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Conversations with Allende: Socialism in Chile
The election in Chile of the Marxist leader of the Socialist Party, Salvador Allende, to the presidency in October 1970 inaugurated a political situation unique in Latin America and of world-wide significance. Allende’s Popular Unity coalition embraced Socialists and Communists and campaigned on an election programme of unprecedented radicalism – nothing less than the abolition of monopoly capitalism and imperialism in Chile. In this book Régis Debray, recently released from his Bolivian gaol, questions President Allende about his strategy for socialism. These discussions range widely over the history of the workers’ movement in Chile, the strength of imperialism in Latin America, the experience of the first months of the Allende government, the role of the Chilean armed forces, Allende’s personal background and friendship with Che Guevara, the seizure of land by peasants since the Popular Unity victory, and the international outlook of the new Chile. In an introductory essay Debray furnishes an analysis of Chilean history and politics which situates Allende in the past and present of the country, and explores the dynamics of the class struggle now unfolding there.
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First published January 1, 1971
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About the author
Salvador Allende
39 books31 followersSalvador Guillermo Allende Gossens (Spanish: [salβaˈðoɾ aˈʝende ˈɣosens]; 26 June 1908 – 11 September 1973), more commonly known as Salvador Allende, was a Chilean physician and politician, known as the first Marxist to become president of a Latin American country through open elections.
Allende's involvement in Chilean political life spanned a period of nearly forty years. As a member of the Socialist Party, he was a senator, deputy and cabinet minister. He unsuccessfully ran for the presidency in the 1952, 1958, and 1964 elections. In 1970, he won the presidency in a close three-way race. He was elected in a run-off by Congress as no candidate had gained a majority.
As president, Allende adopted a policy of nationalization of industries and collectivization; due to these and other factors, increasingly strained relations between him and the legislative and judicial branches of the Chilean government—who did not share his enthusiasm for socialization—culminated in a declaration by Congress of a "constitutional breakdown." A center-right majority including the Christian Democrats, whose support had enabled Allende's election, denounced his rule as unconstitutional and called for his overthrow by force. On 11 September 1973, the military moved to oust Allende in a coup d'etat sponsored by the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). As troops surrounded La Moneda Palace, he gave his last speech vowing not to resign. Later that day, Allende shot himself dead with an assault rifle, according to an investigation conducted by a Chilean court with the assistance of international experts in 2011.
Following Allende's deposition, General Augusto Pinochet declined to return authority to the civilian government, and Chile was later ruled by a military junta that was in power up until 1990, ending almost 41 years of Chilean democratic rule. The military junta that took over dissolved the Congress of Chile and began a persecution of alleged dissidents, in which thousands of Allende's supporters were kidnapped, tortured, and murdered.
Allende's involvement in Chilean political life spanned a period of nearly forty years. As a member of the Socialist Party, he was a senator, deputy and cabinet minister. He unsuccessfully ran for the presidency in the 1952, 1958, and 1964 elections. In 1970, he won the presidency in a close three-way race. He was elected in a run-off by Congress as no candidate had gained a majority.
As president, Allende adopted a policy of nationalization of industries and collectivization; due to these and other factors, increasingly strained relations between him and the legislative and judicial branches of the Chilean government—who did not share his enthusiasm for socialization—culminated in a declaration by Congress of a "constitutional breakdown." A center-right majority including the Christian Democrats, whose support had enabled Allende's election, denounced his rule as unconstitutional and called for his overthrow by force. On 11 September 1973, the military moved to oust Allende in a coup d'etat sponsored by the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). As troops surrounded La Moneda Palace, he gave his last speech vowing not to resign. Later that day, Allende shot himself dead with an assault rifle, according to an investigation conducted by a Chilean court with the assistance of international experts in 2011.
Following Allende's deposition, General Augusto Pinochet declined to return authority to the civilian government, and Chile was later ruled by a military junta that was in power up until 1990, ending almost 41 years of Chilean democratic rule. The military junta that took over dissolved the Congress of Chile and began a persecution of alleged dissidents, in which thousands of Allende's supporters were kidnapped, tortured, and murdered.
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Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews
May 7, 2020
It's quite sad reading about Allende's optimism given what ultimately happened.
Having this kind of intimate primary source available in English can't have its value understated.
Having this kind of intimate primary source available in English can't have its value understated.
December 11, 2020
A really fantastic primer on the political economic situation in Chile right when Allende was elected, as well as a heartbreaking reminder of what Allende and the Chilean working class could have done without US imperial aggression.
“It is the interest and duty of all militants wherever they come from, to understand the special features of the road followed by the Chilean comrades, to follow them attentively along the road, to offer them a lucid and unreserved solidarity.”
