An excellent guide into the individual thought of . . . the most important Hindu nationalist ideologues' Biblio A clear and concise exploration of the writings of Dayanand Saraswati, Aurobindo, Vivekananda and Savarkar . . . Sharma cogently traces the virulence of present-day Hindutva politics to the feverish exhortations of the four figures who constructed Hinduism as the mother superior of all other, lesser religions' Outlook Jyotirmaya Sharma's book, perhaps for the first time, presents a detailed descriptive and historical account of both the idea of Hindutva and its historical developments. It fills an enormous gap, thus facilitating a better understanding of the term Hindutva' Seminar Hindutva is short and written for the lay person, free of the academic exhibitionism that mars so many books on philosophy, yet a product of deep reading and research. It is an important book too because it examines the roots of Hindutva and so enables the reader to question that philosophy's legitimacy' India Today An excavation of the intellectual genealogy of Hindutva is long overdue. What makes Sharma's book especially notable is that he is no Marxist secularist, but a Hindu steeped in his own cultural and religious tradition . . . He also has a gift for communicating complex ideas in lucid prose' Telegraph A timely and significant work, which would be read with profit to reckon how and why Indian nationalism is currently giving way to Hindu nationalism' Hindu [Jyotirmaya Sharma] makes a valuable, well-considered contribution to the discussion on the anti-thesis of secularism' Frontline
Jyotirmaya Sharma is professor of political science at the University of Hyderabad, India. In December 2010, the Swedish Collegium of Advanced Study at Uppsala elected him Fellow for the Spring Semester of 2012. The Lichtenberg-Kolleg at Goettingen has also elected him Fellow for the academic year 2012-13. His recent publications include, Hindutva: Exploring the Idea of Hindu Nationalism (Penguin/Viking, 2003; second edition published in december 2011; it has been translated into Marathi, Telugu and Malayalam) and Terrifying Vision: M.S. Golwalkar, the RSS and India (Penguin/Viking, 2007; translated into Malayalam). His critical examination of the ideas of Swami Vivekananda and 19th century restatements of Hinduism has now been published as Cosmic Love and Human Apathy: Swami Vivekananda's Restatement of Religion (HarperCollins, 2013). He is currently working on the thought of Gandhi. An edited volume titled Grounding Morality: Freedom, Knowledge and the Plurality of Cultures (co-edited with A. Raghuramaraju) was published by Routledge (2010). He has been a fellow of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies and the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, and has lectured at the universities of Baroda, Hull, Oxford, and the St. Stephens College, Delhi. He was visiting professor in democratic theory at the South Asia Institute at Ruprecht-Karls University at Heidelberg in 2005. The International House, Japan, awarded him the Asia Leadership Fellow Programme fellowship for 2008. Sharma also held senior editorial positions at the Times of India and The Hindu between 1998-2006, and continues to write occasional columns for Mail Today, Hindustan Times and Outlook.
The author takes cues and writings from four personalities: Swami Dayanand Sarawasti, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and surprisingly, Aurobindo and Vivekananda Swami to elaborate an idea of Hindu Nationalism.
As much as the author claims to be neutral over the topic - one can carefully see his preference for Aryanisation of all Hindus who'd then be pitted against the common enemy - Muslims. And thus, the author doesn't need to make much effort in choosing the right statements from Dayanand Saraswati and Savakar to support his point but cherry-picks example from Aurobindo and Vivekananda's cases extensively to assert his point.
So why read this then? As Neil Gaiman puts it, 'Read. Read anything. Read the things they say are good for you, and the things they claim are junk. You'll find what you need to find. Just read'
Another remarkable book by Jyotirmay Sharma. It brings forth the ideologies of four significant Hindu philosophers, Dayanand Saraswati, Sri Aurobindo, Swami Vivekanand and Vir Savarkar during late 19th and 20th century. How these thinkers weaved their understanding of Hinduism/Hindutva with nationalism comes out eloquently in this well researched book.
The rise of militant Hinduism not sudden, but the noise is probably at its highest decibel label right now, with signs of becoming louder. Often, the proponents of "Hindu Rashtra" would hide behind the word "Hindutva". You would often hear "… you have to understand the difference between Hinduism and Hindutva. Hinduism is a religion. Hindutva is a 'way of life'." "And, what are the characteristics that way of life? Would a Christian living in India follow that way of life? " if you ask, the answer would be always unsatisfactory. That prompted me to pick up this unheard-of book from the not-so-visited-shelf of my regular bookstore. At the end of it, I didn't feel as if my curiosity satiated.
In this book the academician turned journalist turned author has tried to uncover the seeds of Hindutva as sown by four prime figures of the cause - Dayananda Saraswati, Shri Aurobindo, Swami Vivekananda and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. With direct quotes from their writings, the author tries to provide the biases of these four phenomenally successful hindu leaders for Hindu supremacy and against other religions. According to the author, these four figures, though different in their approach, had some common agenda - i.e Transform Hinduism into a rigid, codified, monochromatic entity with exploring its masculine, aggressive and violent side and establish its supremacy over other religions.
The strength and the weakness of the book are the same - the author refrains from providing personal commentary. This allows the reader to form their own opinion, but however without the context and the targeted pickings leave the reader feeling lost. Though the book could serve as a reference material if tomorrow you want to write an essay on the topic, but I won't recommend it as a guide to understand the virtues and vices of "Hindutva".
Jyotirmaya Sharma's book contains long essays on four key figures of the late 19th and early 20th century Hindu revivalist movement - Dayanand Saraswati, Aurobindo, Vivekananda and Savarkar. Overall I found the essays to be very narrow focused and was not convinced of the relevance of these figures to the contemporary Hindutva movement. Just for example, if you think of the Ramjanmabhoomi agitation, which is the center-piece of the modern Hindutva movement you would realize how far the ideas of these four figures were from the ones which drove the movement. May be Savarkar because of his naked bigotry and to some extent the stress all of them gave on masculinity and self-assertion of Hindus played a role but at an intellectual level their ideas are still on the margins of Hindu society. Ask an average hindu about the Vedas, most likely, he wouldn't know anything about them except their names (on that too I have doubts). It will be hard to find many people (even the aggressive Hindutva-vadis) who would have read Satyarth Prakash or other original writings of these figures.
Even at a standalone level the essays are disappointing because of their narrow focus on the textual interpretation. Sharma is not interested in socio-cultural history of the nineteenth century India or exploring how these texts were received when they were first published or biographical details which would throw light on the background & the motivation of the intellectual arguments. These four figures can be called philosophers or theologians only in a very loose sense of the term so focusing so much energy on the text feels futile, specially now that so many of the historical arguments in these books have been shown to be based on wrong facts & interpretation. Overall the title of the book is misleading - reading it will not make you wiser about the Hindutva movement.
The author has failed to give an opinion of his own on one of the most controversial topics of our time- 'Hindutva'. The author rather than speaking his mind, take us through the teachings and writings of four prominent figures- Dayananda Saraswati, Sri Aurobindo, Swami Vivekananda, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. The book is a narrative of opinions and views of these four figures on the Hindu way of life, Hindutva, Hindu Rashtra and Hindu supremacy.
The book open doors to teaching and opinions of these four personalities and would serve helpful to someone interested in knowing more about Hindutva but has no clue what to read. The book is silent on the rise of Hindutva or rather the militant Hindutva of our times since the author has refrained from giving his commentary on the topic.
The book succeeds in giving a brief idea of the teachings of the four personalities. The author's approach was to discuss the teachings of the four figures without corrupting it with his opinion on the topic. This helps the reader to form an opinion of his own after reading the teachings of the four prominent Hindu philosophers.
A book not highly recommended for someone wishing to learn about the rise of Hindutva in recent times in India but a book that could be taken up by someone ignorant of the history of Hindutva in India.
The rise of right-wing extremism and Hindu nationalism among India's youth is a topic of interest for me. However, this book failed to interest me. It traces the genealogy of the founding fathers of Hindutva thought with chapters on Dayanand Saraswati, Aurobindo, Vivekananda and VD Savarkar which I found rather academic and not polemical enough. And the essays hardly dealt with contemporary India and its issues. Perhaps I picked the wrong book on the subject.
