In Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-century New York City (1986), Katherine Peiss explores the social experiences of young working-class women between 1880 to 1920, looking for clues to the way they constructed and gave new meaning to their lives. She utilizes extensive archival sources on working-class life in New York, ranging from records of middle-class reformers who descended upon the city to oral testimonies of young white women who ventured into the developing sphere of public leisure. Her subjects are typically young immigrants or the daughters of immigrants who lived in well-defined tenement districts, and labored for wages while unmarried, usually in factories, homes, and sales and service jobs. Peiss’ central concern is the cultural handling of gender, but she presents a convincing argument that young working-class women pioneered new manners and mores, including those related to sexuality.
Although the working-class standard of living was improving at the turn of the century, most families could only afford the cheapest amusements, including window-shopping, outings to parks or small gatherings in the home, all divided by gender. The leisure time of married women was also constrained by responsibilities to the home, which left them with more narrowly defined opportunities for participation in public forms of leisure. One exception to this homosocial pattern of recreation was an emerging group of single, adolescent wage earners. “Unlike their mothers, young women gained access to new forms of social life in the public arena, an experience structured and formed by their entrance into the labor force” (Peiss, p. 33).
These generally foreign-born or daughters of immigrant parents dominated the female labor force. New jobs in department stores, large factories, and offices provided alternatives to domestic service and household production. With fewer time restrictions than working mothers, and seeking temporary reprieve from the drudgery of labor, leisure was seen as a separate sphere of life to be consciously protected from interference. “Young women marked out a cultural terrain distinct from familial traditions and the customary practices of their ethnic groups, signifying a new identity as wage-earners through language, clothing, and social rituals” (Peiss, p. 47).
These new social rituals were often constructed in commercial dance halls, cheap theaters and amusement parks, where female participation was profitable and therefore encouraged. They were also played out in outdoor venues, including picnic areas and in the streets. Most activities were heterosocial, focused on meeting men, dating and romance. Young working-class women also experimented with identity, trying on new images by adopting the cultural forms around them, including music and language. Clothing was a highly visible and therefore potent way to play with notions of respectability, allure and independence. Each assertion of distinct identity was a potential source of conflict, which would become a hallmark of adolescence throughout the twentieth century. “While daughters may have accepted the family claim to their wages and work, struggles often ensued over their access to and use of leisure time. Participation in social life, parental supervision, spending money, and clothing were common issues of conflict. As wage-earners and contributors to the family, they sought to parlay their new-found status toward greater autonomy in their personal lives” (Peiss, p. 69).
The autonomous heterosocial culture young working-class women created was also a source of cross-class conflict. Although many Americans were debating new ideas about womanhood, sexuality and leisure, Victorian values continued to guide most middle-class women, including reformers who turned their attention to the working-class. For them, cheap amusements were a social problem that not only threatened the virtues of chastity and decorum among single women, but also the primacy of motherhood and domesticity. They segregated youth from family, fostered a dangerously expressive culture and were linked to promiscuous sexuality. Reformers hoped to limit, redefine and even purify behavior by regulating commercial amusements and creating single-sex social clubs for young working-class women. However, “indifference and hostility led them to adjust their programs in light of working women’s interests. In this process of social interaction, reformers’ attitudes about leisure and womanhood were reformulated to accommodate – albeit grudgingly – a heterosocial and expressive commercial culture” (Peiss, p. 164).
The cheap amusements these young working-class women preferred offered an arena for the articulation of new values and behaviors. The resulting shift from homosocial to heterosocial culture, and the redefinition of gender relations it required, played a role in the wider passage from Victorian culture to modernism. While Peiss does not assert a “trickle up” theory, she suggests that the lines of cultural transmission traveled in both directions as members of the working- and middle-class adopted new norms. The desire for self-determined pleasure, sexuality and autonomy expressed by these young working-class women would also prove to be a compelling issue throughout the twentieth century. “It remains so in a society whose sophisticated engines of culture rapidly commodify the expression of those outside the mainstream, draining it of its dissonance and challenge in the process. That working women ‘just want to have fun’ may thus be taken as a trivial claim, easily achieved in the world of leisure, or as a profoundly liberating – and unfulfilled – feminist demand” (Peiss, p. 188).