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Enemy on the Euphrates: The British Occupation of Iraq and the Great Arab Revolt 1914-1921
Between July 1920 and February 1921, in the territory known as Mesopotamia - now the modern state of Iraq - an Arab uprising came perilously close to inflicting a shattering defeat upon the British Empire. A huge peasant army surrounded and besieged British garrisons with sand-bagged entrenchments; British columns and armoured trains were ambushed and destroyed; and well-armed British gunboats were sunk or captured.
The quest for oil was central to Britain's Middle East policy during the First World War and was one of the principal reasons for its continuing occupation of Iraq. However, with around 131,000 Arabs in arms at one stage of the conflict, the British were very nearly driven out. Only a massive infusion of Indian troops and the widespread use of aircraft prevented a total rout.
Enemy on the Euphrates is the definitive account of the first British occupation of Iraq and the revolt against it in 1920. Using a wealth of primary sources, Ian Rutledge brings central players such as Winston Churchill, Arnold Wilson, T.E. Lawrence, Gertrude Bell and Sir Mark Sykes vividly to life in this gripping account.
The quest for oil was central to Britain's Middle East policy during the First World War and was one of the principal reasons for its continuing occupation of Iraq. However, with around 131,000 Arabs in arms at one stage of the conflict, the British were very nearly driven out. Only a massive infusion of Indian troops and the widespread use of aircraft prevented a total rout.
Enemy on the Euphrates is the definitive account of the first British occupation of Iraq and the revolt against it in 1920. Using a wealth of primary sources, Ian Rutledge brings central players such as Winston Churchill, Arnold Wilson, T.E. Lawrence, Gertrude Bell and Sir Mark Sykes vividly to life in this gripping account.
471 pages, Hardcover
First published May 12, 2014
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August 25, 2014
I chanced upon mention of this book while I was reading an article by Robert Fisk in The Independent discussing the situation in Syria and Iraq in early June 2014.
Fisk observed: "Rutledge has researched Britain’s concern about Shia power in southern Iraq – where Basra’s oil lies – material with acute relevance to the crisis now tearing Iraq to pieces."
As the activities of ISIS have escalated and their rule has spread throughout Syria and Iraq a thorough understanding of the background to the situation in the region sheds vital light on current events.
Rutledge's book provides an excellent history of the region in the aftermath of the Sykes-Picot agreement at two levels: first of all he gives a thorough narrative of the causes and the course of the Arab Revolt against the British rule in Iraq in 1920. As he points out: "Indeed, the insurrection in Iraq of 1920, measured in enemy combatant numbers, was the most serious armed uprising against British rule in the twentieth century. At the height of the rebellion the British estimated that around 131,000 Arabs were in arms against them."
Secondly, he provides a great deal of detail about the patchwork of tribal and religious groupings and loyalties that covered the region at the time, many of which persist to this day. He spends considerable effort explaining the motivations and aims of the insurrection, and makes it clear that it was well-organized and well-led and its successes were a deep cause of embarrassment to Britain, the world superpower of the day.
Rutledge's style is accessible and incisive without ever stooping to sensationalism. His grasp and analysis of the complexities of the situation is excellent. I would recommend this book for anyone interested in the Middle East or simply in the limits and dangers of applying overwhelming military power to situations that call for a political solution.
Fisk observed: "Rutledge has researched Britain’s concern about Shia power in southern Iraq – where Basra’s oil lies – material with acute relevance to the crisis now tearing Iraq to pieces."
As the activities of ISIS have escalated and their rule has spread throughout Syria and Iraq a thorough understanding of the background to the situation in the region sheds vital light on current events.
Rutledge's book provides an excellent history of the region in the aftermath of the Sykes-Picot agreement at two levels: first of all he gives a thorough narrative of the causes and the course of the Arab Revolt against the British rule in Iraq in 1920. As he points out: "Indeed, the insurrection in Iraq of 1920, measured in enemy combatant numbers, was the most serious armed uprising against British rule in the twentieth century. At the height of the rebellion the British estimated that around 131,000 Arabs were in arms against them."