“It is the interest and duty of all militants wherever they come from, to understand the special features of the road followed by the Chilean comrades, to follow them attentively along the road, to offer them a lucid and unreserved solidarity.”
November 24, 2024
This proofs to me that Allende was not a social democrat but truly a marxist Leninist. He was very aware of the uniqueness of the situation. However he wasnt very aware of the dangers as we can see from the interview. I take this as a lesson to be very materialistic about the dangers of the bourgeoisie when cornered. Because thinking you got the popular support vs actually people willing to risk their lives is a totally different thing. Will read this another time for sure.
March 30, 2023
“There cannot be equality in the capitalist regime, not even equality of opportunity, of course; that there cannot be fraternity while there is class exploitation, and that true liberty is a concrete and not an abstract notion.”
–––
In CONVERSATIONS WITH ALLENDE: SOCIALISM IN CHILE, French philosopher and journalist Régis Debray and Chilean president Salvador Allende dissect the latter’s ascension to power, the forces that allowed such thing to happen, and the prospects (and challenges) of socialism in the new world.
This is no academic paper but a literal transcription of an interview with Allende, a Marxist who led Chile’s Socialist Party and was eventually elected as president in 1970. The victory, rooted from a campaign of radical proportions, cemented Chile’s place in Latin America in the history of anti-imperialist movements.
The format of this “book” works because it became easy to follow the conversation that encompassed several topics – from Allende’s roots as a medical student, his friendships with several key revolutionary figures like Che Guevarra, his party’s unprecedented effort to embrace two ideologies in a bid to gather as much force, to the future of socialism in Chile. For people who may not be knowledgeable of Chile’s history, or about Allende himself, pouring over these in another format (let’s say the typical non-fiction book) might be a daunting task. But reading the back and forth between Allende and Debray just felt like I was listening to a podcast.
Reading the conversation made me feel like I was invited into a secret gathering. I emerged from the conversation a whole lot more familiar with not just how Allende thinks but Debray’s views on things that Chile holds dear. It was nice to see them sort-of bicker over the ways questions were formulated, or how Allende would try to turn the table and confront Debray about his perception of his own ideas. There was a part where Debray challenged Allende about his belief on what it would take to make socialism the norm, and also why going through the “traditional” route of election and government involvement was something that he did.
I guess one reason also why I find it amusing – aside from actually being educational – is that it has been rare in my side of the world to see leaders speak as coherently as Allende, not to mention how easy it was for him to make complex things sound so simple. Perhaps it’s a sign of a man who really knows his stuff – to be able to explain the admittedly confusing concepts of socialism in a way that drives more personal points. He just reminded me again why he’s my third favorite Chilean, next to former president/UN rights chief Michelle Bachelet and my friend Pato. Haha!
Reading Allende’s thoughts made me a little bit forget that he’s dead (according to reports, he died by suicide during a coup d'état) only after being president for less than three years. Or that he was sabotaged by imperialists he fought against all his life. Or that power was seized from him by Augusto Pinochet, a military man who would become the Chilean leader in power. Pinochet’s rule that lasted from 1973 to 1990 led to massive human rights abuses and violence.
Sounds familiar, right, Philippines?
5/5
–––
In CONVERSATIONS WITH ALLENDE: SOCIALISM IN CHILE, French philosopher and journalist Régis Debray and Chilean president Salvador Allende dissect the latter’s ascension to power, the forces that allowed such thing to happen, and the prospects (and challenges) of socialism in the new world.
This is no academic paper but a literal transcription of an interview with Allende, a Marxist who led Chile’s Socialist Party and was eventually elected as president in 1970. The victory, rooted from a campaign of radical proportions, cemented Chile’s place in Latin America in the history of anti-imperialist movements.
The format of this “book” works because it became easy to follow the conversation that encompassed several topics – from Allende’s roots as a medical student, his friendships with several key revolutionary figures like Che Guevarra, his party’s unprecedented effort to embrace two ideologies in a bid to gather as much force, to the future of socialism in Chile. For people who may not be knowledgeable of Chile’s history, or about Allende himself, pouring over these in another format (let’s say the typical non-fiction book) might be a daunting task. But reading the back and forth between Allende and Debray just felt like I was listening to a podcast.
Reading the conversation made me feel like I was invited into a secret gathering. I emerged from the conversation a whole lot more familiar with not just how Allende thinks but Debray’s views on things that Chile holds dear. It was nice to see them sort-of bicker over the ways questions were formulated, or how Allende would try to turn the table and confront Debray about his perception of his own ideas. There was a part where Debray challenged Allende about his belief on what it would take to make socialism the norm, and also why going through the “traditional” route of election and government involvement was something that he did.
