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Failed State: Why Nothing Works and How We Fix It
NOTHING WORKS IN BRITAIN.
It’s harder than ever to get a GP appointment. Burglaries go unpunished. Wages have been stagnant for years, even as the cost of housing rises inexorably. Why is everything going wrong at the same time?
It's easy to point the finger at dysfunctional or even corrupt politicians. But in reality it’s more complicated. Politicians can make things better or worse, but all work within our state institutions. And ours are irrevocably broken and outmoded.
In Failed State, respected political analyst Sam Freedman offers a devastating analysis of where we’ve gone wrong. Speaking to politicians of all stripes, civil servants, workers on the frontline and key thinkers across the world, this book bursts with insight on the real problems that are so often hidden from the front pages. The result is a witty, landmark book that paves the way for a fairer and more prosperous Britain.
It’s harder than ever to get a GP appointment. Burglaries go unpunished. Wages have been stagnant for years, even as the cost of housing rises inexorably. Why is everything going wrong at the same time?
It's easy to point the finger at dysfunctional or even corrupt politicians. But in reality it’s more complicated. Politicians can make things better or worse, but all work within our state institutions. And ours are irrevocably broken and outmoded.
In Failed State, respected political analyst Sam Freedman offers a devastating analysis of where we’ve gone wrong. Speaking to politicians of all stripes, civil servants, workers on the frontline and key thinkers across the world, this book bursts with insight on the real problems that are so often hidden from the front pages. The result is a witty, landmark book that paves the way for a fairer and more prosperous Britain.
368 pages, Hardcover
First published July 11, 2024
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 140 reviews
December 26, 2024
I couldn't resist posting the review below from The Guardian Newspaper of August 22, 2024 because it is thought provoking and raises issues that are relevant to more then UK residents.
"Most books about politics concern personalities or ideologies rather than systems. Sam Freedman’s first book sets out to be an exception, and he acknowledges at the outset that this comes with risks: “Issues of governance and constitutional failure are inherently abstract and, to most of the population, impenetrable.”
"It’s more fun, in other words, bitching about wicked milk-snatching Tories than wading into the weeds of the relationship between the Treasury and regional government, or the effect of the “principle of legality” on the uses and abuses of judicial review, or statutory instruments and skeleton bills.
"But, boring as they may be, Freedman says, we need to look at these things. It’s not – or not just – that Boris Johnson is a rogue, Liz Truss a maniac and Rishi Sunak a wet blanket that has got us where we are. The last half-century has seen a series of changes in the apparatus of government that have made it difficult if not impossible for even competent and well-intentioned prime ministers to do their jobs. Central government is at once overmighty and overwhelmed; perverse incentives abound; short-termism is rife; the levers of power aren’t properly connected to the machinery.
"Government becomes overwhelmed and reacts by trying to seize more control, in a toxic cycle
Freedman, a former policy wonk and ministerial adviser, lucidly sets out how we ended up here. Faced with a broken system, the instinct of government is always to do exactly what will make things worse: centralise power further, and further circumvent checks on executive authority. “Government becomes overwhelmed, reacts by trying to seize more control and further reduces scrutiny, makes things worse, and gets more overwhelmed.” It is “a toxic cycle”.
"He supplies weep-makingly absurd instances of the results. Some, such as the money wasted by the outsourcing of state capacity in markets-that-aren’t-markets to Serco, Capita and G4S, will be familiar to most readers in broad outline if not in detail. Others, such as the way local councils spend fortunes competitively “bidding” for pots of central money, will be less well known. One 2022 study found “53 funds, all with different criteria and varying timescales and eligibilities, being offered by 10 government departments and agencies. Five levels of government are eligible to bid for or receive funding, with another 19 types of organisations eligible.”
"The increasingly ferocious ding-dongs between executive and judiciary, Freedman argues, would cease to happen if the latter wasn’t forced to be a backstop against rushed and incoherent legislation, which requires better and more thoughtful law-making, which requires more thorough and less headline-chasing parliamentary scrutiny, which means, in turn, reforming the civil service and the role of backbench MPs. The tail-wagging-the-dog relationship between government and media is a big part of the problem, too.