Secondly, he provides a great deal of detail about the patchwork of tribal and religious groupings and loyalties that covered the region at the time, many of which persist to this day. He spends considerable effort explaining the motivations and aims of the insurrection, and makes it clear that it was well-organized and well-led and its successes were a deep cause of embarrassment to Britain, the world superpower of the day.
Rutledge's style is accessible and incisive without ever stooping to sensationalism. His grasp and analysis of the complexities of the situation is excellent. I would recommend this book for anyone interested in the Middle East or simply in the limits and dangers of applying overwhelming military power to situations that call for a political solution.
September 15, 2025
تفاصيل صغيرة، تتحول إلى دوافع كبيرة، مذكرات وتقارير جيولوجية، رحلات ضباط ومهندسين، ورسائل دبلوماسية عن احتمالات وجود نفطٍ في العراق، خيط أسود يربط بين حقلٍ بعيد واختيارٍ استراتيجي لبريطانيا على مسرح الحرب العالمية الأولى. من «ملاحظات عن النفط» إلى مهمّة الملازم ويلسون في الأحواز ثم إلى ضرورة «حماية المصافي» في عبادان، يبيّن إيان رَتليدج أن الاهتمام النفطي لم يكن نتاج حرصٍ تجاري فحسب بل محورٌ أعاد تشكيل الخيارات العسكرية والدبلوماسية لبريطانيا في المنطقة.
ومن هنا تبدأ الحكاية، حكاية كتاب " عدو على نهر الفرات" الذي يحكي عن احتلال العراق، وقمع ثورة العشرين، ووضع عميل من عملائهم يتحدّث بلسان عربي مبين على كرسي السلطة، ليحكموا من خلاله. بين صفحات الكتاب تتداخل المحطات العسكرية والدبلوماسية مع شخصياتٍ ذات حضورٍ روائي: سايكس بذكائه البيروقراطي ووسطيته الاستعمارية، ويلسون بضراوة عملياته، لورنس بلحظاته الخيالية السياسية، وليتشمان بحضورٍ محلي لا يُقهر. رَتليدج لا يقدّم هؤلاء كدُمى بل كعوّامات تاريخية: لكل واحد منهم فعلٌ وممارسة أدّت عمليًا إلى تشييد بنية تحكّم جديدة في العراق. في هذا الإطار يقرأ المؤلف محادثات سايكس–بيكو، لقاءات القاهرة، ورسائل مكماهون–الشريف، ليست كوقائع منفصلة بل كخرائطٍ تُعيد رسم الحدود السياسية لمنطقةٍ بكاملها.
وكالعادة، محتل قادم، يعد أنه سيرحل بمجرد القضاء على النظام السياسي القائم، ويفرح المغفلون، ويهللون، ثم يستيقظون على الحقيقة المرّة، أن هذا الاحتلال لن يرحل، وأنه جاء ليحكم، ويمتص الثروات، كانت الحقيقة مفجعة، ومهّدت لثورة كبرى في العراق. الصعود نحو الثورة يأتي ببطء: تعبئة دينية وعشائرية ثم تحوّل تدريجي إلى حركة وطنية أكثر تنظيمًا. رَتليدج يقف تفصيلًا عند النجف وكربلاء وفُرات الوسط: كيف أن زعماء الدين والوجهاء الشيوخ والحركة العشائرية استجابوا لنداءٍ تزاوج فيه الدين بالوطنية. ولكنه لا يسرّع في تخليص هؤلاء من الدوافع المحلية، فمثلاً قرار بعض الزعماء بالانخراط في الثورة لم يكن دائمًا نتاجًا لخطابٍ مثالي عن الاستقلال فحسب، بل كان مرتبطًا بمصالحٍ إدارية واقتصادية (ضرائبٍ جديدة، ضبط أملاك، تهديد لسلطة الأعيان) التي فرضتها الإدارة البريطانية على الأرض.
ثم تنفجر الثورة صيف 1920، وبزمنٍ قصيرٍ تتحوّل الهبّة إلى مؤسسات مقاومة: مجالس عشائرية، هيئات عسكرية مؤقتة، مطبوعات ثورية وأجهزة إعلامية محلية توحّد الخطاب وتنسّق العمليات. رَتليدج يصف هذه الفترة كما لو أنها "دولةٍ مؤقتة" نشأت من تحت الرماد؛ فالقوى الوطنية والدينية استطاعت، لأسابيعٍ وشهور، أن تخلع غطاء العشوائية عن حركتها وأن تُظهر قدرةً على الإدارة والحشد والتوجيه السياسي–العسكري. هذا التوصيف يكسر الصورة البسيطة للثورة كـ«شغب قبلي» ويعيدها إلى فاعل سياسي منظّم له قواعده وأعرافه.
