There is something false about history and biography. History seems so inevitable when looking back with hindsight that the viewer never sees the forks in the road where it might have turned differently. Biography can be nothing more than the resume of a dead person, his accomplishments laid out like a laundry list. William Hague may graze the edges of such mistakes, but sets a true course in his biography of William Wilberforce, an independent member of the House of Commons who was instrumental in outlawing the slave trade in the British Empire, laying the groundwork for the abolition of slavery itself, decades before it happened in the U.S.
What took a civil war to accomplish in America was done in more civil fashion in Britain. Animated by sincere Christian belief, Wilberforce musters political allies and the mass media of the day (petitions, pamphlets, newspapers and books) to change public opinion in order to change law. Starting in the 1780s, Wilberforce must persist in the face of repeated failure to get his anti-slave trade bill through Parliament with enough votes in Commons to convince the House of Lords to go along.
This was no easy challenge, as the vested commercial interests of the day were loath to give up a lucrative trade. Slavers could lose half their cargo and still turn a profit. The cheap labor, worked to death in the Caribbean, enabled sugar to become the leading cash crop of its day, enriching the planters and the slave ship owners alike. Gone unseen was the human cost, as Africans by the tens of thousands were kidnapped, stowed in tight spaces and transported across the Atlantic to face hopeless lives of hard labor and certain death. As seen through the prism of our present-day sensibility, the slave trade was slow-motion genocide. To the people of the day running the trade, it was good money.
Hague avoids the pitfalls of hagiography and inevitability. He shows Wilberforce embracing Christianity, but struggling to put belief into action. Banning the slave trade becomes his cause, as the African slaves are people to him, while profits to others. The politics and practices of Parliament provide Wilberforce the tools to accomplish the greater good, but was also thick with the traps that thwart it. Here Hague uses his knowledge of Parliament's history as well as his previous experience as an MP, and later opposition leader, to explain how the House of Commons worked in Wilberforce's day. Political parties were only then beginning to take shape. The House of Commons was a collection of strong personalities surrounded by passionate followers, a gathering of factions that a prime minister had to whip into a government. Long speeches brought facts into play in a day when there was no CNN to break the news instantly to a large, well-informed public. Debate mattered in Commons, swaying votes unchecked by party discipline.
Looking back, the abolition of the slave trade, and later slavery itself, seemed inevitable. But Hague cautions the reader that such a thing was not readily apparent when Wilberforce undertook his calling. It took 20 years of repeated political failure in Parliament before the slave trade was abolished. Hague explains the intricate ballet of parliamentary tactics that made it so, also showing Wilberforce's knowledge of when to act, and when to stay silent, to greatest effect. Here Hague shines. His prose is neither elegant nor boring, but imparts knowledge without speaking down to the reader.
American readers should also note Wilberforce's insatiable quest for knowledge that traveled alongside his religious beliefs. In U.S. politics, there are too many on the religious right who are disdainful of learning and scorn the well-informed. Wilberforce was "conservative" for his time, seeking gradual change for the greater good rather than revolution, beliefs grounded in worldly knowledge as well as Christian faith.
Politics is the art of the possible. Virtue seeks the attainment of impossible good. Wilberforce had to use politics to do good as his faith showed him. He never sought a title. He never served in anyone's cabinet. As Hague writes, "He [Wilberforce] showed how a political career could be conducted differently, pursuing long-term objectives deeply rooted in certain principles, strengthened in his indifference to holding power by his understanding of its transitory nature. As a result, he defied the axiom that political careers necessarily end in failure, going to his grave fulfilled in the knowledge of what he had helped to do, while those politicians to whom power alone is important decline in their old age into bitterness and despair."
Hague deserves four stars for his work. He shows Wilberforce in his world, explaining how the anti-slavery issue evolved, and how he used politics to turn belief into law. Hague strays from the narrative at times, when he explains the minutiae of Wilberforce's life away from Parliament. But he finds his stride again when focusing on Wilberforce's quest to ban the slave trade, showing the saint getting his hands dirty in the work of his life.
Perhaps we should be grateful that Hague did not succeed as leader of the Conservative Party in ousting Labor prime minister Tony Blair. Turned out of leadership, Hague had the time to pen this book, along with its companion, a biography of William Pitt the younger.