"Freedman apologises in his acknowledgments for failing to include the contribution of his teenage children – “Rishi Sunak is a knobhead” – because it “didn’t really fit with my systems focus”. Nevertheless, he does liven his analysis with the odd salty remark. Steve Hilton’s “big society” was “exactly the sort of amorphous and ill-thought-through idea you’d expect from someone who’s ended up as a talking head on Fox News”; Chris Grayling is “high up in the list of the least competent people to be given high office in British history”, and “having Boris Johnson and Liz Truss in charge will always make things worse”.
"“People matter,” he concedes, “but systems matter more, and we will get nowhere until we fix our systems.” To his credit, Freedman has detailed suggestions as to how, notable among them giving devolved authorities proper autonomy and, crucially, tax-raising powers; beefing up the status and pay of select committee chairs (who help counter executive overreach) to rival that of ministers (who are creatures of patronage and therefore reinforce it); rebuilding state capacity, and outsourcing only when there’s a genuinely competitive market and outcomes are measurable. Plus, of course, the bread and butter of civil service and Lords reform.
"It is, as he acknowledges, a huge task – but he argues that unless conventional politicians learn to give away power to retain it, there is something much nastier around the corner.
"Most books about politics concern personalities or ideologies rather than systems. Sam Freedman’s first book sets out to be an exception, and he acknowledges at the outset that this comes with risks: “Issues of governance and constitutional failure are inherently abstract and, to most of the population, impenetrable.”
"It’s more fun, in other words, bitching about wicked milk-snatching Tories than wading into the weeds of the relationship between the Treasury and regional government, or the effect of the “principle of legality” on the uses and abuses of judicial review, or statutory instruments and skeleton bills.
"But, boring as they may be, Freedman says, we need to look at these things. It’s not – or not just – that Boris Johnson is a rogue, Liz Truss a maniac and Rishi Sunak a wet blanket that has got us where we are. The last half-century has seen a series of changes in the apparatus of government that have made it difficult if not impossible for even competent and well-intentioned prime ministers to do their jobs. Central government is at once overmighty and overwhelmed; perverse incentives abound; short-termism is rife; the levers of power aren’t properly connected to the machinery.
"Government becomes overwhelmed and reacts by trying to seize more control, in a toxic cycle
Freedman, a former policy wonk and ministerial adviser, lucidly sets out how we ended up here. Faced with a broken system, the instinct of government is always to do exactly what will make things worse: centralise power further, and further circumvent checks on executive authority. “Government becomes overwhelmed, reacts by trying to seize more control and further reduces scrutiny, makes things worse, and gets more overwhelmed.” It is “a toxic cycle”.
"He supplies weep-makingly absurd instances of the results. Some, such as the money wasted by the outsourcing of state capacity in markets-that-aren’t-markets to Serco, Capita and G4S, will be familiar to most readers in broad outline if not in detail. Others, such as the way local councils spend fortunes competitively “bidding” for pots of central money, will be less well known. One 2022 study found “53 funds, all with different criteria and varying timescales and eligibilities, being offered by 10 government departments and agencies. Five levels of government are eligible to bid for or receive funding, with another 19 types of organisations eligible.”
"The increasingly ferocious ding-dongs between executive and judiciary, Freedman argues, would cease to happen if the latter wasn’t forced to be a backstop against rushed and incoherent legislation, which requires better and more thoughtful law-making, which requires more thorough and less headline-chasing parliamentary scrutiny, which means, in turn, reforming the civil service and the role of backbench MPs. The tail-wagging-the-dog relationship between government and media is a big part of the problem, too.
"Freedman apologises in his acknowledgments for failing to include the contribution of his teenage children – “Rishi Sunak is a knobhead” – because it “didn’t really fit with my systems focus”. Nevertheless, he does liven his analysis with the odd salty remark. Steve Hilton’s “big society” was “exactly the sort of amorphous and ill-thought-through idea you’d expect from someone who’s ended up as a talking head on Fox News”; Chris Grayling is “high up in the list of the least competent people to be given high office in British history”, and “having Boris Johnson and Liz Truss in charge will always make things worse”.
"“People matter,” he concedes, “but systems matter more, and we will get nowhere until we fix our systems.” To his credit, Freedman has detailed suggestions as to how, notable among them giving devolved authorities proper autonomy and, crucially, tax-raising powers; beefing up the status and pay of select committee chairs (who help counter executive overreach) to rival that of ministers (who are creatures of patronage and therefore reinforce it); rebuilding state capacity, and outsourcing only when there’s a genuinely competitive market and outcomes are measurable. Plus, of course, the bread and butter of civil service and Lords reform.
