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The Crisis of Canadian Democracy
Andrew Coyne, one of Canada’s most esteemed political thinkers, delivers a powerful exposé of the nation’s crumbling democratic institutions.
With characteristic wit, insight, and rigor, Coyne dismantles the comforting myths Canadians tell themselves about their political system, revealing a parliamentary structure eroded by unaccountable leaders, disempowered MPs, manipulated elections, and systemic dysfunction. The Crisis of Canadian Democracy is both a wake-up call and a call to action, offering compelling solutions to restore genuine self-government to Canadian politics. Essential reading for leaders, citizens, and anyone who cares about the future of democracy in Canada—or anywhere else.
With characteristic wit, insight, and rigor, Coyne dismantles the comforting myths Canadians tell themselves about their political system, revealing a parliamentary structure eroded by unaccountable leaders, disempowered MPs, manipulated elections, and systemic dysfunction. The Crisis of Canadian Democracy is both a wake-up call and a call to action, offering compelling solutions to restore genuine self-government to Canadian politics. Essential reading for leaders, citizens, and anyone who cares about the future of democracy in Canada—or anywhere else.
- GenresPoliticsCanadaNonfiction
250 pages, Hardcover
Published May 6, 2025
74 people are currently reading
269 people want to read
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 30 reviews
July 1, 2025
After years of sensing things weren’t working right in Canadian politics, Andrew Coyne’s book, The Crisis of Canadian Democracy, felt both encouraging (I’m not alone) and disconcerting (things really are troubling). Coyne’s carefully researched and argued work identifies numerous issues that, when placed alongside other democracies and especially other parliamentary democracies, demonstrates some profound issues are at hand. And please note: this is not a partisan book. Coyne reserves as much criticism for any Liberal leader as Conservative. The issues are far deeper. The challenge is — and even Coyne acknowledges this — how do you promote even some of the changes he recommends when any change depends on those who benefit from the current system to make the change? As more and more power is centralized in the PMO, it will take something — and someone — special to bring about needed change. So despite the seemingly uphill battle for renewal, I highly recommend every Canadian to read and debate this book. For it’s only as we take seriously what has been gradually eroding in our nation that we can hope to promote any positive change.
October 21, 2025
Riases good points, offers actual solutions. But runs into the classic issue of reform, which is that the people in power have to want to inact the changes that could help fix it.
April 12, 2025
*3.5 stars*
This book about the failings of Canadian democratic institutions gets written every decade or so, but this time feels particularly urgent. It may even change a few minds.
This book about the failings of Canadian democratic institutions gets written every decade or so, but this time feels particularly urgent. It may even change a few minds.
June 2, 2025
When I attended a book launch event and listened to Andrew Coyne I was skeptical of his argument. Like any well-informed Canadian I am very familiar with our important democratic problems; first-past-the-post, excessive PMO power, party discipline, senate reform, etc. But Mr. Coyne's book succeeds at describing in pain-staking detail the full extent of the problem. Importantly, he contextualizes Canada's current malaise by comparing us to other more functioning democratic societies, and in many cases Canada's own history. Even a seasoned politico will learn much from this valuable book. While I am still skeptical that "crisis" is the most appropriate word, Coyne makes a strong case in favour of its appropriateness, and the topics he raises deserve wide attention.
December 19, 2025
I don’t always agree with Andrew Coyne’s newspaper columns, but his ideas are almost always deeply considered and well-reasoned. He doesn’t write clickbait, and while his politics generally skew more to the right than mine, he seems like a fair-minded individual, and even when he was writing for the National Post (the most right-leaning national newspaper in Canada), he didn’t carry water for the Conservatives, and even resigned from an editorial role when they spiked his column endorsing a vote against Stephen Harper in 2015.
The Crisis of Canadian Democracy is a clinical dissection of what’s wrong with, well, democracy in Canada. Coyne’s premise is bold: Canadian democracy is among the most broken in the developed world. Our elections are broken, our government is barely functioning, and votes have little-to-no value. His thesis feels provocative and exaggerated. The Harper years and Trudeau years had ugly stretches, but we simply can’t be worse than [America/the UK/other country of your choosing]!
In his own words:
But Coyne backs up every assertion with enough detail to convince. In chapters called things like “Prime Minister vs. Caucus”, “Unelected vs. Elected”, and “Campaigns”, Coyne compares Canadian government to other functioning democracies around the world, to show how indeed, we’re failing on many, many fronts. How parties select their leaders is broken. Power is concentrated in the PMO, and no member of parliament breaks with the party line. Cabinet is too large to be ineffective. The Senate does a lot of things that it shouldn’t, and few that it should. Elections are broken, and most votes don’t count. Question period is worse than useless. Governments accomplish less with more obfuscation of what they’re actually doing. There’s more.
Coyne systematically and exhaustively builds his arguments for each of these and more, drawing from history to show how the system was intended to function and how we’ve lost the path. He draws connections between the functioning of government and the petty tribalism that infects so much public discourse. He also suggests how we might find our way back: unfortunately, most of these solutions start with finding a Prime Minister who wants to cede some measure of control and authority, which seems pretty unlikely.
I’ll admit I’m not the best to find holes in his argument – hell I’ve probably learned half of what I know about the mechanics of the Canadian government from reading Coyne’s work over the years – but even the more critical reviews acknowledge that most of Coyne’s arguments are worth engaging with.
It’s a wonky book, to be sure – unless you’re a serious nerd for Canadian politics, this book will work more like a sedative than a call-to-action. But for readers who are increasingly frustrated with the state of Canadian politics, it’s a validating, convincing and ultimately hopeful book – only by looking these issues in the eye will we begin to solve them.
The Crisis of Canadian Democracy is a clinical dissection of what’s wrong with, well, democracy in Canada. Coyne’s premise is bold: Canadian democracy is among the most broken in the developed world. Our elections are broken, our government is barely functioning, and votes have little-to-no value. His thesis feels provocative and exaggerated. The Harper years and Trudeau years had ugly stretches, but we simply can’t be worse than [America/the UK/other country of your choosing]!
In his own words:
We have allowed Parliament and other institutions of our democracy to decay to such an extent that people no longer attach any importance to them or their doings. Lacking any notion of what these institutions once did, or might, they cannot conceive of what they are missing.
But Coyne backs up every assertion with enough detail to convince. In chapters called things like “Prime Minister vs. Caucus”, “Unelected vs. Elected”, and “Campaigns”, Coyne compares Canadian government to other functioning democracies around the world, to show how indeed, we’re failing on many, many fronts. How parties select their leaders is broken. Power is concentrated in the PMO, and no member of parliament breaks with the party line. Cabinet is too large to be ineffective. The Senate does a lot of things that it shouldn’t, and few that it should. Elections are broken, and most votes don’t count. Question period is worse than useless. Governments accomplish less with more obfuscation of what they’re actually doing. There’s more.
Coyne systematically and exhaustively builds his arguments for each of these and more, drawing from history to show how the system was intended to function and how we’ve lost the path. He draws connections between the functioning of government and the petty tribalism that infects so much public discourse. He also suggests how we might find our way back: unfortunately, most of these solutions start with finding a Prime Minister who wants to cede some measure of control and authority, which seems pretty unlikely.
I’ll admit I’m not the best to find holes in his argument – hell I’ve probably learned half of what I know about the mechanics of the Canadian government from reading Coyne’s work over the years – but even the more critical reviews acknowledge that most of Coyne’s arguments are worth engaging with.
It’s a wonky book, to be sure – unless you’re a serious nerd for Canadian politics, this book will work more like a sedative than a call-to-action. But for readers who are increasingly frustrated with the state of Canadian politics, it’s a validating, convincing and ultimately hopeful book – only by looking these issues in the eye will we begin to solve them.
October 12, 2025
Coyne argues that Canada’s political system is dysfunctional, unrepresentative of the people and sometimes downright corrupt. Everyone in Parliament and government from the ruling MPs (who are supposed to make the PM accountable) to the cabinet ministers are the PM’s mouthpieces and lackeys because their grip is so strong that nobody is really able to check their power. In-Party elections are corrupt battle royales with some very suspicious foreign interference in the mix. Much of the things claimed to make Canada’s system stable don’t really do so when paired up with other countries. Canada’s election system makes results less and less representative of the public opinion with each passing election.
These are just a few of the points Coyne makes among others, and I can’t really argue against them. What hits most is voter turnout, one of the worst of all democracies and particularly infectious amongst younger voting age citizens. It’s not that young people aren’t political, they very much are, but they feel so estranged from Canadian politics that it does not concern them much. Many are more concerned with the goings on of politics in some other country of their choosing (I personally fall prey to this) when theoretically the outcome of their local or national politics would impact them the most. But many of them grew up in a time where it didn’t feel like Canadian politics was their sport to play and so remain largely outside of it.
Coyne starts off giving relatively novel ideas on how to fix the problems in the system but grows more despairing with each chapter. He relates how many of the needed changes would require the approval of the very leaders who are advantaged by this system, and with very few checks and balances it is not clear if there is any other avenue to press through reform. I’d argue though that the lack of reform comes not just from leaders but also from a clear lack of interest from the Canadian voting public at large. We’ve simply “had it good” too long that we have left government to its own devices, which has proven over the years to not be a good idea. As well, many Canadians don’t feel the need to engage politically outside the one day where they cast their vote every few years before going back to not caring. Aside from the odd halfhearted protest I don’t really know anyone who, idk, cares who their MP is, is registered with any party or goes to political events that pertains to Canadian issues.
Overall a very sad situation I must say.
These are just a few of the points Coyne makes among others, and I can’t really argue against them. What hits most is voter turnout, one of the worst of all democracies and particularly infectious amongst younger voting age citizens. It’s not that young people aren’t political, they very much are, but they feel so estranged from Canadian politics that it does not concern them much. Many are more concerned with the goings on of politics in some other country of their choosing (I personally fall prey to this) when theoretically the outcome of their local or national politics would impact them the most. But many of them grew up in a time where it didn’t feel like Canadian politics was their sport to play and so remain largely outside of it.
Coyne starts off giving relatively novel ideas on how to fix the problems in the system but grows more despairing with each chapter. He relates how many of the needed changes would require the approval of the very leaders who are advantaged by this system, and with very few checks and balances it is not clear if there is any other avenue to press through reform. I’d argue though that the lack of reform comes not just from leaders but also from a clear lack of interest from the Canadian voting public at large. We’ve simply “had it good” too long that we have left government to its own devices, which has proven over the years to not be a good idea. As well, many Canadians don’t feel the need to engage politically outside the one day where they cast their vote every few years before going back to not caring. Aside from the odd halfhearted protest I don’t really know anyone who, idk, cares who their MP is, is registered with any party or goes to political events that pertains to Canadian issues.
Overall a very sad situation I must say.
August 21, 2025
4.5 stars
Andrew Coyne does political commentary on CBC News Network (at least that’s where I “know” him from). In this book, he describes what democracy in Canada is supposed to look like and explains that it has degraded so much as to almost no longer resemble democracy. He compares it to how it used to look in Canada and also to other democratic countries and how different is is (or has become).
I learned a lot. In high school I had no interest in politics. Once I could vote, I at least did enough research to know who I wanted to vote for. It was only in the past decade or so my interest started increasing and it has gained traction just this calendar year (despite so many others turning away from the news and politics, I’ve been more drawn in, “train-wreck” though it might be!).
So, I learned a lot about what things are supposed to look like in our government and how it has gone downhill. This includes the massive amount of power in the Prime Minister’s hands alone (and his staffers, not even his Cabinet, etc); MPs really only are there to vote alongside the rest of the party – no one can bring forward any other ideas, vote against, etc. The way our governments (and candidates and party leaders) are elected is not very democratic (yes, proportional representation is the way to go, and that’s something I’ve thought for a long time now, living in a place where my politics don’t seem to agree with the majority). And these are just a few of the issues (as big as these issues are!) discussed.
Might this be of interest to someone not in Canada? Maybe, if they are super-interested in politics and democracy, I suppose, but definitely of interest to anyone in Canada with an interest in politics.
Andrew Coyne does political commentary on CBC News Network (at least that’s where I “know” him from). In this book, he describes what democracy in Canada is supposed to look like and explains that it has degraded so much as to almost no longer resemble democracy. He compares it to how it used to look in Canada and also to other democratic countries and how different is is (or has become).
I learned a lot. In high school I had no interest in politics. Once I could vote, I at least did enough research to know who I wanted to vote for. It was only in the past decade or so my interest started increasing and it has gained traction just this calendar year (despite so many others turning away from the news and politics, I’ve been more drawn in, “train-wreck” though it might be!).
So, I learned a lot about what things are supposed to look like in our government and how it has gone downhill. This includes the massive amount of power in the Prime Minister’s hands alone (and his staffers, not even his Cabinet, etc); MPs really only are there to vote alongside the rest of the party – no one can bring forward any other ideas, vote against, etc. The way our governments (and candidates and party leaders) are elected is not very democratic (yes, proportional representation is the way to go, and that’s something I’ve thought for a long time now, living in a place where my politics don’t seem to agree with the majority). And these are just a few of the issues (as big as these issues are!) discussed.
Might this be of interest to someone not in Canada? Maybe, if they are super-interested in politics and democracy, I suppose, but definitely of interest to anyone in Canada with an interest in politics.
July 14, 2025
This book neatly and expertly encapsulates the sense of general social and political malaise I'm sure many of us feel about the state of Canada in 2025. Coyne compares the institutions of political power in Canada - parliament, the prime minister, the political parties, elections to name a few - to those found in fellow liberal democracies and finds, almost without fail, that Canada's institutions are failing to serve their intended purpose, that the separation of powers is more eroded than we believe it to be. In many ways a spiritual sequel to The Friendly Dictatorship for the 2020s, Coyne goes beyond solely castigating the concentration of power in the Prime Minister's Office and exposes the abysmal quality of politicians and governance this has created, and the tragic erosion of splendid institutions like parliament to nothing more than a stage for online clip-farming and boorish partisan theatrics, while the press - much to Coyne's lamentation - seems to accept the present state of affairs as normal. The Crisis of Canadian Democracy captures the Zeitgeist entirely and will remain a valuable snapshot of this era for generations to come.
December 16, 2025
Another RRR (Rudy Recommended Read)
This book is really just a spiritual successor to Jeffery Simpson’s THE FRIENDLY DICTATORSHIP. I don’t agree with Andrew Coyne on everything but I respect his willingness here to expose every blood clot in every chamber of the federal heart if you know what I mean. The part early on about question period—it felt like he was reading my mind. If you know me you know I have long fought for and care deeply about Canadian democracy, but this book makes me want to abandon that mission.
This book is really just a spiritual successor to Jeffery Simpson’s THE FRIENDLY DICTATORSHIP. I don’t agree with Andrew Coyne on everything but I respect his willingness here to expose every blood clot in every chamber of the federal heart if you know what I mean. The part early on about question period—it felt like he was reading my mind. If you know me you know I have long fought for and care deeply about Canadian democracy, but this book makes me want to abandon that mission.
September 7, 2025
Essential--if not mandatory--reading for politically inclined Canadians.
June 27, 2025
This is a very educational book that linked the challenges facing Canadian democracy. I thought Mr. Coyne was a little more negative than he needed to be but, overall, covered the issues we should be considering as Canadians.
November 7, 2025
This is not a comfortable read especially if you are on the edge of depression already on account of what’s happening south of the 49th parallel. In fact it’s pretty scary. I wish I could send a copy to every MP because I get the sense that unless the MPs are willing to put self-interest behind the good of the county, none of the measures proposed by Coyne to revive our democracy are possible.
December 23, 2024
Get ready - February 4th this one comes out
nine more weeks
and the always opinionated, always oddball, slightly interesting Andrew will report from Bizarro-land about Turdsville
It takes no genius for him to notice that Canadian Politics has been a game of rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic, while hanging onto the rope ladder from the Hindenburg
.........
How cool is this guy's reputation?
not very
'Coyne is a proponent of the Century Initiative, a proposal spearheaded by Dominic Barton to increase Canada's population to 100 million by 2100. He admits that this lofty goal might not increase Canada's standard of living. Nevertheless he supports it because it is ambitious and might result in more global clout for his home country.'
'He is also the cousin of constitutional lawyer Deborah Coyne, who is the mother of Pierre Trudeau's youngest child.'
STAND ON ZANZIBAR and THE POPULATION BOMB be damned!
Stay Tuned!
.......................................
Stand on Zanzibar is a dystopian New Wave science fiction novel written by John Brunner and first in part published in NEW WORLDS in 1967 and in book form in 1968
The title Stand on Zanzibar is an allusion to a thought experiment in which it was calculated that all the human beings in the world could fit shoulder to shoulder on the Isle of Wight; given population growth, Brunner expanded this to the island of Zanzibar.
Description
The novel is about overpopulation and its projected consequences. The story is set in 2010, mostly in the United States. The narrative follows the lives of a large cast of characters, chosen to give a broad cross-section of the future world.
The main story is about two New York men, Donald Hogan and Norman Niblock House, who share an apartment House is a rising executive at General Technics, one of the powerful corporations. Using his "Afram" (African American) heritage to advance his position, he has risen to vice-president at age twenty-six.
The two plots concern the fictional African state of Beninia making a deal with General Technics to take over the management of their country, to speed up development from Third World to First World status.
A second plot is a breakthrough in genetic engineering in the fictional Southeast Asian nation of Yatakang (an island nation and a former Dutch colony, like Indonesia), to which Hogan is soon sent by the United States government to investigate.
The two plots cross, bringing potential implications for the world.
.......................................
In his 2021 book Doom: The Politics of Catastrophe, historian Niall Ferguson lauds Stand on Zanzibar for foreseeing the future better than more popular novels such as Fahrenheit 451, The Handmaid's Tale and Anthem.
Yet, on further reflection, none of these authors truly foresaw all the peculiarities of our networked world, which has puzzlingly combined a rising speed and penetration of consumer information technology with a slackening of progress in other areas, such as nuclear energy, and a woeful degeneration of governance.
The real prophets turn out, on closer inspection, to be less familiar figures—for example, John Brunner, whose Stand on Zanzibar (1968) is set in 2010, at a time when population pressure has led to widening social divisions and political extremism.
Despite the threat of terrorism, U.S. corporations like General Technics are booming, thanks to a supercomputer named Shalmaneser.
China is America's new rival.
Europe has united.
Brunner also foresees affirmative action, genetic engineering, Viagra, Detroit's collapse, satellite TV, in-flight video, gay marriage, laser printing, electric cars, the de-criminalization of marijuana, and the decline of tobacco.
There is even a progressive president (albeit of Beninia, not America) named "Obomi".
.......................................
nine more weeks
and the always opinionated, always oddball, slightly interesting Andrew will report from Bizarro-land about Turdsville
It takes no genius for him to notice that Canadian Politics has been a game of rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic, while hanging onto the rope ladder from the Hindenburg
.........
How cool is this guy's reputation?
not very
'Coyne is a proponent of the Century Initiative, a proposal spearheaded by Dominic Barton to increase Canada's population to 100 million by 2100. He admits that this lofty goal might not increase Canada's standard of living. Nevertheless he supports it because it is ambitious and might result in more global clout for his home country.'