الرد البريطاني، كما يعرضه الكتاب، جاء مزدوجًا: قمعٌ عسكري صريح (إرسال قوات من الهند، استخدام الطائرات، حملات لحرق القرى ومصادرة الماشية وفرض الغرامات) وحلّ سياسي شكلي (إنشاء مجلس دولة، ومن ثم البحث عن واجهة حكم تبدو وطنية لكنّها تبقى مرتبطة بالمصالح البريطانية). لقد استخدمت لندن كل أدوات الإمبراطورية: القوة، الدبلوماسية، الصفقات مع شخصيات محلية، والمناورات النفطية. المشهد هنا قاسٍ: من مأساة قافلة "مانشستر" إلى أعمال الإعدام والحرق، يقدّم رَتليدج سردًا دقيقًا لا يتورع عن تسجيل الفظائع والبراغماتية السياسية معًا.
الثورة أظهرت أن حكم العراق بالاحتلال المباشر مكلف بشريًا وماليًا، وأثار انتقادات عنيفة في مجلس العموم البريطاني. كانت لندن بحاجة إلى واجهة محلية تمنح الحكم مظهرًا وطنيًا وتخفّف من حدة المقاومة، من دون أن تتخلّى عن نفوذها الفعلي. كان شخصية عربية ذات جاذبية قومية، لكنها تحتاج لدعم بريطاني، وبذلك تستطيع لندن أن تُظهر للعراقيين دولةً "مستقلة" بينما تبقى خيوط السياسة والاقتصاد- خصوصًا النفط- بيدها.
لاحظ أن الكتاب يقوم بالتأكيد على أن النفط لم يكن مجرد خلفية اقتصادية بل المحفّز الأساسي لسياسة تثبيت النفوذ: قضية الموصل، المفاوضات حول حصة الشركات، دور شخصياتٍ مثل غولبنكيان، وتقاسم النفوذ بين لندن وباريس هي كلها أمور توضّح كيف أن توزيع الثروة الجوفية أصبح جزءًا من بناء الدولة التي أرادت بريطانيا تركيبه في بلاد الرافدين. تفسير رَتليدج هنا لا يقلّل من البُعد الوطني للحركة العراقية، لكنه يؤكد أن خيارات القوى الكبرى كانت محدِّدة لمستقبل الدولة العراقية.
من مزايا الكتاب الاعتماد على مصادر أرشيفية متعددة( مراسلات، مذكرات، تقارير عسكرية ومحلية)ما يمنح السرد مصداقية منسّقة، كذا مزج السرد التفصيلي (حكايات عن كمائن، حصارات، خطابات) مع تحليلاتٍ بنيوية (دور النفط، سياسات الانتداب، التحالفات) يجعل الكتاب مفيدًا لكل من القارئ العام والباحث المتخصص.
ومن هنا تبدأ الحكاية، حكاية كتاب " عدو على نهر الفرات" الذي يحكي عن احتلال العراق، وقمع ثورة العشرين، ووضع عميل من عملائهم يتحدّث بلسان عربي مبين على كرسي السلطة، ليحكموا من خلاله. بين صفحات الكتاب تتداخل المحطات العسكرية والدبلوماسية مع شخصياتٍ ذات حضورٍ روائي: سايكس بذكائه البيروقراطي ووسطيته الاستعمارية، ويلسون بضراوة عملياته، لورنس بلحظاته الخيالية السياسية، وليتشمان بحضورٍ محلي لا يُقهر. رَتليدج لا يقدّم هؤلاء كدُمى بل كعوّامات تاريخية: لكل واحد منهم فعلٌ وممارسة أدّت عمليًا إلى تشييد بنية تحكّم جديدة في العراق. في هذا الإطار يقرأ المؤلف محادثات سايكس–بيكو، لقاءات القاهرة، ورسائل مكماهون–الشريف، ليست كوقائع منفصلة بل كخرائطٍ تُعيد رسم الحدود السياسية لمنطقةٍ بكاملها.
