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The South China Sea: The Struggle for Power in Asia
Why the world can't afford to be indifferent to the simmering conflict in the South China Sea
"The greatest risk today in U.S.-Chinese relations is the South China Sea, through which passes 40% of world trade. . . . Hayton explains how this all came about and points to the growing risks of miscalculation and escalation."—Daniel Yergin, Wall Street Journal
China’s rise has upset the global balance of power, and the first place to feel the strain is Beijing’s back the South China Sea. For decades tensions have smoldered in the region, but today the threat of a direct confrontation among superpowers grows ever more likely. This important book is the first to make clear sense of the South Sea disputes. Bill Hayton, a journalist with extensive experience in the region, examines the high stakes involved for rival nations that include Vietnam, India, Taiwan, the Philippines, and China, as well as the United States, Russia, and others. Hayton also lays out the daunting obstacles that stand in the way of peaceful resolution.
Through lively stories of individuals who have shaped current conflicts—businessmen, scientists, shippers, archaeologists, soldiers, diplomats, and more—Hayton makes understandable the complex history and contemporary reality of the South China Sea. He underscores its crucial importance as the passageway for half the world’s merchant shipping and one-third of its oil and gas. Whoever controls these waters controls the access between Europe, the Middle East, South Asia, and the Pacific. The author critiques various claims and positions (that China has historic claim to the Sea, for example), overturns conventional wisdoms (such as America’s overblown fears of China’s nationalism and military resurgence), and outlines what the future may hold for this clamorous region of international rivalry.
"The greatest risk today in U.S.-Chinese relations is the South China Sea, through which passes 40% of world trade. . . . Hayton explains how this all came about and points to the growing risks of miscalculation and escalation."—Daniel Yergin, Wall Street Journal
China’s rise has upset the global balance of power, and the first place to feel the strain is Beijing’s back the South China Sea. For decades tensions have smoldered in the region, but today the threat of a direct confrontation among superpowers grows ever more likely. This important book is the first to make clear sense of the South Sea disputes. Bill Hayton, a journalist with extensive experience in the region, examines the high stakes involved for rival nations that include Vietnam, India, Taiwan, the Philippines, and China, as well as the United States, Russia, and others. Hayton also lays out the daunting obstacles that stand in the way of peaceful resolution.
Through lively stories of individuals who have shaped current conflicts—businessmen, scientists, shippers, archaeologists, soldiers, diplomats, and more—Hayton makes understandable the complex history and contemporary reality of the South China Sea. He underscores its crucial importance as the passageway for half the world’s merchant shipping and one-third of its oil and gas. Whoever controls these waters controls the access between Europe, the Middle East, South Asia, and the Pacific. The author critiques various claims and positions (that China has historic claim to the Sea, for example), overturns conventional wisdoms (such as America’s overblown fears of China’s nationalism and military resurgence), and outlines what the future may hold for this clamorous region of international rivalry.
320 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2014
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1243 people want to read
About the author
Bill Hayton
6 books33 followersBill Hayton is a longtime reporter with BBC News, specializing in contemporary Asia. He has also written for The Economist, the South China Morning Post, and the National Interest.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 48 reviews
February 10, 2017
Bill Hayton has written an important book about a world hotspot that receives far too little attention in the United States and Europe now obsessed with Islamic terrorism, the refugee crisis and the mess in the Middle East. In the meantime, the South China Sea region continues to grow importance as a global economic powerhouse, while tensions mount between the increasingly aggressive China and its neighbors. The importance of South China Sea goes far beyond the region. For example, US$5.3 trillion of trade passes through the South China Sea, according to the Council on Foreign Relations (Armed Clash in the South China Sea). Of this, U.S. trade accounts for US1.2 trillion. According to security expert Robert D. Kaplan, almost 60% of Japan’s and Taiwan’s and 80% of China’s crude oil imports are also transported through the relatively narrow sea lanes in the region. As China flexes its political and military muscles in order to secure the mineral and other resources in the South China Sea to itself, it is imperative for the rest of the world to ensure that the international waters in the area remain open for navigation. Hence the Obama administration’s “pivot to Asia” when Hillary Clinton was the Secretary of State.
South China Sea directly borders a large number countries, including China, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei, the Philippines, and the Republic of China (Taiwan). In addition, countries like Japan have an important stake in the sea. As a semi-enclosed sea, there is considerable scope for overlapping claims for territorial waters in the area. China has unilaterally established a “nine-dashed line” – known as the “cow’s tongue” – that usurps most of South China Sea to the big brother in the region. In 2009, the Chinese government attached a map of this “U-shaped line” to its submission to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf. At stake are island groups, such as the Paracels (claimed by China, Taiwan and Vietnam) and the Spratly Islands (disputed by Brunei, China, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan and Vietnam), and their presumed resources, from oil and minerals to fishing. In 2013, the Philippines brought the case under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) to the International Court of Justice, which in June 2016 ruled in the Philippines’ favor on seven of the aspects in the case (stating that in other seven submissions it was not able to provide a ruling). Needless to say, China has not accepted the ruling. Hayton in his book gives extensive background to the disputes and China’s attempts to use both the notion of territorial waters under UNCLOS as well as historical arguments to justify its claims to most of the sea area.
In the first lengthy chapter, ‘Wrecks and Wrongs: Prehistory to 1500’, Hayton provides a comprehensive historical overview of the waxing and waning empires – including the Champa, Angkor and Srivijaya – in the South China Sea area and the importance of the Nusantao Maritime Trading and Communication Network (using the term coined by the archeologist Wilhem Solheim). This analysis convincingly refutes the notion of any single nation having unique historical claims to the sea. In the following chapter, ‘Maps and Lines: 1500 to 1948’, the book moves on to the era when the European colonial powers played a significant role in the region, until the times in the 1930s when the Chinese government turned to map-making in trying to exert its control over the region. Hayton demonstrates how new Chinese names were invented for many of the islands and reefs, sometimes just translating the names that the French and the British had given to them (like in the case of North Danger Reef in Spratly Islands, which was simply translated into Bei xian), to give legitimacy to the historical claims. The French geographer, François-Xavier Bonnet has also shown how China has planted archaeological evidence on the islands in the South China Sea to bolster its territorial claims (Archeology and Patriotism: Long Term Chinese Strategies in the South China Sea, 2015). Following Mao’s revolution, the Communists adopted the policies and maps of the predecessor government.
China, however, has not been the only regional actor trying to ensure access to South China Sea and its resources. Others, not least Vietnam and the Philippines, have been active, too, sometimes using inventive tactics to expand their control. For example, both countries established garrisons on deserted islands in the North Spratly Islands trying to outmaneuver each other. Despite earlier conflicts, these garrisons are now on speaking terms and have even organized football and basketball matches between themselves. One of the core strategies of all the actors has been to try to establish a permanent foothold on uninhabited (and often uninhabitable) islands or mere rocks, so as to be able to claim territorial waters around them. Hayton gives detailed and interesting accounts of these efforts. Placing permanent structures and settlements for military personnel unfortunate enough to be posted in these hostile environments is hard when a rock is unable to support food production or is part of the year submerged under water. These claims can’t be accepted under international law, but it hasn’t stopped China and others from establishing bases on them. This strategy may be dissolved in water when rising sea levels due to global warming fully submerge the geological formations.
Among the key actors in the fray have, naturally, been many energy companies hoping for a bonanza on the hydrocarbons supposedly lying under the South China Sea. The extent of these, as well as the technical and economic feasibility of extracting them, is still somewhat unknown. Still multinationals, such as BP and ExxonMobil (and many of their subsidiaries, some established just for this purpose), as well as national energy companies like the Sinopec (China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation) have entered the geopolitical game as active players. Surely the Secretary of State nominee, ExxonMobil CEO Rex Tillerson, will be able to advice the incoming President Trump on the intricacies of the situation.
In the sixth chapter, ‘Drums and Symbols: Nationalism’, Hayton discusses how the countries in the region have used sovereignty issues around South China Sea to boost nationalistic sentiments, often to divert attention from domestic problems. Equally obviously, all countries in the basin, as well as outside, such as the United States, use political carrots and sticks to convince others, including those in the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), to support their position. China’s diplomacy, which alternates between economic incentives and military threats, is especially powerful in this regard. Towards the end of the book, chapter 8 focuses on ‘Shaping the Battlefield: Military Matters’, outlining the military buildup in the region, as well as the role of the United States armed forces providing security guarantees to its allies, notably Taiwan, but also others.
Last but not at all least, the South China Sea is significant in terms of its environment. Apart from fisheries, Hayton does not spend much time discussing environmental issues. The fishing issue is big enough in itself, given that the 500 million or so, largely poor, people living on the shores of South China Sea depend on fish for their protein. In the last chapter 9, ‘Cooperation and Its Opposites: Resolving the Disputes’, Hayton discusses the declining yields caused by overfishing and development in the sea. There has been a steady increase in the number of fishing operators (from 584,000 in 1980 to 1.8 million in 2002) and the fishing fleets’ power, size and ability to operate far offshore has equally increased. Over the same period, the average catch of a small inshore fisherman has fallen from 20 kg to 2 kg, which barely allows for subsistence. Again, China is the biggest culprit and as its fishing boats have ventured further away, this has led to clashes with other nations’ coast guards. Recognizing the problem, China has attempted to establish periodic fishing bans to allow for the fish stocks to recuperate, but this is not enough. A better solution would be to establish permanent marine protected areas, but this obviously requires agreement and cooperation by all countries in the region.
Apart from the fisheries, the South China Sea basin is a repository of globally significant ecosystems and biodiversity in mangroves, seagrass beds and the like. These are threatened by coastal development, extensive aquaculture, land-based sources of pollution and many other human-induced stresses. The project, ‘Reversing Environmental Degradation Trends in the South China Sea and Gulf of Thailand’, funded by the organization that I work for, Global Environment Facility, and implemented by the UN Environment Programme, is a major effort to fight these trends – and it was the first regional program of its kind in which China agreed to participate. I was delighted to see the program getting mention in Hayton’s book.
The South China Sea by Bill Hayton is a good complement to Robert D. Kaplan’s fine 2014 book Asia’s Cauldron: The South China Sea and the End of a Stable Pacific. In fact, where Kaplan focuses on military and security issues (while giving geography and politics fair coverage), Hayton’s approach is broader. Especially the historical chapters are amongst the best in the book, bringing new information in a consolidated form and putting the current issues in perspective.
South China Sea is an area with high risk for conflict, even if a shooting war between China and the U.S. would be unlikely. Just earlier this month, a Chinese navy ship intercepted and confiscated a U.S. submarine drone in international waters causing tensions between the two countries. Lynn Kuok, in an opinion piece published by the Brookings Institution this month, advises the incoming administration about the importance of the region for US and global strategic interests (“America first” cannot mean “America alone”: Engaging Southeast Asia). If the US withdraws from the TPP (Trans Pacific Partnership), ignores ASEAN, and waffles on its interests and commitments in the region, this will only benefit China as the hegemon of the region. Others, like Susan Shirk, head of the China policy center at the University of California San Diego, have argued that the US interests in the South China Sea are limited (see China’s Great Leap Backward by James Fallows in The Atlantic). Then again, as Kuok wrote in June 2016, “The South China Sea dispute is about much more than mere ‘rocks.’ It concerns maritime rights and the preservation of the system of international law. More broadly, how the United States and China interact in the South China Sea has important implications of their relationship elsewhere and on other issues” (The U.S. FON Program in the South China Sea).
In my opinion, the South China Sea issues are so important for regional stability, freedom of navigation, food security, and the global environment, that they deserve the full attention of the world at large.
South China Sea directly borders a large number countries, including China, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei, the Philippines, and the Republic of China (Taiwan). In addition, countries like Japan have an important stake in the sea. As a semi-enclosed sea, there is considerable scope for overlapping claims for territorial waters in the area. China has unilaterally established a “nine-dashed line” – known as the “cow’s tongue” – that usurps most of South China Sea to the big brother in the region. In 2009, the Chinese government attached a map of this “U-shaped line” to its submission to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf. At stake are island groups, such as the Paracels (claimed by China, Taiwan and Vietnam) and the Spratly Islands (disputed by Brunei, China, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan and Vietnam), and their presumed resources, from oil and minerals to fishing. In 2013, the Philippines brought the case under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) to the International Court of Justice, which in June 2016 ruled in the Philippines’ favor on seven of the aspects in the case (stating that in other seven submissions it was not able to provide a ruling). Needless to say, China has not accepted the ruling. Hayton in his book gives extensive background to the disputes and China’s attempts to use both the notion of territorial waters under UNCLOS as well as historical arguments to justify its claims to most of the sea area.
In the first lengthy chapter, ‘Wrecks and Wrongs: Prehistory to 1500’, Hayton provides a comprehensive historical overview of the waxing and waning empires – including the Champa, Angkor and Srivijaya – in the South China Sea area and the importance of the Nusantao Maritime Trading and Communication Network (using the term coined by the archeologist Wilhem Solheim). This analysis convincingly refutes the notion of any single nation having unique historical claims to the sea. In the following chapter, ‘Maps and Lines: 1500 to 1948’, the book moves on to the era when the European colonial powers played a significant role in the region, until the times in the 1930s when the Chinese government turned to map-making in trying to exert its control over the region. Hayton demonstrates how new Chinese names were invented for many of the islands and reefs, sometimes just translating the names that the French and the British had given to them (like in the case of North Danger Reef in Spratly Islands, which was simply translated into Bei xian), to give legitimacy to the historical claims. The French geographer, François-Xavier Bonnet has also shown how China has planted archaeological evidence on the islands in the South China Sea to bolster its territorial claims (Archeology and Patriotism: Long Term Chinese Strategies in the South China Sea, 2015). Following Mao’s revolution, the Communists adopted the policies and maps of the predecessor government.
China, however, has not been the only regional actor trying to ensure access to South China Sea and its resources. Others, not least Vietnam and the Philippines, have been active, too, sometimes using inventive tactics to expand their control. For example, both countries established garrisons on deserted islands in the North Spratly Islands trying to outmaneuver each other. Despite earlier conflicts, these garrisons are now on speaking terms and have even organized football and basketball matches between themselves. One of the core strategies of all the actors has been to try to establish a permanent foothold on uninhabited (and often uninhabitable) islands or mere rocks, so as to be able to claim territorial waters around them. Hayton gives detailed and interesting accounts of these efforts. Placing permanent structures and settlements for military personnel unfortunate enough to be posted in these hostile environments is hard when a rock is unable to support food production or is part of the year submerged under water. These claims can’t be accepted under international law, but it hasn’t stopped China and others from establishing bases on them. This strategy may be dissolved in water when rising sea levels due to global warming fully submerge the geological formations.
Among the key actors in the fray have, naturally, been many energy companies hoping for a bonanza on the hydrocarbons supposedly lying under the South China Sea. The extent of these, as well as the technical and economic feasibility of extracting them, is still somewhat unknown. Still multinationals, such as BP and ExxonMobil (and many of their subsidiaries, some established just for this purpose), as well as national energy companies like the Sinopec (China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation) have entered the geopolitical game as active players. Surely the Secretary of State nominee, ExxonMobil CEO Rex Tillerson, will be able to advice the incoming President Trump on the intricacies of the situation.
In the sixth chapter, ‘Drums and Symbols: Nationalism’, Hayton discusses how the countries in the region have used sovereignty issues around South China Sea to boost nationalistic sentiments, often to divert attention from domestic problems. Equally obviously, all countries in the basin, as well as outside, such as the United States, use political carrots and sticks to convince others, including those in the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), to support their position. China’s diplomacy, which alternates between economic incentives and military threats, is especially powerful in this regard. Towards the end of the book, chapter 8 focuses on ‘Shaping the Battlefield: Military Matters’, outlining the military buildup in the region, as well as the role of the United States armed forces providing security guarantees to its allies, notably Taiwan, but also others.
Last but not at all least, the South China Sea is significant in terms of its environment. Apart from fisheries, Hayton does not spend much time discussing environmental issues. The fishing issue is big enough in itself, given that the 500 million or so, largely poor, people living on the shores of South China Sea depend on fish for their protein. In the last chapter 9, ‘Cooperation and Its Opposites: Resolving the Disputes’, Hayton discusses the declining yields caused by overfishing and development in the sea. There has been a steady increase in the number of fishing operators (from 584,000 in 1980 to 1.8 million in 2002) and the fishing fleets’ power, size and ability to operate far offshore has equally increased. Over the same period, the average catch of a small inshore fisherman has fallen from 20 kg to 2 kg, which barely allows for subsistence. Again, China is the biggest culprit and as its fishing boats have ventured further away, this has led to clashes with other nations’ coast guards. Recognizing the problem, China has attempted to establish periodic fishing bans to allow for the fish stocks to recuperate, but this is not enough. A better solution would be to establish permanent marine protected areas, but this obviously requires agreement and cooperation by all countries in the region.
Apart from the fisheries, the South China Sea basin is a repository of globally significant ecosystems and biodiversity in mangroves, seagrass beds and the like. These are threatened by coastal development, extensive aquaculture, land-based sources of pollution and many other human-induced stresses. The project, ‘Reversing Environmental Degradation Trends in the South China Sea and Gulf of Thailand’, funded by the organization that I work for, Global Environment Facility, and implemented by the UN Environment Programme, is a major effort to fight these trends – and it was the first regional program of its kind in which China agreed to participate. I was delighted to see the program getting mention in Hayton’s book.
The South China Sea by Bill Hayton is a good complement to Robert D. Kaplan’s fine 2014 book Asia’s Cauldron: The South China Sea and the End of a Stable Pacific. In fact, where Kaplan focuses on military and security issues (while giving geography and politics fair coverage), Hayton’s approach is broader. Especially the historical chapters are amongst the best in the book, bringing new information in a consolidated form and putting the current issues in perspective.
South China Sea is an area with high risk for conflict, even if a shooting war between China and the U.S. would be unlikely. Just earlier this month, a Chinese navy ship intercepted and confiscated a U.S. submarine drone in international waters causing tensions between the two countries. Lynn Kuok, in an opinion piece published by the Brookings Institution this month, advises the incoming administration about the importance of the region for US and global strategic interests (“America first” cannot mean “America alone”: Engaging Southeast Asia). If the US withdraws from the TPP (Trans Pacific Partnership), ignores ASEAN, and waffles on its interests and commitments in the region, this will only benefit China as the hegemon of the region. Others, like Susan Shirk, head of the China policy center at the University of California San Diego, have argued that the US interests in the South China Sea are limited (see China’s Great Leap Backward by James Fallows in The Atlantic). Then again, as Kuok wrote in June 2016, “The South China Sea dispute is about much more than mere ‘rocks.’ It concerns maritime rights and the preservation of the system of international law. More broadly, how the United States and China interact in the South China Sea has important implications of their relationship elsewhere and on other issues” (The U.S. FON Program in the South China Sea).
In my opinion, the South China Sea issues are so important for regional stability, freedom of navigation, food security, and the global environment, that they deserve the full attention of the world at large.
January 28, 2023
(3.5)
"Weary readers of this book might, at this point, be wishing for a sizeable dose of climate change to raise sea level and submerge the features of the South China Sea altogether." Bill Hayton makes this joke (readers will determine if it's in poor taste or merely dark) very close to the end of an extensive examination of multiple claims by multiple nations to this and that piece of guano-covered rock in the sea under question (as well as legitimate islands) for the purpose of extending territorial boundaries. There's an appalling display of patriotism, pride, chicanery, gall, beating of war drums, self-interest, brinksmanship, and a refusal to abide by international laws. The main instigator of trouble is the chinese government, whose claims to islands or knobs of rock is often based on old tales that don't hold up to historical scrutiny.
Hayton's book was published in 2014. Much has changed since the book came out, among them island building and military build-ups in the disputed Spratly Islands by the chinese government and, more positively, increased trade, talks, and visits between the leaders of china, the philippines, vietnam, and land-locked laos. While oil and fish are discussed at length, little is said of the ecological and environmental pressures of drilling for oil and gas in the sea. The South China Sea, nevertheless, is essential background reading for readers interested in the history of the region and wondering what might happen next in this fraught area involving the nations making up Asean (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), as well as the United States.
"Weary readers of this book might, at this point, be wishing for a sizeable dose of climate change to raise sea level and submerge the features of the South China Sea altogether." Bill Hayton makes this joke (readers will determine if it's in poor taste or merely dark) very close to the end of an extensive examination of multiple claims by multiple nations to this and that piece of guano-covered rock in the sea under question (as well as legitimate islands) for the purpose of extending territorial boundaries. There's an appalling display of patriotism, pride, chicanery, gall, beating of war drums, self-interest, brinksmanship, and a refusal to abide by international laws. The main instigator of trouble is the chinese government, whose claims to islands or knobs of rock is often based on old tales that don't hold up to historical scrutiny.
Hayton's book was published in 2014. Much has changed since the book came out, among them island building and military build-ups in the disputed Spratly Islands by the chinese government and, more positively, increased trade, talks, and visits between the leaders of china, the philippines, vietnam, and land-locked laos. While oil and fish are discussed at length, little is said of the ecological and environmental pressures of drilling for oil and gas in the sea. The South China Sea, nevertheless, is essential background reading for readers interested in the history of the region and wondering what might happen next in this fraught area involving the nations making up Asean (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), as well as the United States.
August 15, 2019
As a new student of the South China Sea conflicts, this book gave a good description of events from the beginning of history as we know (before lands were colonised, when people are known to be nomadic) up to early 2000. The analysis was easy to follow and made sound reasoning. Each issue was analysed from historical context to current domestic and international situations. The behavior of each country and whys are well thought of. Although, i lack reading yet on what they would argue in return.
It was an interesting read on the imbalance of power and the shifts within the region from then until now, who the real forces are, how the Communist Party of China is manipulating its people’s psych in order to reason out its actions’, how truly the elite (in any country) is ready to do anything for their preservation (can be argued to actually be human nature)
It was an interesting read on the imbalance of power and the shifts within the region from then until now, who the real forces are, how the Communist Party of China is manipulating its people’s psych in order to reason out its actions’, how truly the elite (in any country) is ready to do anything for their preservation (can be argued to actually be human nature)
October 20, 2024
Recommended if you want greater detail into the territorial disputes throughout the South China Sea. Great reference if you want to know how historical China's 9-dash line really is, or the significance of the myriad rocks (both underwater and barely above water) in the Paracels and Spratleys. It isn't riveting, like "Asia's Cauldron," but it has more detail and legal and historical analysis. Overall, I'd recommend it for anyone working in this region of the world (or serving, if they're in the military). It was written in 2014, so it's fairly up-to-date, though the Permanent Court of Arbitration decision has been rendered (completely against China). Regardless, I think Hayton has it right when he discusses how China will completely ignore a PCA ruling against it.
April 8, 2017
Nice book with a lot of information on South china sea topic. Sometimes too much detail can make you feel bored
May 11, 2021
Does this book date, like a journalistic tome?
No. Its basis is in historical occurrence, historical analysis and general understanding.
It doesn't take sides; it's only real suggestion is in the very last sentence. The rest is a 'here is how it stands with all the players'. It doesn't overly express any particular point of view (apart from occasional humour - concerning Freedomland for example). It doesn't make predictions, which would have been risky business for relevance.
It mentions certain legal disputes, which were resolved in the year following publication with the UN legal resolution in 2016. However, the book is smart enough to say 'but it probably won't make any difference'. Apart from that, the mention of a thinktank leader (who is now dead - he was ninety-something when he retired), it avoids being tied to a particular time. It's value as knowledge will thus extend outwards.
And it's clear and readable, and occasionally makes humorous observations to keep this moving. A truly definitive guide to the issue. (I've read lesser attempts at this). Even when, in decades time, the situation will change again to something unimaginable, this will STILL tell you a bunch of important things about one of the most important regions in the world.
No. Its basis is in historical occurrence, historical analysis and general understanding.
It doesn't take sides; it's only real suggestion is in the very last sentence. The rest is a 'here is how it stands with all the players'. It doesn't overly express any particular point of view (apart from occasional humour - concerning Freedomland for example). It doesn't make predictions, which would have been risky business for relevance.
It mentions certain legal disputes, which were resolved in the year following publication with the UN legal resolution in 2016. However, the book is smart enough to say 'but it probably won't make any difference'. Apart from that, the mention of a thinktank leader (who is now dead - he was ninety-something when he retired), it avoids being tied to a particular time. It's value as knowledge will thus extend outwards.
And it's clear and readable, and occasionally makes humorous observations to keep this moving. A truly definitive guide to the issue. (I've read lesser attempts at this). Even when, in decades time, the situation will change again to something unimaginable, this will STILL tell you a bunch of important things about one of the most important regions in the world.
December 31, 2021
A riveting and wonderful history on the region of the South China Sea. Mr. Hayton points out that the territory is not owned by one country (China) and should be shared for greater peace and world stability. He offers some insights into the conflict and how to solve it, but so far, the advice has not been taken. I think it will be interesting to see what happens in this part of the world, especially with China's increased aggression in the region and the United States finally growing a spine and confronting the issue head on, as opposed to saying, "You can't do that" and then sit around and watch Xi laugh in our faces the past 9 years.
Just so happened that I finished this book today. Happy New Year everyone and can't wait to see what you all read in 2022.
Just so happened that I finished this book today. Happy New Year everyone and can't wait to see what you all read in 2022.
April 5, 2015
Our modern economy relies on open access to the sea - and a significant amount of the world's annual merchant fleet tonnage passes through the South China Sea and the Strait of Malacca each year, including almost a third of global crude oil shipments and over half of global liquefied natural gas (LNG) shipments.
Yet the South China Sea is highly contested territory, with emotional disputes involving China, Vietnam, Indonesia, Taiwan, and the Philippines, among others (NB: the disputes between China/Japan/South Korea, over the Senkaku/Daioyu Islands for example, is in the East China Sea and outside of the scope of this book although similar in nature). If there is a most likely flashpoint for hostilities between the United States and China, it is here: where the US need for open seas rubs directly against China's concern that an inability to control these seas is an existential risk.
Today there is a sometimes-almost-comic dance of claim and counter-claim between China and other nearby claimant countries, with all-too-serious overtones of major power military preparations as China tries to materialize an Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) capability, and the US counters with the development of the Air-Sea Battle concept and NIA/D3 (a mouthful: networked, integrated forces capable of attack-in-depth to disrupt, destroy, and defeat...).
This book provides a comprehensive view of conflict, including:
- A comprehensive history of the sea, from pre-nation state societies through to the present
- The legalities of claims and counter-claims, looking at how UNCLOS (the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea) might apply, and how historical claims do or don't hold water - including differences between "land features," "rocks," and "completely submerged at low tide"
- The various attempts that have been made to resolve differences and work together, whether bilaterally or via organizations such as ASEAN, and how these have generally come to naught (and usually due to Chinese action or inaction)
- The ramifications, including the positioning of the claims in quite jingoistic - how conflict cannot be ruled out because governments - and again especially China's - have staked so much political credibility on their claims
- The possibilities for resolution going forward
There are no happy answers, and no easy route to setting these disputes. But for anyone wanting to understand the situation and implications, this is a good book to start with. It's readable and thorough, and my only reason for not rating it higher is that the entire topic - despite its potential importance - is just not that interesting to me, so the book was a bit of a slog despite being well presented.
Yet the South China Sea is highly contested territory, with emotional disputes involving China, Vietnam, Indonesia, Taiwan, and the Philippines, among others (NB: the disputes between China/Japan/South Korea, over the Senkaku/Daioyu Islands for example, is in the East China Sea and outside of the scope of this book although similar in nature). If there is a most likely flashpoint for hostilities between the United States and China, it is here: where the US need for open seas rubs directly against China's concern that an inability to control these seas is an existential risk.
Today there is a sometimes-almost-comic dance of claim and counter-claim between China and other nearby claimant countries, with all-too-serious overtones of major power military preparations as China tries to materialize an Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) capability, and the US counters with the development of the Air-Sea Battle concept and NIA/D3 (a mouthful: networked, integrated forces capable of attack-in-depth to disrupt, destroy, and defeat...).
This book provides a comprehensive view of conflict, including:
- A comprehensive history of the sea, from pre-nation state societies through to the present
- The legalities of claims and counter-claims, looking at how UNCLOS (the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea) might apply, and how historical claims do or don't hold water - including differences between "land features," "rocks," and "completely submerged at low tide"
- The various attempts that have been made to resolve differences and work together, whether bilaterally or via organizations such as ASEAN, and how these have generally come to naught (and usually due to Chinese action or inaction)
- The ramifications, including the positioning of the claims in quite jingoistic - how conflict cannot be ruled out because governments - and again especially China's - have staked so much political credibility on their claims
- The possibilities for resolution going forward
There are no happy answers, and no easy route to setting these disputes. But for anyone wanting to understand the situation and implications, this is a good book to start with. It's readable and thorough, and my only reason for not rating it higher is that the entire topic - despite its potential importance - is just not that interesting to me, so the book was a bit of a slog despite being well presented.
March 10, 2015
Books like this tend to lie right in my sweet spot for social reading. A big current topic, written by a journalist, but one who has taken the time to seriously engage with the academic literature.
This is an excellent read for anyone interested in perhaps the hottest place for modern geopolitics since we all re-discovered Crimea on a map. The South China Sea is where we see the clearest expression of China's search for a new regional order and with it the region's response, including of course, the resident non-resident America.
'The South China Sea' makes a serious attempt to explore these contested water ways from a wide variety of angles. The chapters on the history of claims for the area, chocked full of absurd figures and ambitions, and the discussion of potential oil and gas resources in the area are excellent considerations. Other chapters, such as on the military dimension or nationalism can feel a bit once over lightly, but they round out the book and will appeal to those who have not been following the issues closely.
The risk with books like this is the desire to justify attention (and perhaps sell copies), leading to an over-estimation of the significance and risks of the issue. Thankfully, this book carefully avoids that. Most likely because Hayton, an experienced author and journalist for BBC changed his own mind as he notes in an endearing section at the end. Initially motivated by a fear of imminent conflict, he now thinks major war unlikely, especially because China would ultimately lose (if not the shooting part, certainly the peace that followed). Though this caution keeps the final conclusions at a moderate to low temperature, there is still much here that will grab the reader and make them think about how many risks there are, how many close calls there have already been, and how significant a conflict really could be.
While I enjoyed and appreciated this book, I did take a strangely long time to finish it. Perhaps that was just the sudden influx of work which has limited virtually all my reading. Or perhaps my taste's are changing. At times I wished for more substantive analysis and less discussions of fishermen looking out to sea as they had for decades as a way of introducing a new topic.
Still, I think this book gets the balance between journalistic capacity to engage and show you the view on the ground, combined with deep research of the history and wider analysis as you will find in the bookstores. An excellent one volume take on a vital part of the world.
This is an excellent read for anyone interested in perhaps the hottest place for modern geopolitics since we all re-discovered Crimea on a map. The South China Sea is where we see the clearest expression of China's search for a new regional order and with it the region's response, including of course, the resident non-resident America.
'The South China Sea' makes a serious attempt to explore these contested water ways from a wide variety of angles. The chapters on the history of claims for the area, chocked full of absurd figures and ambitions, and the discussion of potential oil and gas resources in the area are excellent considerations. Other chapters, such as on the military dimension or nationalism can feel a bit once over lightly, but they round out the book and will appeal to those who have not been following the issues closely.
The risk with books like this is the desire to justify attention (and perhaps sell copies), leading to an over-estimation of the significance and risks of the issue. Thankfully, this book carefully avoids that. Most likely because Hayton, an experienced author and journalist for BBC changed his own mind as he notes in an endearing section at the end. Initially motivated by a fear of imminent conflict, he now thinks major war unlikely, especially because China would ultimately lose (if not the shooting part, certainly the peace that followed). Though this caution keeps the final conclusions at a moderate to low temperature, there is still much here that will grab the reader and make them think about how many risks there are, how many close calls there have already been, and how significant a conflict really could be.
While I enjoyed and appreciated this book, I did take a strangely long time to finish it. Perhaps that was just the sudden influx of work which has limited virtually all my reading. Or perhaps my taste's are changing. At times I wished for more substantive analysis and less discussions of fishermen looking out to sea as they had for decades as a way of introducing a new topic.
Still, I think this book gets the balance between journalistic capacity to engage and show you the view on the ground, combined with deep research of the history and wider analysis as you will find in the bookstores. An excellent one volume take on a vital part of the world.
January 18, 2015
From rising sea levels due to climate change to acts of terror from various groups such as ISIS and jihadist radicals to global viral pandemics, China’s quest for hegemonic jurisdiction over the South China Sea might not be high up on some lists in regards to global trepidations. Bill Hayton’s The South China Sea—The Struggle for Power in Asia could not have arrived at a more crucial time. Hayton calls to attention the issues regarding China’s rising power in Asia and what it means for the international order of the globalised society we live in.
It is blatantly evident that Hayton, a BBC journalist, had done the needed, in-depth research and thought into this book. He brings to light that very few, if any, of the actors that end up caught in the web spun from this hegemonic quest taking place will emerge unscathed. China’s actions, described thoroughly in his work, challenge the United Nations Conventions on the Law and Sea, as well as the authority of numerous smaller nations in the region. Hayton achieves to inform readers of China’s longstanding history with regards to the South China Sea and how this history plays a significant role in determining the outcome of the conflict taking place today.
The writing is positively excellent and the awareness brought out of the issue is superb. A must read for any person who wishes to gain an in-depth insight into the issue currently plaguing the global society in the world.
An Advanced Readers Copy was provided by the publisher in return for an honest review.
It is blatantly evident that Hayton, a BBC journalist, had done the needed, in-depth research and thought into this book. He brings to light that very few, if any, of the actors that end up caught in the web spun from this hegemonic quest taking place will emerge unscathed. China’s actions, described thoroughly in his work, challenge the United Nations Conventions on the Law and Sea, as well as the authority of numerous smaller nations in the region. Hayton achieves to inform readers of China’s longstanding history with regards to the South China Sea and how this history plays a significant role in determining the outcome of the conflict taking place today.
The writing is positively excellent and the awareness brought out of the issue is superb. A must read for any person who wishes to gain an in-depth insight into the issue currently plaguing the global society in the world.
An Advanced Readers Copy was provided by the publisher in return for an honest review.
May 2, 2018
A fair book about a very controversial subject. The book is very easy to access thanks to the excellent storytelling skill of the author, who is above all a journalist and media editor. But by leaning a little bit too much on the small details and in few cases sensational and unnecessary points, the author accidentally made his book less appealing to the academia, especially given the fact that the author did not use a lot of academic references and preferred instead personal communication, pieces from newspapers, or even leaked documents from Wikileak. The author's lack of access to Vietnamese primary sources (his visa application was denied, such a shame given his very fair view on Vietnam's position in this dispute) also made his book unbalanced, with most of the best pages about the Philippines or China, whereas the discussion about Vietnam and Taiwan - the other two major claimants of the islands is much less impressive (the funny thing is that by the end the author suggested that Taiwan might probably be the "ice breaker" of the whole thing, despite almost ignoring the Taiwanese perspective throughout the whole book). Still, the clear lay-out of the book, and the author's concise writing make this book a very useful reference for ones who want to graft the main ideas and events surrounding this never-ending geopolitical tale.
July 26, 2015
"We cannot solve our problems with the same thinking we used when we created them." - Albert Einstein
Every enterprise has boundary conditions that it has to respect. In programming, there is the family of "NP-Complete problems" that do not lend themselves to exhaustive and efficient solutions - we just have to muddle through with heuristics and approximations.
Muddling through is a good description of what all interested parties face when it comes to the South China Sea. Even from the very little I’ve heard about the issue, I can appreciate that this is a tough problem. After reading Bill Hayton’s accessible, sweeping account of of the competing claims, I am ready to call it an intractable problem, - at least for the current generation of legal and political tools.
There’s just too much historical baggage, too much emotional valence from nationalism, and too much entanglement with corporate interests, internal politics, and foreign powers. It certainly does not help that the parties insist on framing the problem in terms of legal and political tools crafted to justify outdated imperial models. This, according to Hayton, is a disservice to the rich densely networked history of the peoples of the area, which transcend the arbitrary lines defined by nation-states.
January 3, 2017
This book is really good background on the conflict in the South China Sea. It covers a lot of ground including the history of the "nine dash line," how the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, created more problems than it solved, and the geostrategic issues. It is peppered with some rather humorous incidents throughout the years as well as extremely confrontations.
The only issue unaddressed is the very real issue of fisheries protection. One issue that China has with its neighbors is that China takes steps to maintain the viability of fish stocks by imposing on its fleet a summer fishing ban, yet that just provides its neighbors a chance to fish without competition.
Otherwise, a great book, written in a journalistic style. Supplement this book with Bernard D. Cole's, The Great Wall at Sea and you have a complete appreciation of the military and diplomatic issues in the SCS.
The only issue unaddressed is the very real issue of fisheries protection. One issue that China has with its neighbors is that China takes steps to maintain the viability of fish stocks by imposing on its fleet a summer fishing ban, yet that just provides its neighbors a chance to fish without competition.
Otherwise, a great book, written in a journalistic style. Supplement this book with Bernard D. Cole's, The Great Wall at Sea and you have a complete appreciation of the military and diplomatic issues in the SCS.
February 1, 2015
A timely and well-balanced book about the hydra of economic, environmental resource-related, military, and above all territorial challenges confronting the continued shared use of the South China Sea, an area that Robert D. Kaplan has aptly termed "Asia's Cauldron." On p. 262 of this 269-page book, Hayton empathizes with "weary readers of this book [who] might, at this point, be wishing for a sizeable dose of climate change to raise sea level and submerge the features of the South China Sea altogether." Would that geopolitical solutions could be so easily left to Mother Nature. For now, diplomats, oil exploration drillers, fishermen, battle cruisers, and container ships continue to crisscross these disputed waters, complicating ever further the sea's complex knot of economic interdependence and nationalistic rivalries.
September 16, 2017
An extraordinarily illuminating text on the South China Sea that is still very entertaining! I wrote a paper on the South China Sea and I took a lot of new information from Hayton's book. The most interesting part was his dive into the history of the area you to the colonial era - its not often talked about, and Hayton writes about it splendidly. His credentials as a journalist truly shine through. While it is a longer work, it is highly recommended to anyone interested in China, or any of the claimant countries. Each chapter will usually devote space to each point and offer a counter point - really scintillating stuff!
June 10, 2019
I agree with the author's recommendation that joint-oil development is the way forward as a win-win situation on this overlapping claims. I'm from Malaysia and I have worked in a joint-venture with Chinese National Oil Company. We share our strength to reap the benefit of both countries. In addition, to my astonishment the author highlights that the oil majors, despite their reputation as oil superpowers still rely on respective foreign offices to deal with governments that they have business deals
March 27, 2016
An unparalleled overview of the South China Sea, its competing claimants, and interconnecting issues. Hayton's years of experience as a journalist show in his top-level access to official sources and his on-the-ground research in remote locations. His writing is eloquent and witty with a healthy dose of realism. Ultimately, he ends on a hopeful note, which I found curious.
June 27, 2016
The first three to four chapters of the book are its best parts. Very well-researched and offers a comprehensive overview of everything (at least the social, historical, and political side) you need to know about the territorial dispute.
January 1, 2017
Events of the past year are rapidly outdating the last few chapters that deal with 'contemporary' issues, i.e. 2013-14, BUT that does not negate that lucidity and cogency of the content realting to the history of the region and the growing political instability of the region.
December 23, 2020
270 pages covering anything and everything about the much sort after South China Sea. It gives the reader a reason to ponder about the future of South East Asia amidst the tussle between US and China to seek global hegemony.
December 1, 2014
A good introduction for generalists.
September 28, 2015
Interesting and accessible take on modern international relations
November 21, 2016
Brilliant for a novice interested in the driving politics behind the South China Sea and possible way forward
June 9, 2017
Great resource for those who want to know more about the tensions in this part of the world.
April 30, 2018
Intriguing.
Really change my point of view towards the conflict in the South China Sea.
Really change my point of view towards the conflict in the South China Sea.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
April 13, 2025
Bill Hayton's clear and well-written account of the struggle for control of the South China Sea takes us up to 2014 but the fundamentals have not changed much since then. He gives us the long historical view and then provides solid contemporary material to give us a reasonably rounded picture.
There is perhaps a very slight tendency to disrespect the Chinese position but it is slight. Hayton is, after all, a Westerner now linked to Chatham House. His knowledge of regional international affairs is expert and profound. This book should be seen as solid old guard analytical journalism.
One major theme is the absurdity of conflict, a self-fuelling machine of demands, aspirations and expectations that has emerged out of the export of European Westphalianism on to alien territory. Historically, the peoples of the region traded without necessity for boundary claims.
In his early chapters Hayton is very good on giving us a brief and plausible history of South East Asia and the effect on it of well funded Western trading competition and territory seizures. Underneath this lie indigenous trading networks in which Chinese traders were to play a major role.
However, we are where we are. No amount of aspirational romantic anarchism can bring back what was. Nation-states are the norm and each nation-state is stuck in its own status game largely directed by the internal politics of competitive nationalisms. China is the big beast in a new way.
A second theme is that a lot of the nonsense is nonsense because the value of various possible concessions would be better managed through negotiated compromise from which everyone could benefit than as dog in the manger island occupations which are sometimes on the edge of comical.
There is more than one case of 'independent entrepreneurs' going in where angels fear to tread with mildly dodgy legal backing on a putative get-rich-quick scheme that triggers or exploits nationalist reaction. For a while, the region looks like 'cowboy country'.
The absurdities of 'international law' (increasingly absurd today in the age of imperial Trump and ethno-nationalist military operations by the likes of Netanyahu) are made manifest with confusions that relate as much to past colonial lines in the sea as any 'natural' ethnic possession.
Claims are made on the basis of arrangements made by previous exploitative (French colonial) or defeated (Kuomintang) regimes with gay abandon. Precedent triumphs over reason or, rather, power chooses the precedent that suits it and can win a case at some paper tiger tribunal.
Perhaps Hayton does not quite emphasise enough the deeper Chinese interest which is in the secure maintenance of vital energy, raw materials and export supply lines. Loss of control so close to mainland China would be a disaster. It is a disaster some in Washington would happily trigger.
This grand strategic aspect of the case is secondary in this book to the regional politics. This is like an expert on the Middle East giving us an excellent account of the competition of the local national players without glancing back at the manipulative roles not only of the US but Russia and China.
Still, the level of detail about regional diplomacy and conflicts and the insights into the internal national pressures inside countries like the Philippines and Vietnam make this an invaluable guide, albeit one still within the 'rules-based' assumptions of a world drifting now into realpolitik.
It is also interesting to see that Hayton is of the more negative school of thought when it comes to Chinese capacity to challenge the US for hegemony (albeit this is in 2014). The other school of thought which dominates Washington has China as a major existential risk sooner rather than later.
This reminds us of similar debates over the Russian threat prior to the Soviet collapse where the honest truth was that Western analysts had absolutely no idea of what was going on inside Russia and certainly failed to predict the end result.
The conclusion to draw is not that the 'hawks' are wrong and those who think China could implode are right but that none of us really knows one way or the other. Certainly China in 2025 seems to be playing a smarter game than the US and to have 'prepared for this moment'.
The eye is now off the South China Sea ball and on that of Taiwan - a case of diplomatic 'smoke and mirrors' if ever there was one. Is this reasonable? Has the South China Sea (barring the odd posturing incident) stabilised now that everyone has their island and no one is minded to trigger a war?
We have no idea. We suspect not even the protagonists in the struggle do. As so often, a misjudgement driven by internal politics could trigger a 'Cuban crisis', possibly as a displacement from the armed stasis over Taiwan. On balance we are sanguine (although we have been wrong before).
Whatever happens this book is an excellent historical guide to how we got to where we are and will probably remain so for another decade or so. When Europeans encouraged a world of fixed nation state boundaries perhaps they should have been more careful about what they had wished for!
July 6, 2024
"The key to a peaceful future could lie in an honest and critical examination of the past."
In THE SOUTH CHINA SEA: THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN ASIA, journalist Bill Hayton untangles the complex history and narratives at the center of South China Sea tensions.
This book is an extensive but still very granular examination of not just contemporary realities faced by countries, but also of elements that may seem to be easily dismissible but proved to have had bigger impact in the long run. Hayton dissects issues surrounding South China Sea, including territorial disputes, in a way that allows readers to see both the bigger picture and the everyday, real-life effect.
I was first scared that this book will be too legalistic and drown in its own efforts to laymanize the law of the seas. But Hayton's approach drives home the point that the South China Sea issue is very much a personal one as it is about sovereignty, the economy, etc. I appreciated that his storytelling reads like a song, where the melody guides you and the lyrics play the role of telescopic lens.
Hayton pretty much covered a lot of things in this book, but honestly it didn't feel too overwhelming or an information overload. What's new – and honestly interesting – for me is the way the book provides a significant space to prehistoric deepdive. I thoroughly enjoyed the chapters that discussed the important of using archaeology in viewing the existing disputes. China indeed has all the written records which the rest of Southeast Asia lacks, Hayton writes, and "the best chances of filling them lie in the discovery of physical artifacts... The smallest details, from the molecular composition of shells to the techniques used in building boats, can unlock revelations about where and how people moved, what they ate, what kind of societies they lived in and how they related to others."
I believe that this approach in writing about an issue that somehow always feels too legalistic is very much needed, if we want the public to understand what is at stake. And I'm glad that there are more books with this kind of narrative storytelling. Leave the academic jargon to the academe.
I finished this book confident that I know a lot more about not just South China Sea issues, but also the bigger context of the struggle in Southeast Asia. I'm surprised, and quite ashamed, that there are Philippine-related bits that I did not know about, including the roots of Kalayaan Islands (Tomas Cloma's grit was something hahaha) and the fact that the Philippines lost a Spratlys feature to Vietnam because of a literal party (another proof that I cannot guard our territories).
Anyway, I read this book as a way to pregame myself for another book on China, this time about the country's relationship with the Philippines under Rodrigo Duterte, written by journalists Marites Vitug and Camille Elemia (you can pre-order here: go.ateneo.net/ulPO). Ma'am Marites also wrote a book on how the Philippines brought China to court (Rock Solid, read my review here: https://www.facebook.com/share/LeGB1J...). For anyone interested, the "perfect" order to read these books on China is this: Hayton's, Vitug's Rock Solid, and then Unrequited Love.
In THE SOUTH CHINA SEA: THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN ASIA, journalist Bill Hayton untangles the complex history and narratives at the center of South China Sea tensions.
This book is an extensive but still very granular examination of not just contemporary realities faced by countries, but also of elements that may seem to be easily dismissible but proved to have had bigger impact in the long run. Hayton dissects issues surrounding South China Sea, including territorial disputes, in a way that allows readers to see both the bigger picture and the everyday, real-life effect.
I was first scared that this book will be too legalistic and drown in its own efforts to laymanize the law of the seas. But Hayton's approach drives home the point that the South China Sea issue is very much a personal one as it is about sovereignty, the economy, etc. I appreciated that his storytelling reads like a song, where the melody guides you and the lyrics play the role of telescopic lens.
Hayton pretty much covered a lot of things in this book, but honestly it didn't feel too overwhelming or an information overload. What's new – and honestly interesting – for me is the way the book provides a significant space to prehistoric deepdive. I thoroughly enjoyed the chapters that discussed the important of using archaeology in viewing the existing disputes. China indeed has all the written records which the rest of Southeast Asia lacks, Hayton writes, and "the best chances of filling them lie in the discovery of physical artifacts... The smallest details, from the molecular composition of shells to the techniques used in building boats, can unlock revelations about where and how people moved, what they ate, what kind of societies they lived in and how they related to others."
I believe that this approach in writing about an issue that somehow always feels too legalistic is very much needed, if we want the public to understand what is at stake. And I'm glad that there are more books with this kind of narrative storytelling. Leave the academic jargon to the academe.
I finished this book confident that I know a lot more about not just South China Sea issues, but also the bigger context of the struggle in Southeast Asia. I'm surprised, and quite ashamed, that there are Philippine-related bits that I did not know about, including the roots of Kalayaan Islands (Tomas Cloma's grit was something hahaha) and the fact that the Philippines lost a Spratlys feature to Vietnam because of a literal party (another proof that I cannot guard our territories).
Anyway, I read this book as a way to pregame myself for another book on China, this time about the country's relationship with the Philippines under Rodrigo Duterte, written by journalists Marites Vitug and Camille Elemia (you can pre-order here: go.ateneo.net/ulPO). Ma'am Marites also wrote a book on how the Philippines brought China to court (Rock Solid, read my review here: https://www.facebook.com/share/LeGB1J...). For anyone interested, the "perfect" order to read these books on China is this: Hayton's, Vitug's Rock Solid, and then Unrequited Love.
September 2, 2021
Amazing history of the current dispute over the South China Sea. A few things to remember from this book:
- Countries' sovereignty over different parts of the South China Sea are not "historical". Before, empires around the coast govern in a "mandala" way, which does not have concrete boundaries between empires. The question of who owns which part of the sea only came later during the European conquest and colonization period of Asia, where division of territories is a demonstration of colonial power.
- The U-shape in China's map that claims almost the whole South China Sea originated from a Republic of China (KMT government)'s nationalist who deliberately drew this map based on some historical myths and heroes. Then it was spread through media and used in history textbooks, which led to China claiming their historical rights. However no one agrees with and believes in this map.
- UNCLOS is an international body that laid out the basis for deciding who owns which feature (marine territorial, EEZ, rock) however there remains strong disputes over these definitions.
- China is using its economic power and position to influence the region (provide economic aid to Cambodia for example to sway them from agreeing with all ASEAN countries), aiming at claiming the South China Sea, for nationalist as well as economic reasons. China wants to do joint cooperation with other claimants but only on their own claimed territories, not on China's territories, which is rather ridiculous.
- The South China Sea is where the US and China relationship is being tested and put at stake. If China is able to claim all the South China Sea which means no more freedom of sailing for the US and other countries, it would undermine the world order and the US position as the "world's last hope" and its dominating position. The US argues that the sea should be open for free sailing for all parties, except for countries' marine territorials defined in UNCLOS. US is providing military aid and support for many countries around the South China Sea, preparing for the worst.
- Most ASEAN countries agree to abide by UNCLOS and would like to joint cooperate in terms of management of the sea resources, etc. but they can only do so once China gave up on its U-shape claim of the whole South China sea, because no country want to cede sovereignty over their territories. Sometimes we asked ourselves whether all these efforts are worth it, whether economic benefits of owning these parts of the sea can justify our spending of resources on maintaining life on these islands? Governments are doing so for their own reputation at home, or because of nationalism? These reasons might all be true.
- Countries' sovereignty over different parts of the South China Sea are not "historical". Before, empires around the coast govern in a "mandala" way, which does not have concrete boundaries between empires. The question of who owns which part of the sea only came later during the European conquest and colonization period of Asia, where division of territories is a demonstration of colonial power.
- The U-shape in China's map that claims almost the whole South China Sea originated from a Republic of China (KMT government)'s nationalist who deliberately drew this map based on some historical myths and heroes. Then it was spread through media and used in history textbooks, which led to China claiming their historical rights. However no one agrees with and believes in this map.
- UNCLOS is an international body that laid out the basis for deciding who owns which feature (marine territorial, EEZ, rock) however there remains strong disputes over these definitions.
- China is using its economic power and position to influence the region (provide economic aid to Cambodia for example to sway them from agreeing with all ASEAN countries), aiming at claiming the South China Sea, for nationalist as well as economic reasons. China wants to do joint cooperation with other claimants but only on their own claimed territories, not on China's territories, which is rather ridiculous.
- The South China Sea is where the US and China relationship is being tested and put at stake. If China is able to claim all the South China Sea which means no more freedom of sailing for the US and other countries, it would undermine the world order and the US position as the "world's last hope" and its dominating position. The US argues that the sea should be open for free sailing for all parties, except for countries' marine territorials defined in UNCLOS. US is providing military aid and support for many countries around the South China Sea, preparing for the worst.
- Most ASEAN countries agree to abide by UNCLOS and would like to joint cooperate in terms of management of the sea resources, etc. but they can only do so once China gave up on its U-shape claim of the whole South China sea, because no country want to cede sovereignty over their territories. Sometimes we asked ourselves whether all these efforts are worth it, whether economic benefits of owning these parts of the sea can justify our spending of resources on maintaining life on these islands? Governments are doing so for their own reputation at home, or because of nationalism? These reasons might all be true.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
January 12, 2024
從遠古智人的遷徒開始談起，歷經近代殖民帝國的爭奪，到二戰後各方的爭論，接著切入漁業、油業、礦業等民生相關議題，最後聊到背後大國角力的隱憂，雖然個人對作者的史觀並不百分百同意，不過多少補強了一些自己的懵懂無知，可以參考馬英九在東吳的講座做為補充會更好一些
南海近代記載：
1701英國馬克雷斯斐德號發現中沙群島
1748九月十二日英國船於中沙黃岩島附近沉船
1821英國東印度公司發表南海海圖，標示出西沙與南沙群島
1907十月日本在東沙群島開採鳥糞
1909十月十二日中日達成協議，日本承認中國在東沙的主權，而中國付出十三萬銀元為賠償
1914十二月中華民國地理新圖出版，以1736清朝版圖為基礎，並包括西沙、東沙（尚無南沙群島）
1921廣州國民政府將南海諸島劃歸海南島管理
1933七月法國宣布併吞南沙六島（南威、安波沙洲、太平島、北危島、南鑰島、中業島）
1935四月中華民國出版“中國南海各島嶼圖”，將南沙群島繪製其內
1938法國於太平島設氣象站
1946七月四日菲律賓獨立，並宣稱南沙群島為其勢力範圍
1946十月五日法國軍艦於太平島立碑宣式主權
1946十一月二十三日國軍於南海接收西沙最大島（就以永興號命名為永興島）
1946十二月十二日國軍於南海接收南沙最大島（就以太平號命名為太平島）
1947五月中華民國國會提出要從法國手中收復西沙群島
1947十二月一日中華民國地政司完成南海諸島新舊名對照表（159個），並將其歸海南特別行政區管轄
1948二月中華民國行政區域圖出版，包括了1935年的十一段線
1948六月十二日中華民國決定對十一段線內的島嶼提出權利主張，並願在日後根據國際法與其它國家談判確切的海疆
1950五月五日國軍因國共南戰而自太平島撤回
1950五月十七日菲律賓宣布南沙為其領土
1953中共將十一段線改為九段線，對同為共產的越南表示支持，但直到1999才確立雙方的水域邊界
1955中共解放軍登陸西沙永興島
1956五月二十一日菲律賓商人柯洛馬將南沙改名為自由邦自由地區
1956五月三十一日中共宣布不承認菲律賓對南沙的佔有
1956六月一日南越宣布不承認菲律賓對南沙的佔有
1956六月二日法國宣布不承認菲律賓對南沙的佔有
1956七月七日柯洛馬將太平島的中華民國國旗送至台北，並將太平島改名為麥克阿瑟島
1956八月二十二日南越與中華民國皆派軍艦至南沙群島，國軍於太平島重新駐軍
1958九月四日美國宣布協防金馬，中共宣布12海浬為領海（同時對西沙、中沙、南沙與台灣周邊島嶼提出主張），但美軍只承認當時國際慣例的3海浬
1958北越總理范文同宣稱贊同中共對中國領海之宣告
1970菲律賓於巴拉望島外海進行石油探勘
1971七月菲律賓於南沙群島登陸，佔領了除太平島以外的島嶼（中業島）
1973八月南越對美國石油公司發行南沙開發許可證
1973九月南越宣布兼併南沙群島十個島礁，中華民國與菲律賓表達抗議
1973十二月三日聯合國制定新的“海洋法公約”
1974一月四日南越阮文紹宣布重啟越戰
1974一月十九日中共打敗南越拿下西沙群島
1974柯洛馬將自由邦自由地區以一披索賣給菲律賓（南沙群島），菲律賓並將其改名為卡拉揚群島（自由之意）
1975四月底越南拿下先前南越所佔的六個南沙島礁
1978六月菲律賓將卡拉揚群島畫歸巴拉望省管轄
1978中共開始於西沙永興島擴建港口、開闢跑道
1982十二月十日全球政府同意12海浬領海與200海浬專屬經濟海域、可以支持人類居住或經濟生活的“島”、漲潮時露出水面但不可支持人類居住或經濟生活的“岩塊”與“礁”、退潮時才變乾的“低潮高地”，而其中“島”有領海與專屬經濟海域，“岩塊”與“礁”只有領海，“低潮高地”全都沒有
1987中共於南沙永暑礁放置水泥塊宣誓主權
1988一月二十一日，中共開始於永暑礁填海造陸
1990八月十三日中共總理李鵬於新加坡訪問時表示中共願暫時擱置南沙主權問題，與東協國家共同開發南沙資源（根據鄧小平於1978、1986、1988分別向日、菲代表談話所表示的立場）
1992七月東協發表馬尼拉宣言，表示各國對南海採取共同立場
1994年底中共開始於南沙美濟礁填海造陸
1996中共簽署“聯合國海洋法公約”
1997中共與日本簽訂漁業協定
2000中共與南韓、越南簽訂漁業協定
2002十一月東協與中共簽署“南海各方行為宣言”
2012四月中共控制中沙黃岩島
2012九月五日菲律賓將南中國海改名為西菲律賓海
2013一月二十二日菲律賓改以“聯合國海洋法公約”對南海提出其權力，以針對中共在南海所佔有的礁岩等不具備經濟海域的權力
2013六月中共於九段線外，台灣島東方加一段線，成為十段線
南海近代記載：
1701英國馬克雷斯斐德號發現中沙群島
1748九月十二日英國船於中沙黃岩島附近沉船
1821英國東印度公司發表南海海圖，標示出西沙與南沙群島
1907十月日本在東沙群島開採鳥糞
1909十月十二日中日達成協議，日本承認中國在東沙的主權，而中國付出十三萬銀元為賠償
1914十二月中華民國地理新圖出版，以1736清朝版圖為基礎，並包括西沙、東沙（尚無南沙群島）
1921廣州國民政府將南海諸島劃歸海南島管理
1933七月法國宣布併吞南沙六島（南威、安波沙洲、太平島、北危島、南鑰島、中業島）
1935四月中華民國出版“中國南海各島嶼圖”，將南沙群島繪製其內
1938法國於太平島設氣象站
1946七月四日菲律賓獨立，並宣稱南沙群島為其勢力範圍
1946十月五日法國軍艦於太平島立碑宣式主權
1946十一月二十三日國軍於南海接收西沙最大島（就以永興號命名為永興島）
1946十二月十二日國軍於南海接收南沙最大島（就以太平號命名為太平島）
1947五月中華民國國會提出要從法國手中收復西沙群島
1947十二月一日中華民國地政司完成南海諸島新舊名對照表（159個），並將其歸海南特別行政區管轄
1948二月中華民國行政區域圖出版，包括了1935年的十一段線
1948六月十二日中華民國決定對十一段線內的島嶼提出權利主張，並願在日後根據國際法與其它國家談判確切的海疆
1950五月五日國軍因國共南戰而自太平島撤回
1950五月十七日菲律賓宣布南沙為其領土
1953中共將十一段線改為九段線，對同為共產的越南表示支持，但直到1999才確立雙方的水域邊界
1955中共解放軍登陸西沙永興島
1956五月二十一日菲律賓商人柯洛馬將南沙改名為自由邦自由地區
1956五月三十一日中共宣布不承認菲律賓對南沙的佔有
1956六月一日南越宣布不承認菲律賓對南沙的佔有
1956六月二日法國宣布不承認菲律賓對南沙的佔有
1956七月七日柯洛馬將太平島的中華民國國旗送至台北，並將太平島改名為麥克阿瑟島
1956八月二十二日南越與中華民國皆派軍艦至南沙群島，國軍於太平島重新駐軍
1958九月四日美國宣布協防金馬，中共宣布12海浬為領海（同時對西沙、中沙、南沙與台灣周邊島嶼提出主張），但美軍只承認當時國際慣例的3海浬
1958北越總理范文同宣稱贊同中共對中國領海之宣告
1970菲律賓於巴拉望島外海進行石油探勘
1971七月菲律賓於南沙群島登陸，佔領了除太平島以外的島嶼（中業島）
1973八月南越對美國石油公司發行南沙開發許可證
1973九月南越宣布兼併南沙群島十個島礁，中華民國與菲律賓表達抗議
1973十二月三日聯合國制定新的“海洋法公約”
1974一月四日南越阮文紹宣布重啟越戰
1974一月十九日中共打敗南越拿下西沙群島
1974柯洛馬將自由邦自由地區以一披索賣給菲律賓（南沙群島），菲律賓並將其改名為卡拉揚群島（自由之意）
1975四月底越南拿下先前南越所佔的六個南沙島礁
1978六月菲律賓將卡拉揚群島畫歸巴拉望省管轄
1978中共開始於西沙永興島擴建港口、開闢跑道
1982十二月十日全球政府同意12海浬領海與200海浬專屬經濟海域、可以支持人類居住或經濟生活的“島”、漲潮時露出水面但不可支持人類居住或經濟生活的“岩塊”與“礁”、退潮時才變乾的“低潮高地”，而其中“島”有領海與專屬經濟海域，“岩塊”與“礁”只有領海，“低潮高地”全都沒有
1987中共於南沙永暑礁放置水泥塊宣誓主權
1988一月二十一日，中共開始於永暑礁填海造陸
1990八月十三日中共總理李鵬於新加坡訪問時表示中共願暫時擱置南沙主權問題，與東協國家共同開發南沙資源（根據鄧小平於1978、1986、1988分別向日、菲代表談話所表示的立場）
1992七月東協發表馬尼拉宣言，表示各國對南海採取共同立場
1994年底中共開始於南沙美濟礁填海造陸
1996中共簽署“聯合國海洋法公約”
1997中共與日本簽訂漁業協定
2000中共與南韓、越南簽訂漁業協定
2002十一月東協與中共簽署“南海各方行為宣言”
2012四月中共控制中沙黃岩島
2012九月五日菲律賓將南中國海改名為西菲律賓海
2013一月二十二日菲律賓改以“聯合國海洋法公約”對南海提出其權力，以針對中共在南海所佔有的礁岩等不具備經濟海域的權力
2013六月中共於九段線外，台灣島東方加一段線，成為十段線
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