) but in the expectation that my own existence will be clarified. If in this process of speaking for myself, I should happen to touch the souls of black brothers (including black men in white skins), so much the better.” (Pg. 3)
He defines Black Power as ‘complete emancipation of black people from white oppression by whatever means black people deem necessary.” (Pg. 6) Later, he adds, “Black Power then is not black racism or black hatred. Simply stated, Black Power is an affirmation of the humanity of blacks in spite of white racism. It says that only blacks really know the extent of white oppression, and thus only blacks are prepared to risk all to be free. Therefore, Black Power seeks not understanding but conflict; addresses blacks and not whites; seeks to develop black support, but not white good will. Black Power believes in the utter determination of blacks to be free and not in the good intentions of white society. It says: If blacks are liberated, it will be blacks themselves who will do the liberating, not whites.” (Pg. 16-17)
He suggests, “What is needed… is not ‘integration’ but a sense of worth in being black, and only black people can teach that. Black consciousness is the key to the black man’s emancipation from his distorted self-image.” (Pg. 19)
He asserts, “it should be said that racism is so embedded in the heart of American society that few, if any, whites can free themselves from it. So it is time for whites to recognize that fact for what it is and proceed from there… all white men are responsible for white oppression. It is much too easy to say, ‘Racism is not my fault,’ or ‘I am not responsible for the country’s inhumanity to the black man.’ The American white man has always had an easy conscience. But insofar as white do-gooders tolerate and sponsor racism in their educational institutions, their political, economic, and social structures… they are directly responsible for racism… If whites are honest in their analysis of the moral state of this society, they know that all are responsible. Racism is possible because whites are indifferent to suffering and patient with cruelty.” (Pg. 23-24)
He acknowledges, “This work further seeks to be revolutionary in that ‘The fact that I am Black is my ultimate reality.’ My identity with ‘blackness,’ and what it means for millions living in a white world, controls the investigation. It is impossible for me to surrender this basic reality for a ‘higher, more universal’ reality. Therefore, if a higher, Ultimate Reality is to have meaning, it must relate to the very essence of blackness.” (Pg. 32-33)
He states, “Christianity is not alien to Black Power; it is Black Power.” (Pg. 38) He continues, “freedom stands at the center of the black man’s yearning in America… What is this freedom for which blacks have marched, picketed, and rebelled in order to achieve? Simply stated, freedom is not doing what I will but becoming what I should… Is this not why God became man in Jesus Christ so that man might become what he is?... Black Power means black people carrying out their own destiny. It would seem that Black Power and Christianity have this in common: the liberation of man!” (Pg. 38-39) Later, he adds, “if Christ is present among the oppressed, as he promised, he must be working through the activity of Black Power.” (Pg. 48)
He argues, “The violence in the cities, which appears to contradict Christian love, is nothing but the black man’s attempt to say Yes to his being as defined by God in a world that would make his being into nonbeing. If the riots are the black man’s courage to say Yes to himself as a creature of God, and if in affirming self he affirms yes to the neighbor, then violence may be the black man’s expression, sometimes the only possible expression, of Christian love to the white oppressor.” (Pg. 55)
He says, “The ‘raceless’ American Christ has a light skin, wavy brown hair, and sometimes---wonder of wonders---blue eyes. For whites to find him with big lips and kinky hair is as offensive as it was for the Pharisees to find him partying with tax-collectors. But whether whites want to hear it or not, ‘Christ is black, baby,’ with all of the features which are so detestable to white society.” (Pg. 68)
He asserts. “If there is any contemporary meaning of the Antichrist (or ‘the principalities and powers’), the white church seems to be a manifestation of it. It is the enemy of Christ. It was the white ‘Christian’ church which took the lead in establishing slavery as an institution and segregation as a pattern in society by sanctioning all-white congregations.” (Pg. 73) He goes on, “the answer is the same for the white church as it was to [the Philippian jailers]: REPENT, and believe on the Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ! … It must own that it has been and is a racist institution whose primary purpose is the perpetuation of white supremacy.” (Pg. 81)
But he also states, “We may conclude that except in rare instances, the black churches in the post-Civil War period have been no more Christian than their white counterparts. The rare instances refer chiefly to the recent work of a few black ministers in the non-violent movement, with the late Martin Luther King Jr., as their leader… If the black church organizations want to remain faithful to the New Testament gospel … they must relinquish their stake in the status quo and the values in white society by identifying exclusively with Black Power. Black Power is the only hope of the black church in America.” (Pg. 108-109)
He summarizes, “The existence of THE Church is grounded exclusively in Christ. And in twentieth-century America, Christ means Black Power!” (Pg. 112) Later, he says, “The task of Black Theology, then, is to analyze the black man’s condition in the light of God’s revelation in Jesus Christ with the purpose of creating a new understanding of black dignity among black people, and providing the necessary soul in that people, to destroy white racism. Black Theology is primarily a theology OF and FOR black people who share the common belief that racism will be destroyed only when black people decide to say in word and deed to the white racist: ‘We ain’t gonna stand any more of this.’ The purpose of Black Theology is to analyze the nature of the Christian faith in such a way that black people can say Yet to blackness and No to whiteness and mean it.” (Pg. 117)
He concludes, “Black Theology seeks to make black religion a religion of Black Power. It does not attempt to destroy Christianity but endeavors to point to its blackness. The task of Black Theology is to make Christianity REALLY Christian by moving black people with a spirit of black dignity and self-determination so they can become what the Creator intended.” (Pg. 130)
He predicts, “we can be certain that black patience has run out, and unless white America responds positively to the theory and activity of Black Power, then a bloody, protracted civil war is inevitable… The decision lies with white America and not least with white Americans who speak the name of Christ.” (Pg. 143) He adds, “Black Theology must counsel black people to be suspicious of all whites who want to be ‘friends’ of black people. Therefore, the real question is not whether Black Theology sees reconciliation as an end but, rather, on whose terms we are to be reconciled.” (Pg. 145) Finally, “To be Christian is to be one of those whom God has chosen. God has chosen black people!” (Pg. 151)
Though nearly fifty years old, this book has lost little of its vitality; it is “must reading” for anyone seriously studying contemporary theology, Black Studies, or the Black Church.