This would be a good book to have for a background study, but is not for those looking to have it all in one book (like me). As an aside, it is interesting to note that Vivekananda prescribed beef as a means of making Indians more 'manly'.
Poorly written, zero facts and just writers opinions
Poorly written factless piece of work. The writer has continued to stress on his views and opinions and not on history and facts. Not even worthy of a pub discussion. Lacks research or even basic information. Total waste of time and money
In this book the author analyses the works of Dayanand, Vivekanand , Aurobindo and Savarkar in an attempt to establish them as the proponents today's Hindutva politics. Although the author has done a good job in highlighting the underlying principles of the philosophies preached by each of the personalitues above but the book in the end turned out to be a mere analysis of the what they said through reproduction of their original writings. It started with a a premise that all the stories of tolerance within Hinduism needs to be challenged and a sincere effort of is done to prove it.
Beyond that the book failed to engage as it does not dwell into a lot of arguments which can be made against the basic premise, especially in case of the first three personalities. It is established that Dayanand, Auribinado and Vivekanand all had a certain line of thought ,which had deviations over a period of time but the reasons of why they thought in a certain manner is not touched upon in details.. The prevailing idea of India among the westerners is deemed to be the reason here.
The relevaance or irrelvance of ideas is not debated rather it is stated as a matter of fact that they somehow are not ideal .
Four luminaries and four contrasting ideologies moulded into a common 'Hindutva' narrative.
Jyotirmaya suspends all narratives by the same thread of a clear distillation of the need for a virile 'Hinduism' based on Advaita Vedantic philosophy and assertion of monism over dualism and evangelism. The only nuances are in how Swami Vivekananda, Sri Aurobindo and Swami Dayanand while being rendered irrelevant to the larger 'Hindu' national identity by Savarkar.
Just interesting to note that being virile and masculine was extolled so much over being feminine and effete, which meant the political context of British rule was always on their minds.
An interesting read, but definitely a very limited interpretation by the author.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
The author begins the book with a disclosure that this book makes no distinction between Hinduism and Hindutva. But he also concedes that Hindutva is not the only facet of Hinduism today; rather, he uses a musical metaphor, which says that Hindutva is the note on which the stress falls. The ultimate question that this book deals with is: What does the identity Hindu, Hinduness or Hindutva in the present context mean? The author tries to answer this question by tracing the genealogy of Hindutva and by delineating the modifications and distortions that Hinduism underwent from the beginnings of 19th century under Dayananda Saraswati, Sri Aurobindo, Swami Vivekananda and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar.
Dayananda Saraswati: Dayananda begins with the assertion that Vedas, rather, his interpretation of the Vedas, are the absolute authority of Hindus and Hindu nation. Anything that deviates from his legitimate account of Vedas are to be discarded and thrown into dustbin. Dayananda is vehement and scathing when it comes to criticising those who wander away from the paths prescribed by the Vedas. I would even say that he is the fundamentalist of the fudamentalists. The most striking job done by Dayananda is his creation of the Aryan myth (I don't know if it had alreay been created or if Dayananda just modified it on his whims). According to that myth, the Hindu Aryans (not the Nazi Aryans) had been the original rulers of the whole world. The world had been prosperous and the 'Aryavarta' had had a glorious past until the Brahmins became degenerate and corrupt, which led to the downfall of the Aryan Hindu nation. Having said this, Dayananda now wants to bring back his Hindu nation to its former glory. He forms his political agenda from his 'Vedic religion'. He rejects polytheism. He propagates Advaita Vedanta and wants to homogenise the whole population of India. All religions and belief systems such as Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Jainism, Charvaka are inferior compared the the Vedic religion. The Brahmins and other Hindus must regain their lost glory by following the Western elite. However, after gaining their lost glory, the Hindus must reject the West and believe wholeheartedly in the Vedas. Any Puranas that contradict with the Vedas must be rejected. The new Aryavarta must be founded on the Vedic religion and no dissent should be allowed.
Sri Aurobindo: Aurobindo was a strategic thinker. During his youth, he believed in terrorism and followed various barbaric practices to drive the British out of India. After continuous failures, he began to concentrate on writing and developed his interest in spirituality and revolutionary nationalism. According to him, the Kshatriya is the only force left for Indians to regain freedom from the aliens. Everyone, irrespective of caste, must become manly and develop his or her 'Kshatriyahood'. He even compares the Kshatriya with the Samurai of the Japanese. (I sense some Nietzschean influence here.) The Hindu-Muslim problem was concocted by the British to rule India. So, all Indians must let go of their differences and unite to drive the common enemy, the British, out of India. For him, Politics is religion. Only Indians can unite matter and spirit, that is, science and spirituality, because Indians have this ability in their blood. Indians became degenerate and abject because they lost the power of Shakti. Indians must now regain Shakti. They must now use the Shakti of Science to become free. After attaining freedom, in the rearyanised Indian nation, Hindus and Muslims will live side by side. Even though they live side by side, the nation will have the Hindu spirit because the land of India and its culture was founded by their Hindu forefathers.
Swami Vivekananda: Vivekananda is a famous figure in Hinduism and spirituality. His idea of Advaita Vedanta appealed to both the West and the East. But what many fail to understand is that he was never able to fully reconcile Practical Vedanta and Advaita Vedanta. He was tormented by this great chasm between theory and practice. It is because of his inability to accept that his philosophy is inconsistent that I considered him to be hypocritical and dishonest. However, I did not know his other side. He lived during such a period that India needed a spiritual and nationalist awakening. Apart from his desire to build a consistent philosophical and spiritual belief system, Vivekananda had another more important goal to contend with: He had to liberate the masses from their abject slavery. He had to help his fellow Indians out of poverty and misery. He could not do it without the help of Hinduism, which is the religion of the masses. One of my professors said that Vivekanada criticised Hinduism vehemently because of its rigid caste structures and its apathy towards social evils. Vivekananda even went so far as to call Hinduism a religion of kitchen, because of its tedious and useless rituals. Vivekananda's ultimate aim was to reform Hinduism to use it to help the masses. And he had great oratory skills. My professor said that if he had been alive for a little longer, we would have gotten independence long ago. He was such a powerful leader. (Did he support militant nationalism though?) Now, coming back to Vivekananda's political mission: He wanted Indians to wake up from their dogmatic slumber. Indians had a strong mind; but they had no strong body. So, they must strengthen their body first. Only then must they spend time in grand metaphysics. It is this loss of physical might that made Indians slaves to the foreign powers. For him, only the Buddha worked for the sake of the poor people. Even the Vedas can be rejected if they do not help the poor and the needy. (He didn't reject them though.) Vivekananda wanted to be like Buddha, to be as brave and bold as Buddha. But, unlike Buddha, Vivekananda did not have the courage or inclination to let go of God. He could not make the final leap. And this tormented him. And his deteriorating body health and his diseases tormented him even more. Nevertheless, he knew that India can only progress through Science. His idea of the whole universe being God, which is what Advaita Vedanta claims to be true, also made him committed to spirituality as the ideal of human life. Thus, ultimately, he wanted his fellow Indians to be both scientific and spiritual. Even though I believe we have evolved to such an extent that spirituality and religions have become outdated, I still praise Vivekananda for his noble motives.