وكالعادة، محتل قادم، يعد أنه سيرحل بمجرد القضاء على النظام السياسي القائم، ويفرح المغفلون، ويهللون، ثم يستيقظون على الحقيقة المرّة، أن هذا الاحتلال لن يرحل، وأنه جاء ليحكم، ويمتص الثروات، كانت الحقيقة مفجعة، ومهّدت لثورة كبرى في العراق. الصعود نحو الثورة يأتي ببطء: تعبئة دينية وعشائرية ثم تحوّل تدريجي إلى حركة وطنية أكثر تنظيمًا. رَتليدج يقف تفصيلًا عند النجف وكربلاء وفُرات الوسط: كيف أن زعماء الدين والوجهاء الشيوخ والحركة العشائرية استجابوا لنداءٍ تزاوج فيه الدين بالوطنية. ولكنه لا يسرّع في تخليص هؤلاء من الدوافع المحلية، فمثلاً قرار بعض الزعماء بالانخراط في الثورة لم يكن دائمًا نتاجًا لخطابٍ مثالي عن الاستقلال فحسب، بل كان مرتبطًا بمصالحٍ إدارية واقتصادية (ضرائبٍ جديدة، ضبط أملاك، تهديد لسلطة الأعيان) التي فرضتها الإدارة البريطانية على الأرض.
ثم تنفجر الثورة صيف 1920، وبزمنٍ قصيرٍ تتحوّل الهبّة إلى مؤسسات مقاومة: مجالس عشائرية، هيئات عسكرية مؤقتة، مطبوعات ثورية وأجهزة إعلامية محلية توحّد الخطاب وتنسّق العمليات. رَتليدج يصف هذه الفترة كما لو أنها "دولةٍ مؤقتة" نشأت من تحت الرماد؛ فالقوى الوطنية والدينية استطاعت، لأسابيعٍ وشهور، أن تخلع غطاء العشوائية عن حركتها وأن تُظهر قدرةً على الإدارة والحشد والتوجيه السياسي–العسكري. هذا التوصيف يكسر الصورة البسيطة للثورة كـ«شغب قبلي» ويعيدها إلى فاعل سياسي منظّم له قواعده وأعرافه.
الرد البريطاني، كما يعرضه الكتاب، جاء مزدوجًا: قمعٌ عسكري صريح (إرسال قوات من الهند، استخدام الطائرات، حملات لحرق القرى ومصادرة الماشية وفرض الغرامات) وحلّ سياسي شكلي (إنشاء مجلس دولة، ومن ثم البحث عن واجهة حكم تبدو وطنية لكنّها تبقى مرتبطة بالمصالح البريطانية). لقد استخدمت لندن كل أدوات الإمبراطورية: القوة، الدبلوماسية، الصفقات مع شخصيات محلية، والمناورات النفطية. المشهد هنا قاسٍ: من مأساة قافلة "مانشستر" إلى أعمال الإعدام والحرق، يقدّم رَتليدج سردًا دقيقًا لا يتورع عن تسجيل الفظائع والبراغماتية السياسية معًا.
الثورة أظهرت أن حكم العراق بالاحتلال المباشر مكلف بشريًا وماليًا، وأثار انتقادات عنيفة في مجلس العموم البريطاني. كانت لندن بحاجة إلى واجهة محلية تمنح الحكم مظهرًا وطنيًا وتخفّف من حدة المقاومة، من دون أن تتخلّى عن نفوذها الفعلي. كان شخصية عربية ذات جاذبية قومية، لكنها تحتاج لدعم بريطاني، وبذلك تستطيع لندن أن تُظهر للعراقيين دولةً "مستقلة" بينما تبقى خيوط السياسة والاقتصاد- خصوصًا النفط- بيدها.
لاحظ أن الكتاب يقوم بالتأكيد على أن النفط لم يكن مجرد خلفية اقتصادية بل المحفّز الأساسي لسياسة تثبيت النفوذ: قضية الموصل، المفاوضات حول حصة الشركات، دور شخصياتٍ مثل غولبنكيان، وتقاسم النفوذ بين لندن وباريس هي كلها أمور توضّح كيف أن توزيع الثروة الجوفية أصبح جزءًا من بناء الدولة التي أرادت بريطانيا تركيبه في بلاد الرافدين. تفسير رَتليدج هنا لا يقلّل من البُعد الوطني للحركة العراقية، لكنه يؤكد أن خيارات القوى الكبرى كانت محدِّدة لمستقبل الدولة العراقية.
من مزايا الكتاب الاعتماد على مصادر أرشيفية متعددة( مراسلات، مذكرات، تقارير عسكرية ومحلية)ما يمنح السرد مصداقية منسّقة، كذا مزج السرد التفصيلي (حكايات عن كمائن، حصارات، خطابات) مع تحليلاتٍ بنيوية (دور النفط، سياسات الانتداب، التحالفات) يجعل الكتاب مفيدًا لكل من القارئ العام والباحث المتخصص.
September 5, 2020
The Empire expands
In many ways the book is shocking. It shows the arrogance and plain cruelty of the British elite in pursuing territorial gain using military methods that were common in Medieval times. That involved ‘creating ‘scorched earth’ whereby whole villages were burnt down, their inhabitants including women and children killed together with their livestock while crops were burnt. In order to take control of Iraq the British carried out those same policies only using modern equipment and in particular airplanes that could, unopposed, bomb villages and tribesman. There was complete disregard of innocent lives being wasted. Officers had a# much sympathy for the Natives as the SS had for Poles or Russians in WW2 and like them some Commanders literally revelled in the success of what they were doing. At first the war was aimed at the Turks but once the World War finished the Government had realised that the enormous oil deposits near Mosul were worth hanging on to, damn the offer to Arabs of Independence if they helped defeat the Turks. The result was the Rebellion of 1920-1 which was viciously suppressed just as the French were doing in Syria, their own prize for winning the war. No surprise that when the British again occupied Basra in 2003 onwards the local feeling against them was so strong; 1921 was still remembered and they were shifted by the Americans to Afghanistan. The age old tactic of ‘burn and destroy’ still continues in places like Afghanistan where troops arrive at night in remote villages by helicopter and create mayhem that includes shooting young men and boys indiscriminately - then flying off. It’s designed to show them who is Boss but there’s little doubt the troops on the ground enjoy it knowing the State will always protect them against accusations of war crimes. They no longer call it ‘Punitive’ action designed to punish rebellious indigenous but the result is the same. The Iraq war of 1914-21 is not well known in Britain and rarely if ever appears on a School curriculum and those involved are still awarded medals and honours just as they have always done. This is a measured and detailed account that avoids comment but it doesn’t have to. Nothing much changes in the UK.
In many ways the book is shocking. It shows the arrogance and plain cruelty of the British elite in pursuing territorial gain using military methods that were common in Medieval times. That involved ‘creating ‘scorched earth’ whereby whole villages were burnt down, their inhabitants including women and children killed together with their livestock while crops were burnt. In order to take control of Iraq the British carried out those same policies only using modern equipment and in particular airplanes that could, unopposed, bomb villages and tribesman. There was complete disregard of innocent lives being wasted. Officers had a# much sympathy for the Natives as the SS had for Poles or Russians in WW2 and like them some Commanders literally revelled in the success of what they were doing. At first the war was aimed at the Turks but once the World War finished the Government had realised that the enormous oil deposits near Mosul were worth hanging on to, damn the offer to Arabs of Independence if they helped defeat the Turks. The result was the Rebellion of 1920-1 which was viciously suppressed just as the French were doing in Syria, their own prize for winning the war. No surprise that when the British again occupied Basra in 2003 onwards the local feeling against them was so strong; 1921 was still remembered and they were shifted by the Americans to Afghanistan. The age old tactic of ‘burn and destroy’ still continues in places like Afghanistan where troops arrive at night in remote villages by helicopter and create mayhem that includes shooting young men and boys indiscriminately - then flying off. It’s designed to show them who is Boss but there’s little doubt the troops on the ground enjoy it knowing the State will always protect them against accusations of war crimes. They no longer call it ‘Punitive’ action designed to punish rebellious indigenous but the result is the same. The Iraq war of 1914-21 is not well known in Britain and rarely if ever appears on a School curriculum and those involved are still awarded medals and honours just as they have always done. This is a measured and detailed account that avoids comment but it doesn’t have to. Nothing much changes in the UK.
