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True Conservatism: Reclaiming Our Humanity in an Arrogant Age
Drawing on the riches of the Western tradition, Anthony T. Kronman defends a humane conservativism for our enlightened age
As the party of the left has grown more strident, its conservative critics have responded in kind. Each year conservatives do a poorer job of defending their position as a citadel of human values without lapsing into an angry assault on ideals that they and progressives share. It becomes harder to see the enduring appeal of a true conservatism that celebrates the worth of custom and inheritance; the splendor of what is excellent and rare; the expansive solidarity of our friendship with the dead; and the dignity, indeed necessity, of our longing for a connection to the eternal and divine—while affirming that these timeless human goods are compatible with the modern ideals of equality, toleration, and reasoned argument.
In this bracing book, Anthony Kronman defends a conservative philosophy of life that respects our enlightened ideals but decries the damage their arrogant simplification causes in our moral, political, and spiritual lives. Drawing on the work of Aristotle, Cicero, Spinoza, Burke, Hume, Madison, Tocqueville, Lincoln, Arendt, Heidegger, and others, he argues that humanism is conservatism, today as in the past. He reminds us that our humbling parameters make possible every form of human greatness, every human glory, every human love worthy of the name.
As the party of the left has grown more strident, its conservative critics have responded in kind. Each year conservatives do a poorer job of defending their position as a citadel of human values without lapsing into an angry assault on ideals that they and progressives share. It becomes harder to see the enduring appeal of a true conservatism that celebrates the worth of custom and inheritance; the splendor of what is excellent and rare; the expansive solidarity of our friendship with the dead; and the dignity, indeed necessity, of our longing for a connection to the eternal and divine—while affirming that these timeless human goods are compatible with the modern ideals of equality, toleration, and reasoned argument.
In this bracing book, Anthony Kronman defends a conservative philosophy of life that respects our enlightened ideals but decries the damage their arrogant simplification causes in our moral, political, and spiritual lives. Drawing on the work of Aristotle, Cicero, Spinoza, Burke, Hume, Madison, Tocqueville, Lincoln, Arendt, Heidegger, and others, he argues that humanism is conservatism, today as in the past. He reminds us that our humbling parameters make possible every form of human greatness, every human glory, every human love worthy of the name.
- GenresPhilosophyPolitics
328 pages, Hardcover
Published March 25, 2025
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Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews
July 22, 2025
Summary: A call to a humane conservatism that embraces enlightenment ideals without enlightenment prejudices or oversimplification.
Anthony T. Kronman, like many of us, decries the stridency of the left and the reactionary character of modern conservatives. In this book, Kronman makes the argument that true conservatism embraces ideals both have in common without their prejudices. In his preface, he writes:
“A truer conservatism is needed to remind us of the worth of custom and inheritance; the splendor of what is excellent and rare; the expansive solidarity of our friendship for the dead; and the dignity, indeed necessity, of the human longing for connection to the eternal and divine–and to persuade us that these timeless goods are compatible with the modern ideals of liberty, toleration, and reasoned argument.”
Kronman begins by arguing that three prejudices hinder our full embrace of a true conservatism. The first of these is that we make equality the highest value at the expense of excellence and beauty. The second is that we treat the past as a storehouse to which we turn only as needed. Third is a prejudice against belief in God’s existence. Thus we treat it at best a matter of private opinion, which fails to reckon with the basic human longing for eternity.
With regard to equality, he describes “bullied pulpits” from which the egalitarian absolutism denigrates excellence as a cover for power and beauty as a distraction from oppression. Hence, Kronman argues for the sovereignty of excellence. He notes how Christianity tempers excellence with charity and humility.
Kronman invokes Machiavelli, Burke and other past “greats” to urge the value of friendship with the dead. They are models, not monuments. Therefore, we assess both their greatness and flaws, learning from both. We are their friends, not their hagiographers or sycophants. In the following chapter, he applies a similar rubric to our relationship with the character of our country.
Chapter six addresses the perennial tension of the enlightenment ideals of The Declaration of Independence and the tempering, conservative character of The Constitution. He observes Abraham Lincoln’s metaphor of golden apples in a silver frame. Then, he highlights Alexander Bickel’s book, The Least Dangerous Branch. Specifically, he highlights the built-in dynamic of delay in the Constitution, and in the adjudication of constitutional questions.
In chapter seven, Kronman turns to religion, and in the end, affirms Jefferson’s wisdom in both protecting religious liberty for all, while keeping religion out of politics. Then, chapters 8 and 9 explore reason and religion with Kronman proposing Spinoza as the one who reconciles Hume and Kant. As well, he commends the modesty, the caution of Spinoza’s ethics.
