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352 pages, Hardcover
First published March 11, 2025
The blight was a consequence of a novel pathogen spreading among fields and vulnerable plants. But the famine – a complex ecological, economic, logistic, and political disaster – was a consequence of colonialism. (Kindle location 121)Perhaps I am nickpicking here, but I felt that colonialism (while responsible for quite a lot of misery) cannot, by itself, receive all of the blame for the needless deaths of perhaps a million people. I think that this book shows that the fiasco of the pandemic response is a result of a particular kind of colonialism, that is, British colonialism. It might be an interesting thought experiment to posit an alternate universe in which Ireland was a French, or a Spanish, colony (unlikely, I know, but it's only a thought experiment). Would the result have been any different? Less tragic? More tragic?
[T]he Irish economy resembled the precarious future of capitalism more than its feudal past.
. . . Before and after the Union, and before and after the Great Famine, Ireland was imagined, governed, and exploited in strikingly colonial ways. The blight was a consequence of a novel pathogen spreading among fields of vulnerable plants. But the famine—a complex ecological, economic, logistical, and political disaster—was a consequence of colonialism.
The imagery of famine can still deceive us as it deceived John Russell—skeletal limbs and swollen bellies can seem like elements of a barbaric past thrust into the civilised present. But famine in the twenty-first century, as in the nineteenth, is a disease of modernity—of war, of ecological accident, of climate change, of the vicissitudes of markets acting on the vulnerable.
Potatoes could feed more workers on less land, allowing landlords to raise more livestock and grain for export, primarily to colonial markets. When grain was valuable, landlords called for tillage. When speculators were bullish on beef or wool, fields of wheat and oats were flattened to graze cattle and sheep.On March 14, 2025, Trump, the 47th president of the United States, issued an executive order directing that, in regards to the Institute of Museum and Library Services, "the non-statutory components and functions ... shall be eliminated to the maximum extent consistent with applicable law, and such entities shall reduce the performance of their statutory functions and associated personnel to the minimum presence and function required by law." Subsequently, the entire 70 person staff was put on leave. On December 3, 2025, what was left of the institute announced that, due to losing a lawsuit brought by the ALA and associated unions, the federal government would reinstate all federal grants. These grants are now qualified by the stipulation that all projects consist of "uplifting and positive narratives of our shared American experience" as befits executive order "Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History". In April 2025, the Trump administration cut federal funding to the Whtiney Plantation, one of only two historic plantations in America devoted to the historical record of US slavery. On Oct 27, 2025, the Trump administration restored a statue of a Confederate general to Washington, D.C.'s Judiciary Square. On February 10, 2026, the Trump administration removed the rainbow flag that had historically flown at the Stonewall National Monument.
The potato could fail and collapse a family's prospects; a pig could kill a child, maim an adult, destroy a home. The Irish poor depended on both from necessity.
The staggering inequality, pervasive debt, outrageous rent-gouging, precarious employment, and vulnerability to changes in commodity prices that torment so many in the twenty-first century were rehearsed in the Irish countryside before the potatoes failed.
In the Victorian era, a very small number of people owned the United Kingdom. Just under four thousand people owned nearly 80 percent of Irish land, under two thousand owned 93 percent of Scotland, about five thousand owned more than half of England, and seven hundred held 60 percent of Wales.It takes a lot of energy, education, financial stability, love, rage, and not selling out to write a book like this. Comparably, it doesn't take nearly as much to read it and understand it, but we're still talking a cross section of topics involving science, economics, politics, culture, and history that, as Faulkner will always say, is not even dead, is not even past. In short, Scanlan looks at the Irish Famine and its historiography in an effort to parse out how much of the death was calculated and how much was structural, from the major historical figures to the people showing up at soup kitchens, naked and screaming with hunger. His thesis? That the forces that created the disaster involved as much top down planning as it did free market exploitation, which, in this NAFTA/USMCA age of ours, is more than familiar. Of course, arguing such means contending with the strongest debaters that the status quo can muster, and while a couple of centuries has transformed the hegemony from British to US, that protestant work ethic, soaked to the gills with eugenics and bigotry, is still running strong.
A priest in Kells, County Meath, estimated that one in twenty families would be out of potatoes by Christmas. And yet even as the crisis deepened, the priest noted, exports kept moving out of the country. He saw at least fifty dray carts full of grain on the road to Drogheda, "thence to feed the foreigner.
Under the [Coercion Act], magistrates could dispense summary justice, habeas corpus could be suspended, and army regiments could occupy cities or counties. Coercion, designed for emergencies, became routine.Everyone these days wants a piece of the British Empire. From the video games about repatriating stolen museum artifacts to the period dramas swamping Netflix, love it or hate it, you likely can't formulate your personal identity without it. That's the price of living today, and with the number of billionaires and their average wealth climbing ever higher, one must contemplate, how did it ever come to this? Now, Ireland is one country, and this is only one famine that happened in said country's history. However, the power of the text is how easily Scanlan could and does translate it to any situation where the rich take all of the assets and none of the risk, from divide and conquer landholdings to bigoted media controlling public sympathy. Take the potato, won from bloody colonization: uniquely suited to local consumption with superb fecundity and poor portability, the landlords push the peasant down the chain of diminishing returns in a rollicking market until to eat anything other than the potato is suicide and to sell everything and then some is the surest way to survive a famine. Add in a few public works programs; a feeding scheme based on trade investment rather than empty mouths; donations that peter out as soon as the media cycle gets bored; and some bluebloods who see an entire country they've only been to once or twice, if that, as an opportunity to consolidate their LinkedIn connections, and you more than lay the scene for the 'Troubles'. Of course, no one wants to think about how people using KickStarter for medical care has a historical precedent (think about how the US took action on Jim Crow because it made them look bad in front of the portion of the world watching them face off with the Soviet Union), or how 'diverse representation' doesn't make a lick of difference when the entire social structure's being vivisected and sold for wriggling parts.
Political economy predicted that the poor would make the rational choice, choosing life over land, liberty, and family unity.
Outside Ireland, there were other crops for the poor to eat—and there were governments less fearful that generous relief would turn the poor into paupers.
By law, treason—which included armed rebellion but also advocating for the overthrow of the government in print or in public—was punishable by death. However, the government recognised that juries were reluctant to execute offenders for nonviolent dissent. The Whigs did not want martyrs or humiliation at the hands of sympathetic juries willing to nullify Crown prosecutions.What's the solution? What will protect you from being preyed upon who have enough wealth and prestige to outweigh the needs of entire countries? The right job? The correct 401k? The true path of immigration? Both Ireland and the Irish still exist, as Scanlan in the diaspora can more than attest to, and comparatively speaking, this particular famine would have gone a lot worse without the inordinate amount of media attention it was gifted (at least for the year or two that the newspaper were able to squeeze profit from the story for). So do many of the countries that, for whatever reason, have lost the game of independent control over the provisioning of their populations, something that the powers that be are too busy building plagiarism centers to 'solve'. Because if there's anything that I've learned about progress, it's how little it has to do with saving people and how much it does with murmuring sweet words of encouragement to the rich and powerful of, there. That's it. Nothing's going to hurt you. Just wait and see how we'll twist it all around, and then you'll be even more securely ensconced on top, for not only are you in your brave new world, here's another batch of the world's population that has been domesticated for your personal use, for so long as you have enough for a pay per presidency, does any of it really matter at all?
Mass death over the previous two years had lowered demand for rented land and housing. Reducing the number of available houses was a crude way to increase scarcity.
When one officer gave away a few bags of meal, Trevelyan fired off a message to Randolph Routh, one of the commissaries-general leading the administration of the relief program, reminding him to keep his men in line. "Our plan," he wrote to Routh, "is, not to give the meal away, but to sell it." If the Irish came to depend on free corn, the plan would fail. In June 1846, a request to distribute food was denied: "Gratuitous relief demoralizes the people."If there's anything I've learned since discovering I was trans and later on that I had cancer, it's how easy it would be to be suckerpunched into acceptance by a chosen few, follow said chosen few in every measure, and leave most everyone else to rot. And when you're white, blonde, blue eyed, skinny, masc passing, and more than a little intelligent, the rot is manifold, whether you intend it or not. So, the fact that Scanlan spends the last few pages looking at the famines that coursed throughout India during the 19th century forms an open invitation to, yes, take what he's discovered about the systemic inequities that plagued his people and apply them to yours. For that's what it's going to take, and as health science grinds to a halt because the CEOs are in thrall to the stock market and the world burns in order to call itself peace, these are the days of interesting times. I still don't have any faith that most of the loudest voices won't go blithely back to blue no matter who compliance once the bread and circuses change their hue, but at least I can ensure that the next non-academic who wants to read this doesn't have to drive 100 miles round trip to get a copy. It's a journey I don't mind, but not all of us thinkers should be forced to be that breed of masochistic.
What 1847 shows instead is the poverty of an early Victorian political imagination that could only see a solution to famine that depended on market principles and the disciplinary power of supply and demand.
Enslaved workers in Alabama, "told of the distressed condition of the Irish poor," raised $50. The Choctaw Nation donated $710, roughly $20,440 in today's money.
When the system functioned, it was civilisation. When it broke down, it was Providence.