As the title of the book suggests, the Open Mind demonstrates the evolution and impact of a single concept, open-mindedness, in the post-World War II American intellectual history. Cohen-Cole argues that the notion of an open-minded individual was in fact a solution that simultaneously addressed a set of important academic and cultural questions: 1) how is the American identity differentiated from the identity of a USSR citizen? 2) how will the unity of the American cultural identity be preserved in the face of extreme diversity in specialization, skills, and expertise? 3) how should the education system best be improved to satisfy the need for expertise-development and the development of a cultural identity.
Central values in the movement were largely defined by means of contrast with the Soviet communist culture (and its impact on the formation of its individual citizens). Books such as "the Authoritarian Personality" helped anchor the Soviet culture into certain personality trait, which were essentially linked to rigidity and closed-mindedness. Thus, psychological definitions in such works were heavily shaped by political, pre-scientific biases. Against this background, the leading figures in the movement began to celebrate traits that opposed the so-called authoritarian personality, including flexibility and open-mindedness. These traits were regarded as (at the individual, psychological scale) the foundation of democracy.
Combating the fear of isolation and separation among intellectuals and academic experts, the notion of the open mind was celebrated for its readiness and enthusiasm to engage in conversation and collaboration in experts in other fields. Formative figures, such as James Conant and Gordon Allport, celebrated a kind of academic culture that involved informal conversations across disciplinary boundaries. Intellectual contributions that facilitate conversation within a broad range of interested individuals were also highly celebrated, the prime example being Thomas Kuhn's work in philosophy of science. Similarly, scientists whose work facilitated collaboration and interdisciplinarity were celebrated and supported, the prime example being Jerome Bruner (and other members of the cognitive science movement). Speaking of which, if you are interested in the history of the cognitive sciences, this book is a substantial contribution to that topic, including an entire chapter that is devoted to the story of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard, tracing its background, its formation and evolution through the 60s and 70s.
In short, the book demonstrates how practices, values, and beliefs in academia are intimately linked to what is valued by a culture and its leading intellectuals. It demonstrates how cultural and pre-scientific values can be implemented as rhetorical weapons (e.g., what took place in the critiques of behaviourism) to push certain agendas in an academic context. The concept of "the open mind" easily crossed the boundaries between culture and academia, performing different functions in different contexts. Personalities, arguments, and practices that seemed congruent to it flourished as a result, while incongruent concepts (strict adherence to disciplinary work) suffered. The book is very nicely written. As a student of psychology, this book was an immense joy to read.