October 18, 2023
A century on … a painful lesson in Middle East history
An Arab uprising against brutal occupying forces. Sound familiar? One of the most inglorious and shameful episodes in our imperial past is brilliantly deconstructed. In the afterglow of being on the winning side in WWI, the UK government was seizing control of oil-rich Mesopotamia. This is a cruel and unforgiving land where, in 1916, British soldiers died in their thousands, captives of the Turks after the Siege of Kut, while their commander enjoyed the high life under house arrest in Constantinople. After the war, the Middle East was carved up by Britain and France - out of the frying pan into the fire for the people of Iraq and Syria, newly freed from Ottoman rule. For the Arabs of Iraq, the Great War never really ended. Only ten months after the armistice, the British were already bombing Arab tribesmen and by July 1920 a full-scale revolutionary war had begun. When it was inevitably crushed after much butchery on both sides - including annihilation of a Manchester battalion - a puppet ruler was appointed from the minority Sunni Moslem population, sowing the seeds for future horrors. If only Enemy on the Euphrates had been around for Blair and Campbell to read and learn this stark lesson of history before invading Iraq.
An Arab uprising against brutal occupying forces. Sound familiar? One of the most inglorious and shameful episodes in our imperial past is brilliantly deconstructed. In the afterglow of being on the winning side in WWI, the UK government was seizing control of oil-rich Mesopotamia. This is a cruel and unforgiving land where, in 1916, British soldiers died in their thousands, captives of the Turks after the Siege of Kut, while their commander enjoyed the high life under house arrest in Constantinople. After the war, the Middle East was carved up by Britain and France - out of the frying pan into the fire for the people of Iraq and Syria, newly freed from Ottoman rule. For the Arabs of Iraq, the Great War never really ended. Only ten months after the armistice, the British were already bombing Arab tribesmen and by July 1920 a full-scale revolutionary war had begun. When it was inevitably crushed after much butchery on both sides - including annihilation of a Manchester battalion - a puppet ruler was appointed from the minority Sunni Moslem population, sowing the seeds for future horrors. If only Enemy on the Euphrates had been around for Blair and Campbell to read and learn this stark lesson of history before invading Iraq.
December 8, 2020
A good history of the founding of Iraq
This is a difficult review to write. I thoroughly enjoyed the book, it provides a great deal of information on a subject I knew little about.
However, the more I read the more I came to suspect that the author had a very jaundiced view of British imperialism, which for me at least, was very disappointing.
The author appears to propound that the Iraqi Arabs were terribly treated by the British who thoroughly deserved to be driven out. strongly contend that British imperialism would have gone a long way to preparing the Iraqi people for a stable and safe government, so very different from the despotism they have experienced over the last 100 years, and sadly still are experiencing.
This is a difficult review to write. I thoroughly enjoyed the book, it provides a great deal of information on a subject I knew little about.
However, the more I read the more I came to suspect that the author had a very jaundiced view of British imperialism, which for me at least, was very disappointing.
The author appears to propound that the Iraqi Arabs were terribly treated by the British who thoroughly deserved to be driven out. strongly contend that British imperialism would have gone a long way to preparing the Iraqi people for a stable and safe government, so very different from the despotism they have experienced over the last 100 years, and sadly still are experiencing.
December 11, 2018
I must confess to having read this book in error.I bought it, unseen, to further my knowledge about the First World War Mesopotamian campaign. It does cover it, but only in passing. Instead, it tells an equally compelling story; one of British military and diplomatic bungling and duplicity in modern-day Iraq. As an example of how not to win the hearts and minds of host communities, it would be hard to beat and all in the quest for oilfelds that never returned on their early potential. Read it and weep.
November 5, 2019
Iraq's struggle for independence
The modern revisions of history shed new light on those orthodox and usually whitewashed texts included in the general curricula. Truth is difficult to pin down when only personal or political, 'acceptable' viewpoints are available. Rutledge has used many sources and written a more believable account of this, mainly ignored period in Iraqi history. Very readable, interesting and enlightening. Rutledge can be very proud of his creation.