"It is, as he acknowledges, a huge task – but he argues that unless conventional politicians learn to give away power to retain it, there is something much nastier around the corner.
October 19, 2024
This is a state of the nation book. Anyone who lives in UK will understand that though this is still a wonderful country to live in things are not altogether well. As the author points out every 40 years or so a major shake up is required to things on a better path. So it is now. The book identifies the problems pretty clearly & proposes a number of solutions which make eminent sense. I found the book illuminating & credible. None of what is required is beyond us nor is in the least bit threatening. In fact though we all hate change a bit of change is good for us.
August 28, 2024
A fantastic book which does a great job of analysing our structural problems and how they’re holding us back. The argument is focused and well-structured, and I really liked how solutions were offered throughout and felt like a natural part of the analysis rather than just shoved at the end.
I particularly enjoyed the section at the end which used the analogy of music and pop culture to understand how our politics is so focused on the past, and how an endless focus on previous generations prevents us from properly solving our problems and moving forward.
Overall a great book which offers much food for thought on why Britain is broken.
I particularly enjoyed the section at the end which used the analogy of music and pop culture to understand how our politics is so focused on the past, and how an endless focus on previous generations prevents us from properly solving our problems and moving forward.
Overall a great book which offers much food for thought on why Britain is broken.
June 16, 2026
Solutions become less detailed as books goes on. Not sure if this was author’s choice or editor but it’s a bit of a shame. Still good though.
December 29, 2025
On the "Why Nothing Works", I thought this book was strong. Ironically, I felt it sometimes leaned into being salacious over being evidence based. I didn't entirely mind this though, given I was reading this in my down time. The explanation of the evolving relationship between the two houses of parliament and the judiciary was a particularly interesting story of how the system attempts to apply fairly ad hoc checks and balances.
The "How We Fix It" was comparatively weaker, but I think that is to be expected as solutions will always be more challenging than just having a good old moan. In particular, the suggestion to basically just "make the civil service a better workplace", even though it had previously been acknowledged that the challenges in this area are hardly driven by a lack of awareness but because of a lack of any true solutions. I also would've enjoyed reflections on how to incentivise long term thinking in Whitehall, as I wasn't convinced that merely shifting more power to more local government would, in and of itself, encourage prioritising long term benefits.
The "How We Fix It" was comparatively weaker, but I think that is to be expected as solutions will always be more challenging than just having a good old moan. In particular, the suggestion to basically just "make the civil service a better workplace", even though it had previously been acknowledged that the challenges in this area are hardly driven by a lack of awareness but because of a lack of any true solutions. I also would've enjoyed reflections on how to incentivise long term thinking in Whitehall, as I wasn't convinced that merely shifting more power to more local government would, in and of itself, encourage prioritising long term benefits.
September 8, 2024
Full of detail and knowledge about how the British state actually works outside of the realms of party politics. Incredibly insightful and informative.
December 22, 2025
This book is a living autopsy of the British state. It draws uncomfortable attention to those systems that have become twisted by external events and less-than-ideal decisions made by less-than-ideal decision-makers. It sets out a compelling argument for how reforming these systems may not be the most exciting for a Government to do, but it would be truly revolutionary. These reforms would make the state more resilient and more capable of delivering quality government.
May 19, 2025
Thought this was great. Not hyperbolic or unfair to anyone in particular, but very clear on the problems, which are very clear to anyone but aren't immediately easy to understand.
October 30, 2024
Brilliant Read. Conclusion: no one in parliament knows what the hell they are doing. No surprise there then. Scary bit: how other less palatable people might get a chance in power, if the current ones carry on the way they are carrying on. Must have book.
September 4, 2024
Rating - 3.5 - Sam Freedman's Failed State takes a strictly system-led approach to why Britain seems to be failing. He delves deep into the inner workings of government organisations and offers practical solutions to fix them.
Well structured and thought, the solution offered is decentralisation of power by illustrating how overloaded the Prime Minister and their office is with work and their refusal to part with it despite that. He also talks about Britain's over reliance on private firms to run the state, regardless of how often they fail. Lastly how the media, PR and the Internet have made it all about optics rather than policy turning politics into a frantic mess.
The glaring loophole here is that he doesn't talk about people who make these systems and how the lack of diversity of thought in the upper echelons of power have manifested in the "more of the same" attitude that has plagued successive governments. He does touch upon the lack of dissent in the civil services against the government and governance but the make-up of the civil services is not discussed.