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar: Savarkar was a militant Hindu nationalist. Even though we all know he was an atheist, he was still a political Hindu. His concept of Hindutva, Hinduness, still reigns as the defining ideology of BJP and RSS. He did not care about the metaphysics or faith in Hinduism. For him, political freedom can only be attained through religion. It doesn't matter whether Hinduism is consistent in its belief system or not; what matters is that the citizens must unite under a common nationalist banner to attain political freedom. For his theory of Hindu nationalism, Savarkar derives heavily from the Italian revolutionary nationalist Giuseppe Mazzini. At first, Savarkar praises Muslims for their brotherhood and fraternity. He exhorts his Hindus to incorporate this fraternity and brotherhood into their religion. For this, the caste system must be annihilated; or, at least, reformulated. He defines the Hindu as the Self and the muslims as the primary Other. At times, he defines Buddhism, Gandhi's conception of non-violence as various facets of Otherness. The Self has to encounter all these Others in order to reassert itself and strengthen itself and finally the Self must overcome all these Others. Hindu Rashtra is his primary goal. For that, he would go to any level. Any form of violence or bloodshed can be justified in the pursuit of this ideal. He invokes various concepts like sacrifice or bali, Pratisodh or retribution to justify himself. At some points of time, he contends that Hinduism is the derivative of Hindutva and not the other way around. For him, Hindutva is the purest form of ideal. All other religions or belief systems are ugly protuberances that should be uprooted. In his Hindu Rashtra, only Hindus or Hindutvas can live, because they form a homogeneous civilisation. Because their Aryan forefathers marked it as their land and only the Hindus know what their way of life is. Unlike other religious people, for Hindus, the holy land is 'Hindusthan' itself. So, it is only befitting that only the Hindus or Hindutvas live in it. All other aliens must be driven out of their holy land. He invokes the myth of Ramachandra to prove his assertion of holy land theory. It should be noted that people like Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs, etc., also belong in this holy land, because they all had their origins in the land of Sindhu, because they all shared the blood of the Aryan forefathers. And Sanskrit is the mother tongue of all these people, for it is the mother tongue of the Aryans, and from it arose all other languages. The Hindu Dharma that will be followed here will be called Sanatana Dharma and all other heterogeneous sects, which have Buddha dharma, Jain dharma, will be incorporated into this Dharma. All other aliens such as Muslims and Christians who do not share the common blood of Hindu Aryans, who have their lands of pilgrimage outside Hindusthan do not belong in the land of Hindutva. Only by renouncing them can Hindu Rashtra become a reality. Such was Savarkar's concept of Hindutva and Hindu Nationalism. Savarkar preferred a Hitler to a weak democratic government. He wanted no religious ceremonies to be conducted after his death. Only Vedic hymns could be chanted. He knew he would become either a daydreamer or a prophet. The book's final paragraph reads: Savarkar was both a daydreamer and a prophet. He was an angry, resentful, vengeful, violent and intolerant prophet. The RSS, VHP, BJP and Bajrang Dal continue to further his legacy of Hindu jihad.
This book dismantles the myth of an eternally tolerant and non-violent Hinduism, showing how various thinkers constructed a version of Hinduism that aligned with nationalism, masculinity, and even racial identity. Rather than treating Hindutva as a modern political phenomenon, Sharma traces its ideological roots through figures like Dayananda Saraswati, Aurobindo, Vivekananda, and Savarkar—each of whom redefined Hindu identity in ways that made it more rigid, militant, and exclusionary. Sharma’s critique is well-researched and thought-provoking, making it an essential read for anyone seeking to understand Hindutva beyond political slogans. While dense at times, the book is a necessary intervention in contemporary debates on religion, identity, and power in India. Highly recommended for those interested in history, politics, and philosophy.
This book was an eye opener for me. There was much about Swami Vivekananda and Shri Aurobindo that came as completely new information for me.
I had no idea about Swami Dayananda, and I am glad that all this was covered.
Similarly, for VD Savarkar.
Their different approaches to the idea of Hinduism, and their attempt to cast into a monotheistic (almost), narrow, muscular, masculine and aggressive form. This, as we know, is playing out in the politics of today.
The influence of writers like Mazzini is explored, and this is interesting.
This book gives a very good overview of the main actors who have played a role in defining Hindutva, even though it is being subjugated to self-interest today.
Sharma's critique of Hindutva is so thin and sparse that RSS evangelists could easily use the book as a preaching guide. The author makes little effort to elucidate the continuities and contrasts between these four Hindutva ideologues, leaving that tedious task to the reader. Although more of an exposition than a critique, it has the merit of showcasing the embarrassing mediocrity of Hindutva thinkers.