'He is also the cousin of constitutional lawyer Deborah Coyne, who is the mother of Pierre Trudeau's youngest child.'
STAND ON ZANZIBAR and THE POPULATION BOMB be damned!
Stay Tuned!
.......................................
Stand on Zanzibar is a dystopian New Wave science fiction novel written by John Brunner and first in part published in NEW WORLDS in 1967 and in book form in 1968
The title Stand on Zanzibar is an allusion to a thought experiment in which it was calculated that all the human beings in the world could fit shoulder to shoulder on the Isle of Wight; given population growth, Brunner expanded this to the island of Zanzibar.
Description
The novel is about overpopulation and its projected consequences. The story is set in 2010, mostly in the United States. The narrative follows the lives of a large cast of characters, chosen to give a broad cross-section of the future world.
The main story is about two New York men, Donald Hogan and Norman Niblock House, who share an apartment House is a rising executive at General Technics, one of the powerful corporations. Using his "Afram" (African American) heritage to advance his position, he has risen to vice-president at age twenty-six.
The two plots concern the fictional African state of Beninia making a deal with General Technics to take over the management of their country, to speed up development from Third World to First World status.
A second plot is a breakthrough in genetic engineering in the fictional Southeast Asian nation of Yatakang (an island nation and a former Dutch colony, like Indonesia), to which Hogan is soon sent by the United States government to investigate.
The two plots cross, bringing potential implications for the world.
.......................................
In his 2021 book Doom: The Politics of Catastrophe, historian Niall Ferguson lauds Stand on Zanzibar for foreseeing the future better than more popular novels such as Fahrenheit 451, The Handmaid's Tale and Anthem.
Yet, on further reflection, none of these authors truly foresaw all the peculiarities of our networked world, which has puzzlingly combined a rising speed and penetration of consumer information technology with a slackening of progress in other areas, such as nuclear energy, and a woeful degeneration of governance.
The real prophets turn out, on closer inspection, to be less familiar figures—for example, John Brunner, whose Stand on Zanzibar (1968) is set in 2010, at a time when population pressure has led to widening social divisions and political extremism.
Despite the threat of terrorism, U.S. corporations like General Technics are booming, thanks to a supercomputer named Shalmaneser.
China is America's new rival.
Europe has united.
Brunner also foresees affirmative action, genetic engineering, Viagra, Detroit's collapse, satellite TV, in-flight video, gay marriage, laser printing, electric cars, the de-criminalization of marijuana, and the decline of tobacco.
There is even a progressive president (albeit of Beninia, not America) named "Obomi".
.......................................
November 11, 2025
“The Crisis of Canadian Democracy” is an accurate, and at the same time sad, review of the near- complete dysfunction of Canada’s Federal Government. It’s also a review of why this crisis matters to Canada, and more importantly, to democracy itself. Further, the book presents ways in which things could be better and why matters are likely to get worse before this can or will happen.
I really needed to find a book on Canadian Government and was certainly not disappointed with this one. While I’ve long known that our Federal Government does not represent the folks who elected it, I didn’t always know the reasons why this has happened and what if anything can be done of it.
While watching the recent shenanigans of Justin Trudeau’s demise, the crazy proroguing of Parliament, the dirty tricks of The Longest Ballot, the juvenile and inane “debates” in the House of Commons, the coverups by the RCMP of the Prime Minister, I had lost sight of how our Federal Government works. Instinctively I knew it was corrupt, but I wanted to know how it got this way.
Andrew Coyne’s book let me better understand how the various branches of Canadian Government were supposed to work and how they actually work, starting with the three main functions of Government:
1. Executive – the Prime Minister (PM), The Cabinet (a difficult to manage group of 40) The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO consisting of120 folks), the Privy Council Office (PCO).
2. Legislative – the King/Crown and Governor General, the latter of which is appointed by the PM, the House of Commons (members of Parliament), the Senate (appointed by the PM)
3. Judicial – the Supreme Court (appointed by the PM) the Federal Courts including the Federal Court, Federal Court of Appel and Tax Court.
The book demonstrated many of the problems with this structure and the systems that have evolved with it, including:
1. The Canadian PM has more powers, with fewer constraints than any other democratic head of government.
2. The elected Members of Parliament (MPs) have virtually no power and have terrible jobs (my view).
3. Canada has the most rigid system of party discipline e.g., whips in the democratic world neutering what the MPs can say or do.
4. We have the most unequal electoral districts (ridings) among countries with comparable legislatures, meaning not all votes are equal.
5. In no other democratic country are party nominations and leadership races such unrestricted free-for-alls – even with children voting for elected officials.
As such this is a very brave and straight forward expose of the problems with Canada's federal government. Yet it's such an important topic.
I could see this book – or a version of it – being a necessary study in our high schools. Everyone should know more about how our government is supposed to work, and how it actually works, and where it fails us.
While we’ve long known that the Canada Government no longer represents the will of the Canadian people, and we know the ruling party acts almost exclusively in its own interest, the extent to which Andrew Coyne, columnist for the Globe & Mail, describes is sickening to the point of shocking. Good for him to write this.
I found the charts – many comparing Canada’s performance with other democracies – very helpful.
The only thing I thought puzzling about the book was why Andrew Coyne left us with a summary of the problems we face vs. a summary of solutions he proposed. While clearly they will be resisted by the powers that have benefited from the system, it’s good to put on paper a plan to reform our government.
This is a very important book for Canadians to read. For we need to break the apathy that pervades our electorate. As Plato said in Republic “The Price of Apathy is to be ruled by evil men.”
Canadians need to be more active in our selection of government and demand change. Or become increasingly poorer and less relevant in the world.
I really needed to find a book on Canadian Government and was certainly not disappointed with this one. While I’ve long known that our Federal Government does not represent the folks who elected it, I didn’t always know the reasons why this has happened and what if anything can be done of it.
While watching the recent shenanigans of Justin Trudeau’s demise, the crazy proroguing of Parliament, the dirty tricks of The Longest Ballot, the juvenile and inane “debates” in the House of Commons, the coverups by the RCMP of the Prime Minister, I had lost sight of how our Federal Government works. Instinctively I knew it was corrupt, but I wanted to know how it got this way.
Andrew Coyne’s book let me better understand how the various branches of Canadian Government were supposed to work and how they actually work, starting with the three main functions of Government:
1. Executive – the Prime Minister (PM), The Cabinet (a difficult to manage group of 40) The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO consisting of120 folks), the Privy Council Office (PCO).
2. Legislative – the King/Crown and Governor General, the latter of which is appointed by the PM, the House of Commons (members of Parliament), the Senate (appointed by the PM)
3. Judicial – the Supreme Court (appointed by the PM) the Federal Courts including the Federal Court, Federal Court of Appel and Tax Court.
The book demonstrated many of the problems with this structure and the systems that have evolved with it, including:
1. The Canadian PM has more powers, with fewer constraints than any other democratic head of government.
2. The elected Members of Parliament (MPs) have virtually no power and have terrible jobs (my view).
3. Canada has the most rigid system of party discipline e.g., whips in the democratic world neutering what the MPs can say or do.
4. We have the most unequal electoral districts (ridings) among countries with comparable legislatures, meaning not all votes are equal.
5. In no other democratic country are party nominations and leadership races such unrestricted free-for-alls – even with children voting for elected officials.
As such this is a very brave and straight forward expose of the problems with Canada's federal government. Yet it's such an important topic.
I could see this book – or a version of it – being a necessary study in our high schools. Everyone should know more about how our government is supposed to work, and how it actually works, and where it fails us.
While we’ve long known that the Canada Government no longer represents the will of the Canadian people, and we know the ruling party acts almost exclusively in its own interest, the extent to which Andrew Coyne, columnist for the Globe & Mail, describes is sickening to the point of shocking. Good for him to write this.
I found the charts – many comparing Canada’s performance with other democracies – very helpful.
The only thing I thought puzzling about the book was why Andrew Coyne left us with a summary of the problems we face vs. a summary of solutions he proposed. While clearly they will be resisted by the powers that have benefited from the system, it’s good to put on paper a plan to reform our government.
This is a very important book for Canadians to read. For we need to break the apathy that pervades our electorate. As Plato said in Republic “The Price of Apathy is to be ruled by evil men.”
Canadians need to be more active in our selection of government and demand change. Or become increasingly poorer and less relevant in the world.
August 26, 2025
A succinct overview that does a fine job at balancing diagnosis and prescription, but not without faults.
The main issue I have is that I don't think Coyne has identified why any of this matters, aside from the result being undemocratic. How does our distorted system result in bad public policy and ineffective governments? He should show, broadly, that this is making life materially worse for Canadians. Or that it results in public policy that Canadians do not want. He teases this in relation to PMJT's crisis of leadership in early 2025, but it only merits a page or two. If he is looking to influence change, this is a glaring omission. Canadians want "good government" first and foremost and I don't think he even tried to demonstrate that we aren't getting it.
There is also next to nothing in the book on transparency, which seems odd. How are Canadians supposed to make decisions when they aren't provided with the information needed to make informed decisions on what their government is even doing? This is barely mentioned.
His chapter on the the Senate and the Supreme Court was frustrating. He argues that, by convention, the Senate, by virtue of being unelected, was not intended to obstruct the House. OK, fair enough. He then completely glosses over that the Supreme Court was intended to operate in a similar manner when the Charter was initially created. Did anyone at that time envision some of its more expansive interpretations? The evidence he provides is extremely high-level and doesn't even touch on some of the courts more intrusive rulings, many of which have had significant impacts on public policy. On the one hand he lobbies intensely against a "virtuocracy" and in favour of the supremacy of Parliament, while in the next breath he thinks a virtuocracy is completely fine. He doesn't even consider that use of the notwithstanding clause has been normalized specifically because large swathes of the electorate do not view the Court's rulings as democratic, or in keeping with what was agreed upon 40 years ago. And at the the same time he bemoans the fact that the PM has too much unilateral power to appoint judges and that the system that selects the PM is undemocratic. So all appointees to the SC are a result of a profoundly undemocratic system, but its legitimacy as an institution is not to be questioned? It makes absolutely no sense.
The main issue I have is that I don't think Coyne has identified why any of this matters, aside from the result being undemocratic. How does our distorted system result in bad public policy and ineffective governments? He should show, broadly, that this is making life materially worse for Canadians. Or that it results in public policy that Canadians do not want. He teases this in relation to PMJT's crisis of leadership in early 2025, but it only merits a page or two. If he is looking to influence change, this is a glaring omission. Canadians want "good government" first and foremost and I don't think he even tried to demonstrate that we aren't getting it.
There is also next to nothing in the book on transparency, which seems odd. How are Canadians supposed to make decisions when they aren't provided with the information needed to make informed decisions on what their government is even doing? This is barely mentioned.
His chapter on the the Senate and the Supreme Court was frustrating. He argues that, by convention, the Senate, by virtue of being unelected, was not intended to obstruct the House. OK, fair enough. He then completely glosses over that the Supreme Court was intended to operate in a similar manner when the Charter was initially created. Did anyone at that time envision some of its more expansive interpretations? The evidence he provides is extremely high-level and doesn't even touch on some of the courts more intrusive rulings, many of which have had significant impacts on public policy. On the one hand he lobbies intensely against a "virtuocracy" and in favour of the supremacy of Parliament, while in the next breath he thinks a virtuocracy is completely fine. He doesn't even consider that use of the notwithstanding clause has been normalized specifically because large swathes of the electorate do not view the Court's rulings as democratic, or in keeping with what was agreed upon 40 years ago. And at the the same time he bemoans the fact that the PM has too much unilateral power to appoint judges and that the system that selects the PM is undemocratic. So all appointees to the SC are a result of a profoundly undemocratic system, but its legitimacy as an institution is not to be questioned? It makes absolutely no sense.
July 16, 2025
If Stephen King wrote a horror story about the state of the Canadian democracy this would be it.
Each element of how things work (or don't) from the nomination stage to how MPs are stripped of all power as are cabinet ministers and then they all end up in the HOC where, again things are anything but democratic with whipped votes on omnibus bills. Those bills, that used to be the product of a functional cabinet and fully and respectfully debated, are now crafted by the PM and a handful of advisors and presented to the cabinet as a done deal. Debate is both rehearsed and curtailed by time allocations - all orchestrated by one person - the PM. Mr. Trudeau and Mr. Harper along with quite a few others in the last few decades have run things this way.
What Canada is doing is not what other democracies do. They do not allow one person this much power. Imagine how this could play out with the wrong person in power and no checks or balances.
What needs to change is part of each section but Canadians would have to demand those changes.
Each element of how things work (or don't) from the nomination stage to how MPs are stripped of all power as are cabinet ministers and then they all end up in the HOC where, again things are anything but democratic with whipped votes on omnibus bills. Those bills, that used to be the product of a functional cabinet and fully and respectfully debated, are now crafted by the PM and a handful of advisors and presented to the cabinet as a done deal. Debate is both rehearsed and curtailed by time allocations - all orchestrated by one person - the PM. Mr. Trudeau and Mr. Harper along with quite a few others in the last few decades have run things this way.
What Canada is doing is not what other democracies do. They do not allow one person this much power. Imagine how this could play out with the wrong person in power and no checks or balances.
What needs to change is part of each section but Canadians would have to demand those changes.
July 11, 2025
Well-written, persuasive, and comprehensive, always taking care to reestablish what is desirable from first principles. Admittedly, I’m not really the target audience, in that I’m already won over to reform, especially electoral. (The crisis in Parliament I was less knowledgeable about, and I appreciate the cross-country comparisons in establishing that there was one.)
Coyne's classic dry wit is always there, but when it is turned against his own profession (political journalists, and how they cover campaigns) it is so ferocious and scathing that it elevates itself to art. But just wit and snark can get tiring quickly if it supports a black-and-white, good-vs-evil understanding of the world - then it would just be Jon Stewart or Jonathan Pie. Coyne is clear about the self-propelling incentive structures that lead politicians to act as they do, and is practical and concrete about measures that can break us out of our spiral.
Coyne's classic dry wit is always there, but when it is turned against his own profession (political journalists, and how they cover campaigns) it is so ferocious and scathing that it elevates itself to art. But just wit and snark can get tiring quickly if it supports a black-and-white, good-vs-evil understanding of the world - then it would just be Jon Stewart or Jonathan Pie. Coyne is clear about the self-propelling incentive structures that lead politicians to act as they do, and is practical and concrete about measures that can break us out of our spiral.
July 15, 2025
Andrew Coyne sounds the alarm on unassailable leaders, unrepresentative democracy and parliamentary dysfunction in his latest title. The book's chapters are divided into the aforementioned topics that warrant their own standalone volumes. Despite the depth of the subjects explored, Coyne meets the challenge of balancing depth with succinctness and description with prescription. In short, the book argues that leaders are largely unaccountable to their parties, while MPs who comprise the parties are largely not accountable to their constituents, but rather the leader. What results is apathy or resentment, each uniquely corrosive to the political process. The long-winded chapter about elections is the only notable flaw. Highly recommended.
August 4, 2025
Very clear and to the point. Also, quite convincing and informative, despite the bold thesis, Coyne very rarely bites off more than he can chew. A great read for myself, who knows quite little about Canadian history and politics. Having read this book, I will be on much better grounds to understand how Canada’s government will be seen to cope with the ongoing crises and challenges of the near future. I don’t necessarily agree with each of Coyne’s proposed alternatives (mandatory voting, for instance) but buy in large they’re each better than what the current system offers. What’s clear is we need some kind of reform, and as Coyne says, this cannot be restricted to just one component of our democracy, change needs to happen across the board.
December 24, 2025
Comparing Canada’s system to that of the US I’m starting to believe is a bit like comparing apples to oranges. The US is corrupt from the very top to the very bottom proving that money destroys even the most elegantly designed system. However flawed the design of Canada’s political system is, it is also being destroyed by top-down manipulation of MPs, lack of MPs questioning anything across party lines, and a disturbing lack of voter participation. However biased or un- you may think the author, he eloquently provides myriad examples of how Canada is one of the least democratic countries in the so-called “western world.” Anyone who cares about Canada NEEDS to read this book.
July 28, 2025
well written, a good but demoralizing read. Coyne has articulated what I knew to be true but I did not realize just how bad things were in Canada. this should be required reading for (would be) politicians and perhaps taught in high school civics courses (if we even have such a thing). A recent headline suggests Trudeau regrets not bringing in PR or electoral reform. Well boo hoo, too little too late. This book disturbed me and we should be disturbed. I wonder how long it will take for us to bring in reform. Hopefully in my lifetime.
November 4, 2025
Great recap of all the ways in which Canadian democracy is undemocratic. Lots of ideas for reform. The author stresses that they may not lead to better outcomes except, most importantly, greater legitimacy (and more citizen engagement). But no real ideas for how to initiate these reforms. It is left largely to the goodwill of politicians who seemingly have no interest in changing the current system which elected them.
December 27, 2025
This is a very thoughtful cri de coeur which should be read more widely. It might overstate its case at times but, in general, I think that Coyne is very much on target.
I can easily imagine people arguing with him about certain points; I would love to see some attempt at refuting his points but I suspect most of the arguments would be ad hominem or highly cynical rather than thoughtful discussions of his thesis.
I can easily imagine people arguing with him about certain points; I would love to see some attempt at refuting his points but I suspect most of the arguments would be ad hominem or highly cynical rather than thoughtful discussions of his thesis.
June 30, 2025
Informative. A great way to learn about something is by reading it's sharpest critic, apparently. Andrew Coyne criticizes Canada because he wants it to be better, which is noble I think, especially at this time. His strongest positive idea is for reconsideration of electoral reform; unfortunately I'm not hopeful that will happen anytime soon.
September 27, 2025
Fairly negative, and change is possible. Granted, he does provide some suggestions but as he puts it "as I've argued throughout, you run into the biggest self reinforcing loop of all: the system can only be changed by those who are elected under the existing system. The Prime Minister's powers cannot be reduced without the Prime Minister's consent." Scary.
June 24, 2025
Every Canadian of every political and apolitical stripe should read this!
September 19, 2025
This book should be mandatory reading (or listening) by every Canadian. A book written by Canada’s foremost journalist and a gift to this country. Thank you Andrew Coyne.
October 29, 2025
Review to come…I am processing what I just finished reading.
August 16, 2025
It's crucial to understand the issues plaguing Canadian democracy and the potential solutions. Coyne's advocacy for proportional representation is a powerful voice in this debate. The main obstacle to change, as the author points out, is the very individuals benefiting from the current system. Their disregard for the majority of Canadians, whose votes are not accurately represented in Parliament, is a cause for concern.
Despite the challenges, there is a glimmer of hope that a politician will emerge who prioritizes the country over personal gain and works towards making Canada's electoral system truly democratic. Let's not succumb to the same fate as the U.S., but instead, hold onto this hope for a better future.
Despite the challenges, there is a glimmer of hope that a politician will emerge who prioritizes the country over personal gain and works towards making Canada's electoral system truly democratic. Let's not succumb to the same fate as the U.S., but instead, hold onto this hope for a better future.
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