Overall a good book to understand how the institutions of British polity (do not) work.
Well structured and thought, the solution offered is decentralisation of power by illustrating how overloaded the Prime Minister and their office is with work and their refusal to part with it despite that. He also talks about Britain's over reliance on private firms to run the state, regardless of how often they fail. Lastly how the media, PR and the Internet have made it all about optics rather than policy turning politics into a frantic mess.
The glaring loophole here is that he doesn't talk about people who make these systems and how the lack of diversity of thought in the upper echelons of power have manifested in the "more of the same" attitude that has plagued successive governments. He does touch upon the lack of dissent in the civil services against the government and governance but the make-up of the civil services is not discussed.
Overall a good book to understand how the institutions of British polity (do not) work.
August 6, 2024
Really good. Sam F is a genius on Twitter and other places, and rightly has a reputation for very nerdy analysis of British politics spiced with strong opinions and supported by connections to other commentators and academics (both his parents are professors). This is a great big-picture view of the dysfunctional British state and ways he thinks we can avoid a dystopian future. One gap was the marked lack of interest in climate change as a driver of future issues to swallow all of the current ones, but maybe that wasn’t the point of the book. There are lot of these kinds of books around at the moment and I’d be fascinated to see what the new government can do in the next 5-10 years to address it all.
September 12, 2025
Everyone in the UK should read this, but especially civil servants.
April 15, 2026
I was drawn to this book after reading an roasting extract on Freedman's Substack which described the colossal disaster that was Chris Grayling's failed attempt at privatising the probation service. The overall tone of Failed State is far more measured, and though selfishly I was a bit disappointed at the lack of character assassinations, Freedman's thesis that the British government simply doesn't function properly deserves this serious treatment.
Freedman tells the story of how governmental power - especially that of Number 10 and the Treasury, has increasingly centralised, to the point where there's simply too much to control for one small cabal of people. Then we get chapters on Civil Service dysfunction, the general fiasco that is outsourcing (see above) and, most entertainingly, modern politics's fatal obsession with the media which produces very little substantial policy, much of which is bad anyway.
Freedman tries hard to offer constructive solutions to these issues, but these are obviously much harder to write and less fun to read about than diagnoses, which he ruefully acknowledges. Decentralisation is key, basically. Not to let the last few governments off the hook, but I have a tiny bit more sympathy for them after realising the dysfunctional systems they're up against. Okay, maybe not for Johnson. Or Truss. And Starmer's been pretty useless by most measures. (Aaargh, nobody's going to be able to fix this mess are they???)
Erm, anyway... I'm not quite wonkish enough to enjoy the deeper details of this book, but it's a well-researched and clear-eyed tract that puts all the stuff we read and watch and complain about into context. The absolute state we're in is definitely fixable. Whether any current politicians are brave or competent enough to rise to the challenge is another story.
Freedman tells the story of how governmental power - especially that of Number 10 and the Treasury, has increasingly centralised, to the point where there's simply too much to control for one small cabal of people. Then we get chapters on Civil Service dysfunction, the general fiasco that is outsourcing (see above) and, most entertainingly, modern politics's fatal obsession with the media which produces very little substantial policy, much of which is bad anyway.
Freedman tries hard to offer constructive solutions to these issues, but these are obviously much harder to write and less fun to read about than diagnoses, which he ruefully acknowledges. Decentralisation is key, basically. Not to let the last few governments off the hook, but I have a tiny bit more sympathy for them after realising the dysfunctional systems they're up against. Okay, maybe not for Johnson. Or Truss. And Starmer's been pretty useless by most measures. (Aaargh, nobody's going to be able to fix this mess are they???)
Erm, anyway... I'm not quite wonkish enough to enjoy the deeper details of this book, but it's a well-researched and clear-eyed tract that puts all the stuff we read and watch and complain about into context. The absolute state we're in is definitely fixable. Whether any current politicians are brave or competent enough to rise to the challenge is another story.
June 28, 2025
A really interesting canter through the many structural failings of our system of government by Sam Freedman, ex-spad, now writer of the consistently excellent substack "Comment is Freed". Freedman's central point is that power is absurdly centralised with the government completely overwhelmed, hoarding executive power, poorly scrutinised, trapped in short-termist thinking and in hock to the Treasury scorecard and the media/comms grid. It's very persuasive and not a little depressing. Much of the governance material is a bit over-familiar to me from the day job but the chapters on the media and, especially, the disastrous state of government outsourcing/running of contracts with Capita, Serco etc are strong stuff. Very readable and worth reading.