The modern revisions of history shed new light on those orthodox and usually whitewashed texts included in the general curricula. Truth is difficult to pin down when only personal or political, 'acceptable' viewpoints are available. Rutledge has used many sources and written a more believable account of this, mainly ignored period in Iraqi history. Very readable, interesting and enlightening. Rutledge can be very proud of his creation.
March 23, 2025
Drawbacks: mentioning in details the military aspects & formations for the British army, it was a source of boredom
Strengths : described the atrocities done by the British army against civilians, which reminds me of the atrocities done today by the Israeli army against civilians in Gaza, in which USA & British authorities gave full support
At the end of the day, imperalists think alike
Strengths : described the atrocities done by the British army against civilians, which reminds me of the atrocities done today by the Israeli army against civilians in Gaza, in which USA & British authorities gave full support
At the end of the day, imperalists think alike
June 21, 2017
A good survey that contextualizes events in the Near East and British-Arab relations from the beginning of the 20th century to the end of the First World War.
April 10, 2016
This book prides itself on being the definitive account of the Iraqi uprising, and from what I've seen, it does a good job of presenting an equal and neutral account of the events. It does not appear to judge any side harsher than the other, nor does it allow any side to get off easy.
So far so good, and I recommend it to anyone who would like a better understanding of these events - but it must also be said that it is clear that the writer is far more comfortable writing for academia than for the average layman.
All the relevant facts are there, but are presented in such a dry style that I sometimes found my eyes glazing over as I read. Exact numbers are certainly relevant to know, but at times it felt as though entire chapters were nothing more than a list of troop-numbers and regimental names, or the names of sheiks and their tribal affiliation. Again, important stuff, but it's easy to be overwhelmed by the sheer mass of numbers and names. By the time I reached the end of the book, I *still* wasn't sure I could keep track of all the sheiks and rebel-leaders on the Iraqi side.
So far so good, and I recommend it to anyone who would like a better understanding of these events - but it must also be said that it is clear that the writer is far more comfortable writing for academia than for the average layman.
All the relevant facts are there, but are presented in such a dry style that I sometimes found my eyes glazing over as I read. Exact numbers are certainly relevant to know, but at times it felt as though entire chapters were nothing more than a list of troop-numbers and regimental names, or the names of sheiks and their tribal affiliation. Again, important stuff, but it's easy to be overwhelmed by the sheer mass of numbers and names. By the time I reached the end of the book, I *still* wasn't sure I could keep track of all the sheiks and rebel-leaders on the Iraqi side.
March 12, 2016
As the blurb on the back of the book says: It is the definitive account of the most serious uprising against British rule
in the 20th century.
Great book that brings multiple sources and accounts to a mostly forgotten part of WW1.
The race for oil was on..this I knew. But the haphazzard an dysfunctional way the race was
undertaken by the British is eye-opening.
The flight within the British Government...well the India office and Middle East 'department'
cost thousands of lives, needlessly.
That said, they were in a part of the world of which they knew little, though they could
paraphrase their colonial 'expertise' and didn't listen to the one woman who actually
knew the area the most, Gertrude Bell.
My favourite area of the world, all the key players and my hero-Gertrude.
Mind you, the book has caused me to take pause and rethink about Gertrude.
While I am not that happy about this. . . I am determined to find out more.
Nothing like finding out your hero is something more like a human.
in the 20th century.
Great book that brings multiple sources and accounts to a mostly forgotten part of WW1.
The race for oil was on..this I knew. But the haphazzard an dysfunctional way the race was
undertaken by the British is eye-opening.
The flight within the British Government...well the India office and Middle East 'department'
cost thousands of lives, needlessly.
That said, they were in a part of the world of which they knew little, though they could
paraphrase their colonial 'expertise' and didn't listen to the one woman who actually
knew the area the most, Gertrude Bell.
My favourite area of the world, all the key players and my hero-Gertrude.
Mind you, the book has caused me to take pause and rethink about Gertrude.
While I am not that happy about this. . . I am determined to find out more.
Nothing like finding out your hero is something more like a human.
Want to read
June 18, 2014Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews