A brief look, politically, culturally, and historically, into the concept of a Black “sellout,” someone perceived as disloyal to Black people. First, a history. Slaves who snitched to their masters about upcoming slave rebellions or escapes and were rewarded with freedom or even slaves of their own. Post-slavery, spies hired by the police or racist white citizens’ organizations were tasked with reporting on Black organizations. William Hannibal Thomas was a Black activist who suddenly, did a 180 and wrote a book arguing for the inferiority of Black people to whites. He was universally condemned by the Black community, but he received money and support from whites.
Then Kennedy discusses contemporary views on “selling out.” Kennedy discusses overzealous attempts to brand Black people as sellouts; sometimes interracial dating or criticism of certain political goals is enough to label someone a sellout. Kennedy ultimately does believe that collective action (in this case, fighting for the interests of Black people) requires coordination, and coordination requires discipline. There is a time and place to label someone a sellout, although it should not be used excessively, and there should be social penalties for a “false” accusation.
Then there is an entire chapter on Clarence Thomas alone, which I thought was revealing and somewhat funny. I mean, every chapter is about some broad cultural concept or a historical analysis, and then there’s a chapter on a single person lol.
It’s a nuanced chapter, discussing the fair and unfair criticisms of Thomas. Kennedy concludes that there has been some overzealous criticism of Thomas. For example, it’s not fair to criticize him for being a beneficiary of affirmative action while criticizing it. Affirmative action is either good or bad; Thomas’s personal benefit isn’t relevant. There is also a degree to which Thomas receives special criticism that similarly harmful white conservative justices don’t receive.
And yet, there are legitimate criticisms of Thomas. Thomas cynically deploys his Black identity and the presence of racism when it benefits him, such as when he said Anita Hill’s accusation was a “high-tech lynching.” I wish Kennedy had mentioned Thomas’s comments about his sister. Thomas told a journalist that his sister was too dependent on welfare, a comment that neatly fit with the widespread conservative view that Black people were/are lazy and overly dependent on welfare. This (rightfully) enraged the Black community, and it turns out, it wasn’t even true!
To me, that incident is what infuriates me the most about Clarence Thomas. Other views, like his originalism or belief in the colorblind Constitution, are (in Kennedy’s and my own view) best understood as legit disagreements about what is good legal doctrine and what is best for the Black community. His comments about his sister, however, strike me as both indefensible and paradigmatic of the problem of “selling out.” He threw his own family(and implicitly his race)under the bus in order to confirm the racist views of white conservatives, and he received political and economic benefit in return.
There’s also a chapter on Black people who “pass” as white. I thought this was interesting but a little outdated. The one-drop rule meant that people whom we would consider white today were legally Black. Most of his examples and analysis come from the distant past. Today, though, it seems significantly less common for a Black person to “pass” as white. It still happens, of course, just less likely than in the days of the one-drop rule.
Overall, a thought-provoking book. I think Kennedy is slightly too charitable to perceived “sellouts,” but I largely agree with the core of his analysis, even if I draw the precise boundaries differently.
Quote
“Sellout rhetoric and its concomitant attitudes, gestures, and strategies can prompt excessive self-censorship, truncate needed debate, and nurture demagoguery. But ostracism, or at least the potential for ostracism, is also part of the unavoidable cost of collective action and group maintenance. Thus, to the extent that Carter and his camp want to perpetuate black communities but eschew any internal monitoring of these communities, they want a sociological impossibility. The identification and stigmatization of taboos, including betrayal, are simply inescapable, albeit dangerous, aspects of any collective enterprise.”