August 19, 2025
For the first half of this I felt that freedman was just going through constitutional-criticism motions that we hear about quite a lot while being more left wing coded than he might let on initially.
But, when he’s talking about the media, nostalgic politics and Adrenalin-whatsapp run government he totally hits the mark.
I think/hope that there are people doing more good work than he admits but he isn’t wrong about a single thing really.
I’m not sure what if anything is being done better now so I guess bring on the charlatans…
But, when he’s talking about the media, nostalgic politics and Adrenalin-whatsapp run government he totally hits the mark.
I think/hope that there are people doing more good work than he admits but he isn’t wrong about a single thing really.
I’m not sure what if anything is being done better now so I guess bring on the charlatans…
January 18, 2025
Excellent book outlining the systems of government that have lead to the paralysis of the British state. Outlines some key ways to improve governance. It would be good if in the last chapter a little more insight or details of the remedies were given. For example we talk about fiscal devolution but how would this work in practice? It would be interesting if Mr Freedman could translate this excellent analysis into a compelling manifesto for government change.
May 1, 2025
I loveeeee Sam Freedman's blog I think his diagnosis is sublime. About as good as these sort of centrist above left / right people can kind of get. I appreciate shifting the blame to institutions and media dominance and his proposals of reform are sorely needed. There's a line towards the end about Israel's prime minister seizing executive power as a foreshadowing for a potential future for the UK , which I found scarily ominous. Anyway time to vote for my council election yayyyyy labour
August 31, 2025
Sam Freedman’s wealth of experience and knowledge of working within government and with others in government, truly emphasises what is really wrong with Britain. It’s the way the government governs. Seen across literature it’s clear that the government holds too much powers and doesn’t know how or what to do with it. This book goes over all components of what is wrong with Britains governing structures and how they can get better. A must read for a better Britain.
April 26, 2026
There isn’t a single point I disagree with. As a proponent of federalism and a codified constitution, I think Freedman hits the nail on the head. This should be required reading for anybody working in Westminster or Whitehall.
September 18, 2024
cleverest guy in politics strikes again
July 31, 2025
Despite the title of the book, I still don’t quite understand how we fix it.
December 28, 2024
I know loads about scheduling motions and statutory instruments now, and you know what I’m glad I do
November 29, 2024
A wonderful analysis of a system set up to fail and the reasons why , as time and technology have rendered an anachronistic system impotent to serious failings throughout state services. Lots of interviews and example of failure and some basic suggestions that could have us looking like a modern 21C nation.
November 18, 2025
Overall enjoyed this. It’s well written and thoughtful.
Some of the explanations of UK political systems (and their many failings) are quite familiar if you’ve read this type of book before, and some of the solutions felt a little tacked on and not fully fleshed out.
Some of the explanations of UK political systems (and their many failings) are quite familiar if you’ve read this type of book before, and some of the solutions felt a little tacked on and not fully fleshed out.
April 2, 2025
This rings true but also backs up the case with lots of great examples. It further makes some actual suggestions for the solutions needed although given it was only 300 pages it could have had an extra 50 pages to go into the solutions in more detail.
June 17, 2026
A long list of structural issues with unlikely to be implemented solutions solutions. Very depressing.
October 6, 2024
Don't take my star-rating too seriously; the three stars I've given are a better reflection of my enjoyment of this book, rather than a reflection of the quality of its ideas.
This a serious book, aimed at people who are deeply interested in its subject, particularly those who may hope to improve the quality of governance themselves. If that's you, then I think you'll get a lot out of this book.
But I suppose I'm someone who doesn't quite fit into the intended audience. I was hoping to be entertained and to draw some general enlightenment on the topics considered, as well as learning more about the British political system. But I'm not really sure I managed all of that.
There's a lot of good, clear-headed analysis here, and there were only a few points that I found unconvincing or questionable. However, I found the writing a bit laboured at times, almost like I was reading an essay that someone had written under the time pressure of a university exam.
This a serious book, aimed at people who are deeply interested in its subject, particularly those who may hope to improve the quality of governance themselves. If that's you, then I think you'll get a lot out of this book.