Anthony Kronman teaches a version of Great Books with students at Yale. Thus, his deep immersion in these great thinkers is evident throughout the book. He argues that the enlightenment values of equality, reason, and toleration must be tempered by our value of excellence, beauty, friendship with the past, and the importance of the Transcendent. He makes clear that contemporary conservatism falls short of these values.
However, I think he fails to reckon with a politics of power that is neither progressive nor conservative and has no regard for any of the ideals Kronman affirms. Finally, I wonder how Kronman would have us live in such times and how his conservative philosophy helps him live through these times. That would be an interesting conversation!
Anthony T. Kronman, like many of us, decries the stridency of the left and the reactionary character of modern conservatives. In this book, Kronman makes the argument that true conservatism embraces ideals both have in common without their prejudices. In his preface, he writes:
“A truer conservatism is needed to remind us of the worth of custom and inheritance; the splendor of what is excellent and rare; the expansive solidarity of our friendship for the dead; and the dignity, indeed necessity, of the human longing for connection to the eternal and divine–and to persuade us that these timeless goods are compatible with the modern ideals of liberty, toleration, and reasoned argument.”
Kronman begins by arguing that three prejudices hinder our full embrace of a true conservatism. The first of these is that we make equality the highest value at the expense of excellence and beauty. The second is that we treat the past as a storehouse to which we turn only as needed. Third is a prejudice against belief in God’s existence. Thus we treat it at best a matter of private opinion, which fails to reckon with the basic human longing for eternity.
With regard to equality, he describes “bullied pulpits” from which the egalitarian absolutism denigrates excellence as a cover for power and beauty as a distraction from oppression. Hence, Kronman argues for the sovereignty of excellence. He notes how Christianity tempers excellence with charity and humility.
Kronman invokes Machiavelli, Burke and other past “greats” to urge the value of friendship with the dead. They are models, not monuments. Therefore, we assess both their greatness and flaws, learning from both. We are their friends, not their hagiographers or sycophants. In the following chapter, he applies a similar rubric to our relationship with the character of our country.
Chapter six addresses the perennial tension of the enlightenment ideals of The Declaration of Independence and the tempering, conservative character of The Constitution. He observes Abraham Lincoln’s metaphor of golden apples in a silver frame. Then, he highlights Alexander Bickel’s book, The Least Dangerous Branch. Specifically, he highlights the built-in dynamic of delay in the Constitution, and in the adjudication of constitutional questions.
In chapter seven, Kronman turns to religion, and in the end, affirms Jefferson’s wisdom in both protecting religious liberty for all, while keeping religion out of politics. Then, chapters 8 and 9 explore reason and religion with Kronman proposing Spinoza as the one who reconciles Hume and Kant. As well, he commends the modesty, the caution of Spinoza’s ethics.
Anthony Kronman teaches a version of Great Books with students at Yale. Thus, his deep immersion in these great thinkers is evident throughout the book. He argues that the enlightenment values of equality, reason, and toleration must be tempered by our value of excellence, beauty, friendship with the past, and the importance of the Transcendent. He makes clear that contemporary conservatism falls short of these values.
However, I think he fails to reckon with a politics of power that is neither progressive nor conservative and has no regard for any of the ideals Kronman affirms. Finally, I wonder how Kronman would have us live in such times and how his conservative philosophy helps him live through these times. That would be an interesting conversation!
December 14, 2025
I've never read the opening page of a book before and thought, a la elder Luke Skywalker, 'Impressive. Every word of what you just wrote was wrong.' And for some, it's not, but in my lived experience most of the opening page was wrong for most Americans not coming from a white, upper-middle class, moneyed, propertied, cis-het experience.
There's a lot of pretty wrapping paper about connoisseurs and leadership and politics as negotiation that is served up as proof of argument, and that's all well and good - even well-written - but it didn't disengage from the fundamental flaw at the jump. And that is that many people currently running American government that self-identify as conservatives, aren't.
And this book doesn't truck with that. It doesn't truck with the idea that millions are barely hanging on in this country. If there are still Nelson Rockefellers and Jim Leaches out there in America, they're hiding under many pretty properties. Even so-called moderate Republicans voted for the barbarians at the gate. And it's getting worse... so I got no more time for gentility.
There's a lot of pretty wrapping paper about connoisseurs and leadership and politics as negotiation that is served up as proof of argument, and that's all well and good - even well-written - but it didn't disengage from the fundamental flaw at the jump. And that is that many people currently running American government that self-identify as conservatives, aren't.
And this book doesn't truck with that. It doesn't truck with the idea that millions are barely hanging on in this country. If there are still Nelson Rockefellers and Jim Leaches out there in America, they're hiding under many pretty properties. Even so-called moderate Republicans voted for the barbarians at the gate. And it's getting worse... so I got no more time for gentility.
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews