A new biography of the 8th president of the United States, the first chief executive not born a British citizen and the first to use the party system to chart his way from tavern-keeper's son to the pinnacle of power.
Martin Van Buren was one of the most remarkable politicians not only of his time but in American presidential history. The principal architect of the party system and one of the founders of the Democratic Party, he came to dominate New York-then the most influential state in the Union-and was instrumental in electing Andrew Jackson president. Van Buren's skills as a political strategist were unparalleled (he was known as the "Little Magician"), winning him a series of high-profile US senator, New York's governor, US secretary of state, US vice president, and finally the White House. In his rise to power, Van Buren sought consensus and conciliation, bending to the wishes of slave interests and complicit in the dispossession of America's Indigenous population--two of the darkest chapters in American history.
This new biography of Van Buren -- the first full-scale portrait in four decades -- charts his ascent from a tavern in the Hudson Valley to the presidency, concluding with his late-career involvement in an antislavery movement. Offering vivid profiles of the day's leading figures (Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, John Quincy Adams, DeWitt Clinton, James K. Polk), James Bradley's book depicts the struggle for power in the tumultuous decades leading up to the Civil War.
James M. Bradley is co-editor of the Martin Van Buren Papers, based at Cumberland University in Lebanon, Tennessee. He is an Adjunct Instructor in the public history program at State University of New York at Albany.
James Bradley has written a much-needed biography of Van Buren, the first full-fledged study of Old Kinderhook in four decades. You won't be disappointed!
I've always been somewhat ambivalent on Van Buren. He comes off as a bit slimy and just the born politician, shifting his opinions to align with people who could get him power. On the other hand. he created the two-party system that has dominated American life. In his view, two parties would need to appeal to a majority of Americans, thus making them less prone to extremes. (Obviously this hasn't worked out perfectly, but one could argue that the parties have been WEAKER in recent years.)
This is a very well written book and brings the 8th president some more modern scrutiny. One thing that is amazing is how fresh the stories read, down to claims of election fraud and a government worker motivated by ideology taking a chainsaw to necessary government and making life miserable for Americans at the same time (Jackson mostly, not Van Buren). Bradley announces at the outset he isn't trying to make any "Van Buren was secretly a great president" claims and he mostly hews to this, explaining some things where he thinks historians have done Van Buren wrong (as in his oft-criticized turn as Minister to England/Secretary of State, where he notes that Van Buren did a lot to mitigate Jackson's rough edges) but also recognizing that Van Buren took the lead in stomping out abolitionist mailings and pushed forward with Indian Removal that hurt both himself and the country. Pacing is a bit of an issue here, as the bulk of the biography is his pre-presidency days, especially his role in NYS politics and the creation of the Democratic Party. Word to the wise: if local and state politics aren't your thing, this will be a tough slog. Bradley does stay mostly focused on Van Buren at least, resisting the temptation to spin off and create mini-biographies of every person he ever interacted with. People interested in mid-19th century politics will find this very interesting though!
Very good and very informative. From New York's byzantine politics of the era to the creation of the modern party system - perhaps Van Buren's sole notable "contribution," albeit a very important one - Bradley makes the life , the times and especially the develoment of that system, an interesting read. He also includes a superb quote from Henry Adams: "Politics, as a practice, whatever its professions, has always been the systematic organzation of hatreds." And so it mostly remains.
“America’s first politician.” Interesting biography of a little known president during American history between the War of 1812 and The Civil War. Learned a lot and many interesting intersections with other prominent American leaders from that era.
Was debating between 3 or 4 stars and then sure enough on the last page of text came the inevitable swipe at President Trump. I had been looking forward to this book for at least 3 years and while it didn’t meet my high expectations it was still more than adequate. The author did an admirable job not trying to lift Martin Van Buren into the upper echelon of Presidential rankings and seemed to be pretty straightforward with his writing. I do think this was as much a book about the Democrat Party in NY as it was about MVB (admittedly they go hand in hand). However I did get bogged down with all the different players in NY state politics. I do wish we got to know more about Van Burens personal life and his thought process and just who he was as a person rather than what he did. It mentions when MVB died a Dutch minister eulogized him but I don’t think there was any mention of him being religious or going to church. Also towards the end it mentions his son MVB Jr was basically his fathers shadow and was always helping him as secretary and other duties. With those two being that close it would have been nice to hear more about that relationship. For me MVB came to life in the text when he started working closely with his son John and the Free Soil Party, thoroughly enjoyed that chapter. Worth the read but I’m not upset to have finished.
The library was short on Van Buren books. I tried to read another, but gave up two hundred pages in because it was too boring. I was only able to get this one on audio, which is not preferred for presidential biographies, but it was better-written and less boring than the other, so I went with it.
This author struggles with a common problem of these presidential biographers: they know so much about the times and the people, and don't edit enough out. Half the book was about other people. A lot of times there was a long history of something or someone, and it was only revealed how it related to Van Buren after I'd forgotten it was the whole point. There were probably a hundred pages that were more about Polk (it was funny how much the author hated Polk, though. "shy, awkward and utterly humorless." Of his wife, "she was everything her husband was not: social, outgoing, congenial. . . smart, informed, and canny.")
I didn't realize that Van Buren was every bit as responsible for the Trail of Tears as Jackson. Jackson signed it, but Van Buren enforced it.
Reading these biographies reaffirms that the politics of this country have always been messy, petty, and fucked up. It's not that we had something amazing and strayed from it, but that what we have is linear from what we had. "Long accusing the Democrats of being a party of foreigners, Catholics, godless radicals, and assorted heathens, Evangelicals fit nicely into the Whigs' emphasis on decency and morals. Harrison was described as 'heaven's agent' while the candidate himself called the Democrats 'false Christs.' The party had tapped into the period's Protestant revivalism, even though the focus on family and God was sometimes belied by the heavy drinking and fisticuffs taking place at Whig rallies."
A loooooong 27 hour biography of the 8th President, Van Buren doesn’t get enough credit for his architectural role in shaping the modern two-party system, specifically the Jacksonian Democrats. Often in Jackson’s shadow for championing status quo during his own one term before a run of other forgotten presidents, Van Buren was the first true career politician to rise the ladder. But the Jackson-induced Panic of 1837, Treasury system (precursor to the Fed), and division over slavery led to his loss for a second term twice, as a Democrat and Free Soiler. A master strategist, Van Buren was the party leader for decades but economic and North-South turmoil shaped his legacy leading up to the Civil War.
I knew how important Van Buren was to the creation of America's two party system, but this book was so well done that I learned a LOT about MVB and antebellum America.
In my quest to read biographies of all the US Presidents through LBJ (nowadays the more obscure ones) I came upon this recently published biography of our 8th president, Martin Van Buren (1782 -1862). In reading these political biographies in general I am more interested in the learning about the times of that presidency, the key players and the major domestic and foreign policy issues of the day. In that regard MBV did not disappoint. Van Buren’s almost 50 year political career spanned the pivotal antebellum era in US history. The author’s discussion of the conflicts and key figures of that era is what makes this book an absorbing read, at least for a US history nerd. The author makes the convincing case that Van Buren was America’s first politician because he was a key figure in the transition to modern elections (and political parties) driven by expansion of the right to vote to all, or nearly all, white men. During the early Revolutionary Era (1788 to 1824) presidential selection was largely made by aristocratic insiders—elites who managed politics through consensus and deference. The aristocratic era of consensus is generally considered to have ended with the controversial Election of 1824 – decided in the House of Representatives by so-called “Corrupt Bargain” which handed the Presidency to John Quincy Adams over Andrew Jackson. Mass popular participation in voting required a new kind of political organization. Van Buren typified this new style -- he was a master political organizer who built a national party structure designed to manage and mobilize this newly enfranchised, egalitarian voting base. The election of Andrew Jackson in 1828 marked the beginning of modern mass participation in US presidential elections.
Van Buren is closely identified with the founding of the modern Democratic Party because he organized a truly national, disciplined, and enduring political machine. During The Revolutionary Era the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton and John Adams, favored a strong federal government, a national bank, commercial growth, and often a more aristocratic view of governance. The Republicans (Democratic-Republicans), led by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, championed agrarianism, limited federal power (states' rights), a strict interpretation of the Constitution, and were deeply skeptical of national banks and centralized finance. Van Buren took the remnants of the Jeffersonian Republicans and forged them into the disciplined, nationwide structure that became the Democratic Party. His party was built on organization, patronage, and a consistent political ideology that appealed directly to the common man and the growing mass electorate.
Van Buren’s political ascent began in his home state of New York, and he is famously associated with his family (of Dutch descent) home in Kinderhook, NY and the initials “OK” (“Old Kinderhook”). New York was then the most populous state and commanded the most electoral votes. Winning New York State was crucial in early 19th century presidential elections and NY was a proving ground for several national figures who emerged in this period, including Aaron Burr, Alexander Hamilton, Martin Van Buren, DeWitt Clinton, Benjamin Butler, Millard Fillmore, William Seward and Samuel Tilden. The Albany Regency was the name given to the sophisticated, disciplined political machine Van Buren built and ran in New York State. It was a group of influential, loyal, professional politicians headquartered in Albany who controlled appointments, legislation, and elections across the state. It served as the model for the future national Democratic Party.
The campaign for the Erie Canal was a central issue in New York politics during Van Buren’s early career. Completed in 1825, it connected the Hudson River to the Great Lakes and helped transform New York into an economic powerhouse (thus the “Empire State”) and elevated its key sponsor, DeWitt Clinton – a Van Buren antagonist -- to national prominence. The intense debate over construction of the canal exemplified the political divide of that era. The Federalists generally favored large-scale infrastructure and internal improvements like the Canal, believing it was essential for economic growth, even if it required federal support, centralized finance and an expansive view of government power. In contrast Republicans (Jeffersonians and Van Buren's faction) were opposed to the Canal, due to their core beliefs in limited government and states' rights. They worried about the associated public debt, centralized finance (monetary policy, banking), and the potential for corruption inherent in large public works. However, the Canal's success and enormous popularity eventually forced all factions to engage with the reality of large-scale infrastructure spending.
Van Buren is closely identified with presidency of Andrew Jackson, serving as his Vice President (1833–1837) and loyal Secretary of State (1829–1831). Several key policy conflicts marked that period. One was the ongoing controversy over a national bank. The First Bank of the United States (1791–1811) was chartered by Alexander Hamilton. It was intended to stabilize the nation's credit and manage federal finance. Jeffersonian Republicans opposed it on constitutional grounds (strict construction). After a lapse, The Second Bank of the United States (1816–1836) was rechartered but became the focus of the "common man's" resentment against centralized financial power. Andrew Jackson and Van Buren viewed the Bank as an unconstitutional monopoly and a tool of aristocratic Eastern elites. Jackson's refusal to recharter the Bank led to a dramatic Bank War during his first term (1829–1833), with Van Buren firmly supporting Jackson's anti-bank stance. This fight defined the Democratic Party's commitment to "hard money" and limited federal finance.
Another was Indian Removal. Jackson's administration implemented the Indian Removal Act of 1830, forcibly relocating thousands of Native American tribes (most notably the Cherokee on the "Trail of Tears") from their ancestral lands in the Southeast to territories west of the Mississippi River. Van Buren, as Jackson's political heir, was associated with and continued to support this policy, which was driven by the desire for land and the prevailing belief in Anglo-American expansion.
A third was Texas Annexation and War with Mexico: Jackson supported the annexation of Texas (which had declared independence from Mexico in 1836), viewing it as key to American destiny. This was highly controversial because it risked war with Mexico and, critically, because it raised the politically explosive issue of slavery's expansion.
Van Buren’s tenure in the executive branch (as President and VP) parallelled the formation of the Whig Party and the book profiles of three political giants of this period who often opposed Jackson and Van Buren: Henry Clay (KY) -- "The Great Compromiser" and the architect of the Whig Party. He championed the "American System" (high tariffs, internal improvements, and a national bank); John C. Calhoun (SC). – the powerful intellectual and defender of the South and slavery. Initially Jackson's VP, he became famous as the foremost proponent of Nullification -- Calhoun’s theory that states had the right to nullify federal laws they deemed unconstitutional; and Daniel Webster (MA) -- the greatest orator of his time. A staunch Unionist and defender of the Constitution, he allied with Clay and the Whigs, opposing Jackson's attack on the National Bank. The Whig Party was formed specifically to oppose the perceived "tyranny" of "King Andrew" Jackson and the power of the Democratic Party. The Whigs were united by their opposition to Jackson's aggressive use of executive power, particularly his actions in the Bank War. Led by Henry Clay, the Whigs embraced his American System, advocating for a national bank, federal funding for internal improvements (like roads and canals), and a protective tariff to support American industry. The Whigs challenged the Democrats until the 1850s, winning the Presidency twice (William Henry Harrison in 1840 and Zachary Taylor in 1848). However, the party fractured and ultimately dissolved in the 1850s due to internal divisions over the expansion of slavery, leading to the formation of the Republican Party and ultimately the election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860.
Inevitably Van Buren’s story entwines inextricably with the escalating political controversies and compromises over slavery and its expansion into new territories. Calhoun was the foremost political defender of the South and slavery. The Nullification Crisis (1832–33) saw South Carolina, following Calhoun's theory, declare federal tariffs null and void within its borders. The crisis threatened disunion and demonstrated the immense political volatility of states' rights and Southern resistance to federal power. In the Missouri Compromise of 1820 Missouri was admitted to the Union as a slave state and Maine as a free state, maintaining the balance in the Senate. It drew the 36°30' parallel across the Louisiana Purchase, prohibiting slavery north of that line. The slavery issue, always boiling below the surface, reared its head in the aftermath of the Mexican War with the Polk administration’s proposal to purchase California and New Mexico. In 1846, Rep David Wilmot’s failed amendment to an appropriations bill, the Wilmot Proviso, sought to ban slavery in any territory acquired as a result of the Mexican War. Though it never passed, it forced the issue of expansion to the forefront and shattered political unity. The Compromise of 1850 was a package of bills passed by Congress to once again address sectional tensions over slavery and territorial expansion: California was admitted to the Union as a free state, while New Mexico and Utah territories were organized with the principle of popular sovereignty; and a stricter Fugitive Slave law was enacted which inflamed abolitionists. While the compromise temporarily averted succession and civil war, increasing hostilities erupted following the passage of The Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) which organized the territories of Kansas and Nebraska. Crucially, it repealed the Missouri Compromise line, allowing settlers in the territories to decide the slavery issue. This led to violence ("Bleeding Kansas") and ultimately destroyed the Whig Party, giving rise to the anti-slavery Republican Party.
The author writes, “Vân Buren’s career can be seen as a series of conflicts with the days’ leading figures: DeWitt Clinton, James Monroe, John Quincy Adam’s, John C. Calhoun, Henry Clay, Daniel Webster and James K. Polk. Those conflicts led to some of the day’s most crucial ideological battles involving federalism, state’s rights, executive power, economic equality, continental expansion, war and the two great moral abominations of the era: slavery and Indian removal… Van Buren was one of the most controversial and polarizing figures of his era … In the name of building a party and winning elections, he perpetuated slavery and carried out Indian removal, two policies that strengthened southern power and brought the nation closer to war.”
This is the man that really turned the US political system into the mess that it is now. He is most responsible for the cronyism and patronage system that still invades our politics. Not a really likeable person but a well-written biography.
This is a decent, if a little ponderous, treatment of the life of Martin Van Buren, our nation’s 8th President and successor to the 19th-century version of Donald Trump: Andrew Jackson. Mr. Bradly uses the theme noted in his subtitle to evaluate the life of Van Buren and his impact on our nation.
Short summary: Van Buren was, in Mr. Bradley’s view, the first major American political figure to unabashedly embrace political parties and being a politician. This sounds cynical to the ears of a 21st-century American reader and some readers will find plenty of evidence to support that view. But in Van Buren’s time, his objective was to stabilize the political chaos of the time that had driven two of the seven Presidential elections before his into the House of Representatives for a final decision. Van Buren saw this as undemocratic and caustic to the American polity.
Three observations from this reader is sufficient for a short review:
First, if Mr. Bradley is right and Van Buren invented the politics that have defined us for the 200 years since, not much has changed. In his time—before and after his Presidency—we can find propaganda, outright lies to undermine an opponent, slick (and loose with the truth) marketing, and howls of stolen elections and ballot fraud. Not much has changed in 200 years.
Second, all of those dirty details which defined politics in his day and ours have, in this reader’s view, a common source: the siren call of political power that draws a certain personality and makes it easy to justify casting off clear, ethical standards for the ends of “doing good” once power is achieved. Van Buren was not immune. He lasted only one term (more on that in a moment) atop the greased pole of American politics and spent the rest of his life trying to regain the top. He never did.
Finally, as I read of his life and single four-year term at the top, I could readily count in my head a half dozen other Vice Presidents who met a similar fate. It caused me to wonder how many who have served as Vice Presidents have gone on to seek the top spot and how their own presidencies turned out. Below is a list of those who served as Vice President, then immediately sought the top spot, or those who succeeded a deceased (or resigned) President then sought their own presidency. Here’s what I discovered (spoiler alert: it’s not pretty):
John Adams (Washington)—1 term / lost Thomas Jefferson (Adams)—2 terms Martin Van Buren (Jackson)—1 term / lost John Tyler (succeeded WH Harrison)—Formed own political party and Lost Millard Fillmore (succeeded Zachary Taylor)—Not renominated John C. Breckenridge (Buchanan)—Lost Andrew Johnson (succeeded Lincoln)—Impeached (not convicted), sought nomination from the other party, not nominated Chester A Arthur (succeeded Garfield)—Not renominated Theodore Roosevelt (succeeded McKinley)—1 term (pledged not to run for 2nd) Harry S Truman (Roosevelt)—Elected (barely)—1 term (unpopular, did not run for 2nd) Richard Nixon (Eisenhower)—Lost LBJ (succeeded Kennedy)—1 term (unpopular, did not run for 2nd) Hubert Humphrey (LBJ)—Lost Gerald Ford (succeeded Nixon)—Lost reelection Walter Mondale (Carter)—Lost George Bush (Reagan)—1 term / lost Al Gore (Clinton)—Lost Kamala Harris (Biden)—Lost
Main lesson: if you want to be a great President, don’t approach it from the platform of the Vice. Of the 17 men and one woman on the list, only Thomas Jefferson was a stand-out, two-term President in his own right. Perhaps Theodore Roosevelt could have served a second full term had he not committed to ending his presidency in 1908. All the others either never reached the top of the greased pole, or had a short stay there.
Without diving carefully into the details of each one’s life, my guess is that Vice Presidents are usually chosen not for their compelling leadership, vision or wisdom but because the President needs shored up support from a state or perhaps to fill in one of his own political weakness. And without a compelling vision of their own to move the nation, they simply aren’t attractive candidates in their own right. Those few who do succeed (Adams, Van Buren, Andrew Johnson, Bush I, etc.) almost always follow a larger-than-life leader and at the end of 12 years, without charismatic political skills of their own, the electorate tires of them and sends them home.
This was the story of Marin Van Buren. But it was an interesting story that sparked some thinking so definitely worth the trip through that era of history.
As a Presidential nerd, news of a new biography of a President for the first time in 4 decades is cause for excitement. There are still a fair amount of lesser known Presidents for whom there is not a modern scholarly but readable biography so it was welcome news to hear about this new Martin Van Buren biography. Apparently the author was involved in a project to organize Van Buren's Presidential papers (hard to believe there are former Presidents that still need this done, but once again the perils of the lesser known Presidents) so is as much as an expert on the 8th president as there can be. Prior to reading this, I knew about Van Buren's huge role as Andrew Jackson's number 2 (in his second term) and how he was the last sitting VP to be elected President until George HW Bush (and there have been none since, with Kamala Harris being the most recent one to make an attempt). I also knew there was a huge economic crisis soon after he became President which sunk his chances of reelection. Finally, I knew about his nickname the "Little Magician" for his political strategy abilities. I went to college and law school in upstate New York and used to drive by the exit for Van Buren's National Historic Site on my way and strongly considered taking a detour to visit but never did. I always regretted that and especially so after reading this book.
The book's central thesis is that it was Van Buren who created the modern political system we have today with political parties and conventions. Though he was a big part of pushing our country in that direction, I'm not sure if he is the singularly responsible figure (the Anti-Masonic party had a convention before Van Buren's Democrats, for instance) but he certainly was a new kind of political figure: the political strategist candidate. As mentioned, he was a central figure in the Age of Jackson and by virtue of the fact that he lived a long time, he lived to see more Presidents take office after him than any President since (a total of 8). He was born at the end of the Revolutionary War and lived to the middle of the Civil War. Therefore, a book about Van Buren's life is really a history of America during its early years through to the Civil War and this book does not disappoint. The book extensively covers Van Buren's rise from a tavern owner's son to power broker in New York politics. As someone who has lived in the tri-state area for many years and, as mentioned earlier, spent many years in upstate New York, I appreciated learning about the early days of New York politics, formation of Tammany Hall politics etc.
Van Buren's central role in national politics from the election of 1824 for about the next 35 years follows. Throughout we learn (or re-learn) about the colorful characters of the day, including Jackson, Henry Clay, John C Calhoun, Presidents Adams through Lincoln, Winfield Scott, etc etc.
We hear about the positives and negatives of Van Buren's political career and there are many on both sides of the spectrum too numerous to list here, except to say he is a bit of a flip flopper on slavery depending on the time going from a slavery-friendly northern Democrat to "Free Soil" party nominee in 1848 to supporting Stephen Douglas and then Lincoln.
The book is highly readable and learning Van Buren's role in many events of the day was enlightening to even a history nerd like myself. There were times when it's easy to get lost in a lot of the "inside baseball" of politics, especially in the earlier New York chapters. Also, there were times I got confused as a person's name would be dropped and then not appear for several pages and i forgot who they were (or at least i think it was several pages). But these are minor criticisms in an otherwise well written and fascinating book telling the story of a President that should be better known, flaws and all.
The rancorous party politics we’re familiar with today — the sport-like competition, relentless attacks, and heated debates — can, in many ways, be traced back to Martin Van Buren.
In Martin Van Buren: America's First Politician, James M. Bradley eloquently guides readers through the eighth president’s outsized role in shaping the two-party structure that endures to this day.
As a die-hard fan of Hamilton: An American Musical, I was especially intrigued to learn that Van Buren first cut his teeth in the world of politics amid a conflict so intense it ended in murder. He began his career working for the powerful Van Ness family, which was closely allied with Aaron Burr. Van Buren was deeply loyal to them and learned directly from Burr. But in a bold political move, he broke from the Van Ness camp shortly before Burr killed Alexander Hamilton in the infamous 1804 duel. In backing DeWitt Clinton ahead of the 1807 elections, Van Buren distanced himself just in time — had he not, he might have been historically linked with Burr and the complicit William P. Van Ness.
Van Buren’s rise was swift. He became a central figure in the “Albany Regency,” a group that effectively controlled New York politics in the 1820s and 1830s. It was in this brutal arena that Van Buren honed his political instincts.
Throughout his career, he held firm to a vision: professionalize American politics and avoid the chaos of the 1800 and 1824 elections, both of which were decided by the House of Representatives. Van Buren viewed those outcomes as anti-democratic and sought to build a true national party that could unite Northerners and Southerners. This effort led to the founding of the Democratic Party — under which he served as Vice President to Andrew Jackson and later as President.
Bradley doesn’t shy away from Van Buren’s biggest criticism, often leveled by political enemies like John Calhoun and opposition newspapers: his lack of clear moral conviction. Southerners saw him as a threat to slavery; Northerners accused him of appeasing the South (which, early on, he did). Later in life, however, Van Buren ran for president as a Free Soiler, leading a party that opposed the expansion of slavery into new territories.
Some may view this shift as opportunism; others, as a genuine evolution. Either way, critiques of Van Buren’s often flexible positions are valid. He tolerated slavery, but never championed it. Van Buren famously wrote a dreadful autobiography — full of grammatical errors, run-on sentences, and suspect details. That’s part of what makes Bradley’s illuminating biography so important. It offers clarity on a figure whose influence on today’s political landscape remains surprisingly relevant. By the end, I came away with a solid understanding of Van Buren the politician — but less so of Van Buren the man. His inner character remains somewhat elusive. Perhaps that was intentional. Still, it left me wanting more from Old Kinderhook.
I found this book way more interesting than I thought I would, I was dreading the period between Jackson and Lincoln but I thought this was possibly the most surprising biography I’ve read on this project.
The final sentences sums up this book nicely: “in creating the mold and formula for the mass party, Van Buren had the daring and foresight to overturn the anti-party prejudices of the politicians who had preceded him. Many of them belonged to the generation that won independence and created the U.S. Constitution - the people we typically call the nation’s founders. They are the ones who get the most attention in history books and civic discourse, but the political system that Americans live under today is the realization of Martin Van Buren’s vision, not theirs.”
I find it fitting that Jackson and Van Buren were the founders of America’s first true political party - the Democratic Party - because they were the first two presidents that were not from privileged backgrounds. I find it even more fitting that the son of a tavern keeper who grew up listening to political debates, watching court cases, and organizing elections was the creator of the modern American political system. Van Buren understood the common American better than nearly any politician since Ben Franklin because he grew up one of them and listened to them for twenty years before he even entered politics.
Van Buren’s legacy, to me, is complicated because it could be argued that he was one of the most influential American politicians ever, but that has had positives and negatives through the two centuries since he was the unquestioned boss of New York. Van Buren gave a voice to the common American and founded the convention system that dominated American political parties until the mid-20th century, and the same qualities that led to his creation were also the qualitities that made him indecisive and prone to simply following the will of the majority around him in order to maintain political favor, is that really a good thing?
I think this book is appropriately named and I wouldn’t change it. Martin Van Buren was, unquestionably, America’s First [Professional] Politician.
James Bradley’s biography of our eighth President was a welcome relief for me. I finished a book on Andrew Jackson earlier this year and wondered if anything decent even existed on the relatively obscure Martin Van Buren. A one-term President from nearly 200 years ago governing right after Jackson but before the Civil War? Not the most enticing fodder for a biographer or historian. Then I found Bradley’s book (published in 2024) and decided being so new, it should be ok to check another President off my list.
Bradley covers Van Buren’s life from his parents to his death and actually spends relatively few pages on his four years in office. As the subtitle implies, this book focuses on the political chess match he lived his entire adult life and his role in creating the party duopoly we still live with in modern times. The author also pops in and out of his personal life and explores how the same polite gentleman could be one of the most ruthless schemers of his day (Guess who really carried out the Trail of Tears and tap-danced with pro-slavery factions of his party?) Throw in a cast of characters like DeWitt Clinton, Henry Clay, and John C. Calhoun (just to name a few) and this book became immensely fascinating and difficult to put down.
If nothing else, Van Buren’s post-Presidency spans into the Lincoln Administration and is an excellent lens with which to examine antebellum America. He knew everyone and shared his opinions on almost everything. While reading about Van Buren, I learned a lot about John Tyler and Millard Fillmore. That felt like a great bonus. This is definitely worth the time for anyone interested in Presidents and/or American History.
I really enjoyed this book. It was extremely well researched and well written, and super interesting.
Ironically -- or perhaps, intentionally -- the book was about far more than Van Buren. Characterized as Andrew Jackson's "Mini Me," there were a few things that stood out about Van Buren -- but whether it was that he was such an early President, or not a particularly remarkable one, I learned much more about Jackson, Polk and the others in Van Buren's circles, politically and personally, than I felt I did about him. Not a criticism; again, I really enjoyed this book. But I certainly came away thinking I need to go back to and finish American Lion, one of Jackson's biographies.
As a New Yorker, I appreciated reading and learning as much as I did about New York at that time, the state legislature, and the reminder that Van Buren was President during the Amistad trial. It's a good reminder of the many events and individuals that are a part of a President's time in office, and full career.
I imagine that once I'm done with my quest to read one biography of each of the US Presidents (EXCEPT FOR ONE), I will return to Van Buren to read another one. I feel like there's more to know about him beyond what was in Bradley's book. But again -- I really enjoyed this book for its well-rounded history of the times.
Martin Van Buren is one of the most overlooked figures in American history. While he had a highly successful political career that ultimately led to the presidency, his biggest legacy is that of the political party structure that is still is the basis for today's major parties.
In this biography James Bradley navigates Van Buren's lengthy career and life while providing new insights into both. Bradley does not try to recast Van Buren into one of the great presidents or into an iconic figure, rather Bradley shows how Van Buren built a seeies of truly organized political organization, first in New York State in what became known as the Regency and then on a national scale in the founding of the Democratic party built around the expansion of the popular vote in what history has called "Jacksonian Democracy". While Andrew Jackson is remembered as public symbol of the age, it is Van Buren who frequently helped shape and refine the direction of Jackson's presidency.
One of the most interesting chapters focuses on Van Buren's role in the removal of the Cherokee from their land in Georgia to the reservations in the Midwest, it was under Van Buren that the actual Trail of Tears was carried out which was far worse than any of Jackson's actions towards Native Americans as president.
Overall I loved this book and consider it the essential read on this forgotten president.
I think this is less a book about MVB and more about American history at the time of his life. I'd only say only like 6 chapters are really dedicated to MVB and his life rather than tidbits sprinkled in about him during a discussion on Jackson. I also felt that the writing really dragged and could've been significantly pared down which would've increased its readability. Nevertheless, there's a treasure trove of information here and someone less familiar with Jackson would really benefit from learning more about him in the context of MVB's predecessor. I found some of the most interesting chapters to be at the end where MVB's presidency and succession were discussed. The way he was painted as a fop or a Southern sympathizer to later be the head of the Free Soil movement, the Neil Gorsuch-esque drama of appointing Justie Daniel to the Court one day before William Henry Harrison's inaguaration, and the way WHH managed to pull off a victory by leaning into the derogatory log cabin and apple cider jeers from the van Buren Democrats were some of my favorite tidbits. I don't really feel like I got to know MVB as a person besides him being relatively quiet and congenial. I like a little more personality in my presidential bios.
A new book on Martin Van Buren was sorely needed (the last one was some time ago), and so I was excited to read this 2024 biography. It was a solid book, definitely well researched but at times, I wondered where MVB was in the narrative. While I like the context of the history happening during the subject's life, at times, MVB was completely absent from the pages. I recognize that he often was in the background so perhaps this was intentional? I also thought the ending was a little rushed and the part of his presidency lasted only a few chapters. 3.5 stars for me and well worth a read for presidential historians!
This was a good look into MVB that I wasn’t aware of all his political machinations and how the really did set the ground work for the way politics is done in the US now. I enjoyed the amount of time the author spent on his time before entering the White House and especially his life and career after losing his bid for re-election. Most presidential bios put a quick bow on the story after they leave DC, but a large chunk of his life was lead after his loss and this book gives good insight into that.
James Bradley’s Martin Van Buren: America’s First Politician provides a thorough exploration of the life and times of its subject. Van Buren was the preeminent politician of his time, helping to develop the party machines we experience to this day. Mr Bradley provided ample context to his thesis of Van Buren the politician. I would have appreciated more insights to Van Buren’s personal life. A good read.
I would’ve given this book 3 maybe even 3 1/2 (rounded up four) stars if it was just a book on Van Buren. However, this author chooses to give a biography of literally everyone that is mentioned in the book. If he’s talking about a senator‘s wife, he will spend 2 to 3, sometimes four pages on her background before getting to the information that is relative to Van Buren. It is unnecessarily long, but it was the only decent option I had since I was checking this out from my library.
MVB is a forgettable president. Most people probably know nothing about him other than maybe that he was the 8th president (thanks to Seinfeld).
His life and presidency did touch on some interesting moments (just after the Revolution, Hamilton / Federalists, Andrew Jackson, the Amistad affair, the anti slavery movement). But he was never really a central figure.
This is the first President Biography where I didn't ever get a sense for who the subject was as a person. This is not the author, Bradley's, fault. Van Buren was not a very open personality. He is best known as a shrewd political strategist who impacted things, mainly the political party system we have today, from behind the scenes. The biography is more interesting due to the events surrounding Van Buren than Van Buren himself.
This biography of Martin Van Buren by James M. Bradley is most complete well reflecting the author's in-depth research of the subject. He details how Van Buren enabled Andrew Jackson's presidency to last two terms. This period of American history is not as familiar as the revolution. Bradley gives enogh background to enable the reader to naviagate this mostly unknown era.
I thought I would be bored by this since Van Buren was more politician than any other president that came before him, hence the title of the book and the big political focus of the book, but I was not. A gripping read that taught me a lot more I never knew about a lesser talked about president who is more important than everyone seems to realize.
This was a long slog to get through. The author does his best to argue for his subject’s significance in US history. Unfortunately, Van Buren was so instrumental in some of the worst injustices and I would say crimes in US history as well. The Indian removal was done under his auspices. He actively promoted the most strident proslavery members of his party into positions of importance.