But I suppose I'm someone who doesn't quite fit into the intended audience. I was hoping to be entertained and to draw some general enlightenment on the topics considered, as well as learning more about the British political system. But I'm not really sure I managed all of that.
There's a lot of good, clear-headed analysis here, and there were only a few points that I found unconvincing or questionable. However, I found the writing a bit laboured at times, almost like I was reading an essay that someone had written under the time pressure of a university exam.
March 15, 2025
Not a bad book, and to be commended for actually providing a reasonable level of detail on the problems that exist at the top of the British state. The author is perhaps wise enough to hint at things that work (or have worked) while not laying out a precise programme for improvement. I found the book irritatingly left-leaning, even though its clear Freedman is trying to be reasonably balanced. Surely the problem is that, besides some administrative complexity at the top that can be simplified, the British state is simply trying to do too much?
September 23, 2024
Freedman paints a picture of a Britain in decline, institutions systematically failing, locked into ideologies and increasingly vicious cycles of rot. He starts with the increasing centralisation of government and power to Westminster, and how that has universally downgraded provision of care throughout the UK. The continuation of Prime Ministerial government since Thatcher has led to overload of work for the centralised government, with local authorities unable to carry out more minor tasks. The dominance of the Treasury within government has led to unbalanced decision making, with a focus on cost-cutting failing to realise the wider picture and meaning there cannot be a significant long-term plan for the future of the UK.
The weaknesses of centralisation is the major theme within this book, with the psychology of ministers liking the idea of holding more power shown, in reality, as leading to haphazard decision making and vastly increased bureaucracy. The wholesale destruction of local authorities and their economic levers is, in theory, supposed to ensure universal standards of provision, but instead ensures everybody gets nothing.
Freedman goes on to lambast the complete reliance on the private sector by government, the ideological roots of which have been completely undone by the fact that there is a seeming monopoly on government contracts by 4 big companies, who are all equally incompetent and only out to get big cheques from the government, which ministers are happy to give them to avoid scrutinisation. Here, Freedman suggests the entire current system is fundamentally broken, with a more pragmatic system determining when outsourcing is beneficial, (competition and accountability required), being necessary to save vital public services.
The relationship between Parliament and the Executive is analysed in detail, with Freedman determining that there has been a rise in executive power, leading to reductions in accountability and transparency, with the democratic role of Parliament minimised. Rise in government activity has led to increasing want to avoid scrutiny as to not slow down government business, a disastrous result for checks and balances within a democratic system. Usage of whips, diminishing ability of the Lords to scrutinise bills and simply bypassing Commons altogether has become more frequent as government seek to ensure dominance of executive control. To improve this, Freedman suggests that we reform the nature of Parliament; modernising Lords by introducing retirement age, removing hereditary peers and a bolstered appointment committee to prevent corruption (Johnson's resignation honours list), and making the Commons more of a legislating platform to diminish the amount of 'Career MPs', allowing more scrutiny.
Through the absence of Parliamentary scrutiny, Freedman then explains how the judiciary have been forced to take a greater role in Politics in order to protect the rule of law. Executive dominance has faced a judicial backlash, which has then seen a 'democratic push' to reduce the power of judges, thereby increasing the sole executive dominance. Ministers have become obsessed with their patronage powers and avoiding scrutiny, with the result of a vast array of public services being led by stooges with little to no experience in the sector they are leading. They have also been frustrated by the traditional nature of the Civil Service, although attempted reform has led to a 'brain-drain', as short-term fixers are prioritised by short-term thinking ministers over talented long-term reformers.
Finally, Freedman attacks the current psychology of government, with the over-reliance on media, announcement and spin. The 'comms' takeover and The Grid has led to little action and must-talk as governments are in self-perpetuating cycles to push out more initiatives and policy by an ever-hungry media cycle. With the creation of the Internet and Social Media, this trend has only been heightened in order to keep interest in a 24hr news cycle. Political 'retromania', with constant references back to past successes, has led to a failure of fresh, innovative policy and a breakdown in public trust in politics. The current system is broken at its route, seen by the rise of Reform UK and extremism, showing public collapse in confidence. Failed State highlights the main areas where services and government are failing, and the potential reforms that could change the system.
The weaknesses of centralisation is the major theme within this book, with the psychology of ministers liking the idea of holding more power shown, in reality, as leading to haphazard decision making and vastly increased bureaucracy. The wholesale destruction of local authorities and their economic levers is, in theory, supposed to ensure universal standards of provision, but instead ensures everybody gets nothing.
Freedman goes on to lambast the complete reliance on the private sector by government, the ideological roots of which have been completely undone by the fact that there is a seeming monopoly on government contracts by 4 big companies, who are all equally incompetent and only out to get big cheques from the government, which ministers are happy to give them to avoid scrutinisation. Here, Freedman suggests the entire current system is fundamentally broken, with a more pragmatic system determining when outsourcing is beneficial, (competition and accountability required), being necessary to save vital public services.
The relationship between Parliament and the Executive is analysed in detail, with Freedman determining that there has been a rise in executive power, leading to reductions in accountability and transparency, with the democratic role of Parliament minimised. Rise in government activity has led to increasing want to avoid scrutiny as to not slow down government business, a disastrous result for checks and balances within a democratic system. Usage of whips, diminishing ability of the Lords to scrutinise bills and simply bypassing Commons altogether has become more frequent as government seek to ensure dominance of executive control. To improve this, Freedman suggests that we reform the nature of Parliament; modernising Lords by introducing retirement age, removing hereditary peers and a bolstered appointment committee to prevent corruption (Johnson's resignation honours list), and making the Commons more of a legislating platform to diminish the amount of 'Career MPs', allowing more scrutiny.
Through the absence of Parliamentary scrutiny, Freedman then explains how the judiciary have been forced to take a greater role in Politics in order to protect the rule of law. Executive dominance has faced a judicial backlash, which has then seen a 'democratic push' to reduce the power of judges, thereby increasing the sole executive dominance. Ministers have become obsessed with their patronage powers and avoiding scrutiny, with the result of a vast array of public services being led by stooges with little to no experience in the sector they are leading. They have also been frustrated by the traditional nature of the Civil Service, although attempted reform has led to a 'brain-drain', as short-term fixers are prioritised by short-term thinking ministers over talented long-term reformers.
Finally, Freedman attacks the current psychology of government, with the over-reliance on media, announcement and spin. The 'comms' takeover and The Grid has led to little action and must-talk as governments are in self-perpetuating cycles to push out more initiatives and policy by an ever-hungry media cycle. With the creation of the Internet and Social Media, this trend has only been heightened in order to keep interest in a 24hr news cycle. Political 'retromania', with constant references back to past successes, has led to a failure of fresh, innovative policy and a breakdown in public trust in politics. The current system is broken at its route, seen by the rise of Reform UK and extremism, showing public collapse in confidence. Failed State highlights the main areas where services and government are failing, and the potential reforms that could change the system.
May 27, 2026
Strong recommendation. I found this surprisingly emotionally powerful to read. This is partly from the genuine tragedy of the British state, and partly relief from upgrading my view of government reform, which to date largely rested on the writing of Dominic Cummings (DC). Here is my summary so I remember the rough ideas of the book.
Both Sam Freedman (SF) and DC start from the same diagnoses of perma-crisis in government, despair at the 'random announcement generator', and recognition of the broken-ness of many other things, such as the physical layout of No10. The viewquake I've had is that DC's solutions are not rooted in his own diagnoses of the problems, whereas SF's are. I think a fair summary of DC's view is that effective government will happen if there is wholesale personnel change for people who understand management and 'systems,' and best practices are taken from high performance organisations (Amazon is probably the most applicable example he uses). And I have always found his writing worth reading, and the possibility tantalising that I too (!) can be someone who understands the 'unrecognised simplicities' and therefore with a smattering of stats/math/cs be useful in a government.
However, SF, like a good therapist, explains how the implicit centralisation of power DC wants (along with all ministers) is part of the vicious cycle. The ratchet effect of dysfunction is something like:
SNAFU -> centralisation + strengthen executive power -> overwhelmed centre -> poor policy/legislation/procurement with little scrutiny -> SNAFU and so on. The focus on media management accelerates the cycle and makes everyone confused.
Thatcher's fight against councils is the modern starting point, but SF outlines historical factors that go back to the fact that 1) England centralised before almost any other modern state, and 2) there are no built in checks and balances, there is just the idea of 'parliamentary sovereignty.'
The section on the way the executive has gained power over time, and the way the judiciary, House of Lords and civil service have reacted was my favourite chapter. I think the other sections on the need for decentralisation and putting policy above ‘The Grid' are quite clear cut (albeit still hard to do), but there is historical precedent for both. However, the idea of poor legislation being pushed through and a weak parliament necessitating parliament reform are novel to me. I think the problem of not having the right gradients of control are quite clear in both houses. The House of Commons seems to mostly exercise power by triggering a party leadership contest, and the House of Lords has some veto power but is constrained by lack of democratic legitimacy. The idea of creating a counterweight to the executive which can productively scrutinise legislation without a nuclear button therefore seems compelling. Although the solutions are harder and more vague here. I found it also interesting how the judiciary and House of Lords have bent themselves out of shape in trying to fill that need for legislative scrutiny. In an ‘overstretched’ analogy, you could describe parliament as a bad knee, the House of Lords and the judiciary as a compensating hip doing something it’s not designed for, while the the civil service representing the poor foot has lost all confidence in itself. The section is informative on the legislative process, which has a lot of explanatory power for judicial reviews, which I have previously been unclear about. The judiciary’s legal arguments linked to the Human Rights Act were also interesting and had a nice elegance to them.
In conclusion, the book provides a set of abstractions, historical background and insider knowledge that are helpful in explaining why everyone is dissatisfied, and state capacity is incredibly low. The phrases "a vicious cycle" and "vast opportunity cost" appear many, many times in the book. Given this book was published in July 2024, it seems sad that Sunak called such an early election as it meant the Labour executive team did not have time to absorb the book before being in government, as it provides both a framework and a call to action to address the 'governance crisis' which seems set to continue for a while yet.
Both Sam Freedman (SF) and DC start from the same diagnoses of perma-crisis in government, despair at the 'random announcement generator', and recognition of the broken-ness of many other things, such as the physical layout of No10. The viewquake I've had is that DC's solutions are not rooted in his own diagnoses of the problems, whereas SF's are. I think a fair summary of DC's view is that effective government will happen if there is wholesale personnel change for people who understand management and 'systems,' and best practices are taken from high performance organisations (Amazon is probably the most applicable example he uses). And I have always found his writing worth reading, and the possibility tantalising that I too (!) can be someone who understands the 'unrecognised simplicities' and therefore with a smattering of stats/math/cs be useful in a government.
However, SF, like a good therapist, explains how the implicit centralisation of power DC wants (along with all ministers) is part of the vicious cycle. The ratchet effect of dysfunction is something like:
SNAFU -> centralisation + strengthen executive power -> overwhelmed centre -> poor policy/legislation/procurement with little scrutiny -> SNAFU and so on. The focus on media management accelerates the cycle and makes everyone confused.
Thatcher's fight against councils is the modern starting point, but SF outlines historical factors that go back to the fact that 1) England centralised before almost any other modern state, and 2) there are no built in checks and balances, there is just the idea of 'parliamentary sovereignty.'
The section on the way the executive has gained power over time, and the way the judiciary, House of Lords and civil service have reacted was my favourite chapter. I think the other sections on the need for decentralisation and putting policy above ‘The Grid' are quite clear cut (albeit still hard to do), but there is historical precedent for both. However, the idea of poor legislation being pushed through and a weak parliament necessitating parliament reform are novel to me. I think the problem of not having the right gradients of control are quite clear in both houses. The House of Commons seems to mostly exercise power by triggering a party leadership contest, and the House of Lords has some veto power but is constrained by lack of democratic legitimacy. The idea of creating a counterweight to the executive which can productively scrutinise legislation without a nuclear button therefore seems compelling. Although the solutions are harder and more vague here. I found it also interesting how the judiciary and House of Lords have bent themselves out of shape in trying to fill that need for legislative scrutiny. In an ‘overstretched’ analogy, you could describe parliament as a bad knee, the House of Lords and the judiciary as a compensating hip doing something it’s not designed for, while the the civil service representing the poor foot has lost all confidence in itself. The section is informative on the legislative process, which has a lot of explanatory power for judicial reviews, which I have previously been unclear about. The judiciary’s legal arguments linked to the Human Rights Act were also interesting and had a nice elegance to them.
In conclusion, the book provides a set of abstractions, historical background and insider knowledge that are helpful in explaining why everyone is dissatisfied, and state capacity is incredibly low. The phrases "a vicious cycle" and "vast opportunity cost" appear many, many times in the book. Given this book was published in July 2024, it seems sad that Sunak called such an early election as it meant the Labour executive team did not have time to absorb the book before being in government, as it provides both a framework and a call to action to address the 'governance crisis' which seems set to continue for a while yet.
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