I guess one reason also why I find it amusing – aside from actually being educational – is that it has been rare in my side of the world to see leaders speak as coherently as Allende, not to mention how easy it was for him to make complex things sound so simple. Perhaps it’s a sign of a man who really knows his stuff – to be able to explain the admittedly confusing concepts of socialism in a way that drives more personal points. He just reminded me again why he’s my third favorite Chilean, next to former president/UN rights chief Michelle Bachelet and my friend Pato. Haha!
Reading Allende’s thoughts made me a little bit forget that he’s dead (according to reports, he died by suicide during a coup d'état) only after being president for less than three years. Or that he was sabotaged by imperialists he fought against all his life. Or that power was seized from him by Augusto Pinochet, a military man who would become the Chilean leader in power. Pinochet’s rule that lasted from 1973 to 1990 led to massive human rights abuses and violence.
Sounds familiar, right, Philippines?
5/5
March 9, 2024
+ het boek maakt (zoals de nederlandse titel belooft) de "toestand in Chili" in 1971 voelbaar en concreet
+ het illustreert de politieke visies van Allende. na het hele interview te lezen, is het gek dat sommige mensen nog altijd overtuigd zijn dat Allende een "linkse sociaaldemocraat" en geen marxist was. hij maakt duidelijk dat hij zich inspireert op landen zoals Cuba en China en dat hij het model van Tito's Joegoslavië eigenlijk te rechts vindt. met Debray, die aanstuurt op een nogal klassiek leninistisch model, heeft hij vooral kleine tactische onenigheden
+ het illustreert dat Allende zelf in 1971 niet naïef was over de dreigende inflatie en economische malaise, maar wel onderschatte dat een coup een reële mogelijkheid was
+ verrassend genoeg is het "toevoegsel", een intern bulletin van de "Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria" uit 1970 over de politieke situatie en hun eigen strategie, misschien wel het interessantste deel van het boek
- Debray hoort zichzelf heel graag praten. in het interview valt dit mee maar de inleiding en vooral de eindnoten zijn veel te gedetailleerd. de eindnoten zijn ook gortdroog. interessante info gaat verloren in een zee aan onnodige details en analyses (vijftig jaar later nog onnodiger dan toen)
- het interview zelf had net interessanter geweest als sommige punten dieper werden uitgedacht. er wordt bv gepraat over de scheiding van de machten en hoe deze in Chili betekende dat leger en gerecht buiten greep blijven. de problemen van dat model worden geïllustreerd (en de coup van 1973 bevestigt die problemen) maar in hoeverre was het alternatief van Allende het typische gesovjetiseerde model met geen enkele scheiding van machten? kortom meer over concrete visie op het socialisme had cool geweest
+ het illustreert de politieke visies van Allende. na het hele interview te lezen, is het gek dat sommige mensen nog altijd overtuigd zijn dat Allende een "linkse sociaaldemocraat" en geen marxist was. hij maakt duidelijk dat hij zich inspireert op landen zoals Cuba en China en dat hij het model van Tito's Joegoslavië eigenlijk te rechts vindt. met Debray, die aanstuurt op een nogal klassiek leninistisch model, heeft hij vooral kleine tactische onenigheden
+ het illustreert dat Allende zelf in 1971 niet naïef was over de dreigende inflatie en economische malaise, maar wel onderschatte dat een coup een reële mogelijkheid was
+ verrassend genoeg is het "toevoegsel", een intern bulletin van de "Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria" uit 1970 over de politieke situatie en hun eigen strategie, misschien wel het interessantste deel van het boek
- Debray hoort zichzelf heel graag praten. in het interview valt dit mee maar de inleiding en vooral de eindnoten zijn veel te gedetailleerd. de eindnoten zijn ook gortdroog. interessante info gaat verloren in een zee aan onnodige details en analyses (vijftig jaar later nog onnodiger dan toen)
- het interview zelf had net interessanter geweest als sommige punten dieper werden uitgedacht. er wordt bv gepraat over de scheiding van de machten en hoe deze in Chili betekende dat leger en gerecht buiten greep blijven. de problemen van dat model worden geïllustreerd (en de coup van 1973 bevestigt die problemen) maar in hoeverre was het alternatief van Allende het typische gesovjetiseerde model met geen enkele scheiding van machten? kortom meer over concrete visie op het socialisme had cool geweest
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November 11, 2025“The lesson is that each country has its own particular circumstances, and it is in the light of these circumstances that one must act. There is no set formula… the revolutionary struggle may be found in the guerrila foco or in urban insurrection; it may be the people’s war and it may be an insurgence through the polling booths; it depends on the content it is given.”
Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews