I've read a decent number of books on the debates about critical race theory, race in the modern US, etc, and this is one of the stronger offerings. I was familiar with a lot of McWhorter's thinking from watching Bill Maher and reading the NYT, but he presents a strong case against what he calls "woke racism," exemplified in the work of Kendi, DiAngelo, and Coates. This is a good argument although not a perfect one.
JM's most interesting argument is that the modern racial ideology of the Left (or the "hard Left" given that McWhorter seems to identify as left of center, as do I) has become a form of religion in that it is unquestionable, emotionally loaded, intolerant of criticism, and has its own creation myth and other forms of religion. This may be kind of hard on religion, as I've found dozens of very devout people far more willing to reason and genuinely debate with me on sticky issues like race than in the "woke mob," or whatever. While McWhorter's tarring of WR as a religion might unnecessarily alienate potential allies of faith, he has a point. This material is rarely taught with openness and critical thinking and is more often issued from on high as dogma, and the cudgel of accusations of racism is then used to silence or destroy heretics. It has its martyrs, ceremonies (like white people ceremoniously confessing their privilege or begging forgiveness from minority groups), holy texts (Btw the World and Me, How to Be Antiracist, White Fragility), original sin concept (whiteness) and creation myths (the 1619 project). JM insightfully notes that the deep commitment of many people, especially white people, to this ideology is not about money or even power but meaning; as with other religions and even secular ideologies, it is about taking part in the good side of an epic, Manichean battle with evil, which obviously grants purpose to one's life.
JM argues that this ideology hurts black people in several ways, and I think this is the territory where he is most persuasive. First, he says that this is a largely performative ideology that is mainly about white people seeking relief and absolution from guilt and to avoid being accused of racism, which is rightfully one of the worst things a person can be accused of today and an accusation that SJWs or whatever you want to call them throw around with abandon (I've been called one for such mild arguments as saying most statues of the founding fathers should remain up even as we take down Confederate ones, which I strongly support). If you read DiAngelo or Kendi, there's very little in there about how to actually help the poor and marginalized; the focus is on ritualistic and ongoing (really, never-ending) cleansing of racist thoughts. JM notes that this is popular because it is easy; it doesn't require critical thinking, it gives one cover from accusations while also giving one meaning, and it doesn't require that you do much of anything besides agree with everything that DiAngelo, Kendi, and other priests of this faith demand. White people interrogating their own biases and privilege is a generally good thing, as JM would admit, but it's a long path from that to closing the wealth, education, and opportunity gaps that remain between whites and African-Americans.
Second, JM argues that the simplistic doctrines of WR condescend to African Americans and hurt them in concrete ways. I think he's on to something here. DiAngelo, Kendi, Oluo, and others seem to present AA's as an extremely sensitive group prone to anger and trauma at the slightest microaggression or pushback. Remember that DiAngelo makes any retort against an accusation of racism into evidence of racism; this means that white people basically have to accept any claim an AA person makes about race/racism. JM rightfully notes that this is condescending; it treats black people as intellectual and emotional children who cannot handle being challenged, however respectfully. Of course, there's a difference between challenging someone's diagnosis of history or racism in the present or how to address it and challenging their personal experiences of racism; the latter is far more damaging and should be avoided. But JM believes that black people are stronger and smarter than this and cannot stand the ritualistic coddling these thinkers want for them. Just consider how little pushback Coates got for claiming he felt nothing for the cops and firefighters rushing into the WTC to save innocent people (regardless of color). This was a monstrous statement in an otherwise overrated book, and he was barely taken to task for it. That is condescending and coddling. Other critical race theorists say that black people should be exempt from civility, objectivity, individual responsibility, and other norms. That is condescending and coddling, almost a form of racism in itself. You could say the same thing of the shoddy ideas in Kendi, DiAngelo, and elsewhere.
Last positive note: JM has a brilliant argument against Kendi's simplistic formula for racial justice. Kendi argues that the only non-racist explanation for any gap btw white and black people has to be systemic racist oppression and the denial of opportunity. To say that black people at all contribute to any sliver of this gap is to say there is something wrong with them and is therefore to participate in racism in either a cultural or biological form. This simplistic formula wouldn't earn a B- grade in an undergraduate social science course, and JM shows how absurd it is. He argues that a racist history can create cultural forms and adaptations that endure past the existence of blatantly racist systems and ideologies and come to harm a group, such as the idea that school is a "white thing" or a confrontational attitude toward authority. JM presents reams of data showing that, in fact, AA students do get into fights more across the board, which suggests that the punishment gap btw white, black, and other groups of students may not be a product of racism (the only possible solution in a Kendi-an framework) and rather something stemming from those students themselves (stress from difficult home situations, single-parent situations, or poverty that black kids are more likely to live in, certain conceptions of masculinity). The Kendi-an way of thinking leads to an absurd lowering of standards and of the general safety of schools, which usually leads to the harming of (you guessed it) other black kids, either through violence or the disruption of their classes. JM is basically calling on us to see the complex ways that culture, racism (both past and present), policy, and other forces work together and to get other the simple ideological formulas that offer one explanation for all social phenomena related to race.
Ok, now some flaws. McWhorter is kind of out for rhetorical blood in this book, and I think that unfortunately his style, while often cutting and funny, is too informed by Twitter takedowns and his own anger at his intellectual opponents. He uses biological metaphors that over-dramatize the WR ideology as a kind of virus or infection; arguing this way is never a good idea because it is dehumanizing and it mirrors the nastiness of one's opponents. At times he is too sarcastic and dismissive; I would have preferred the more detached tone of Jonathan Rauch's work in Kindly Inquisitors. At times, this language gives the book more a polemical feel, which is not a great thing, even though the genre is kind of polemical anyway.
A larger problem: at times, McWhorter exaggerates the power and menace of WR ideology. Toward the end he claims that WR folks are more dangerous than the people who stormed the Capitol on 1/6 because they are slowly taking over institutions like education, media, etc. This is an untenable claim. Kendi, Diangelo, and their ilk are still quite far from real political power: vague versions of their ideas might seep into the fringes of the Democratic Party, but the Democratic Party remains a broad and fairly moderate tent. The majority of African-Americans and other minorities, as shown by polls and simple voting behavior (like black enthusiasm for the supposedly racist Joe Biden), reject most WR ideas, or just don't know about them. The 1/6 protestors, however, are the vanguard of Trumpism, which has completely swallowed one of the two major parties and turned it into a borderline white nationalist, anti-democracy, full on conspiracy party. This is THE greatest threat to democracy in modern U.S. history, and it is still ongoing. Woke mobs on Twitter and in universities are a problem for education and, in a vaguer sense, for liberal democracy, and they certainly feed the Trumpian reaction, but they are miles from the power that the MAGA faction now exerts in our politics. JM was dead wrong in this area. He should avoid the "James Lindsey trap" in which never-ending feuding with hard leftists on Twitter leads one to think they are the true enemy of freedom and democracy, leading one (or, James Lindsey, at least) from sanity into full on illiberal, trolling, Maga-ism. I don't think JM will take that road, but his book might push some in that direction.
Finally, this book could have done a better job spelling out a liberal anti-racism, something I have been thinking about a lot. MLK had a liberal anti-racism, as, I think, does Obama; they focus on persuasion, modeling, assertions of dignity, and they avoid demonization in most cases. MLK, of course, varied in this approach and was far from a moderate, as his key texts show. However, he never said that civility, objectivity, and Christian forgiveness must be abandoned to achieve racial progress; those were the cornerstones of his quest for progress. It was "civil" disobedience, after all. JM offers some tactical ways to deal with WR harassment and gives a few issues (like ending the Drug War, which I agree with) that are practical ways to actually help black people. Still, there's no larger vision here of how to achieve a society where people are judged by the content of their character and not the color of their skin (ditto for their opportunities, health, etc). I still think that public figures like JM should do more to spell out what a liberal anti-racism looks like, how it can be integrated into education, etc. It isn't enough to tear down WR; in fact, that isn't too hard given these ideas lack of quality. You have to counter it with a positive vision. I'm sure JM can do this, but it isn't in this book in any systematic form.
Overall, a strong, vividly written, and biting book with some flaws. Worth reading for getting a counterpoint to Kendi, DiAngelo, etc, but not as powerful as more narrative accounts like Thomas Chatterton Williams' memoir.