القومية هي القضية الأساس التي انشغل بها هذا الكتاب، وهي ظاهرة انشغل بها كثير من الباحثين والقراء ، خاصة منذ انهيار الاتحاد السوفيتي وتفكك دول البلقان وانتقال دول شرق أوربا ووسطها من المعسكر الاشتراكي إلي غريمه الرأسمالي. ورغم الجهود الكبيرة التي قدمت في سبيل دراسة القومية فإنها لا تزال ملتبسة المفاهيم ومتداخلة الأبعاد ؛ إذ هي رهينة بأحداث سياسية وثقافية واجتماعية تجعل من الصعب دراستها بوصفها ظاهرة منعزلة، فضلاً عن تباين الطياف القومية ، من ناعمة متسامحة إلى مستبدة تعشق الإبادة الجماعية والتطهير العرقي وسفك الدماء.
كتاب جميل تناول موضوع القوميات العرقية في الثلاث امبراطوريات (العثمانية - الروسية - الهابسبورج) ما قبل وأثناء وبعد الحرب العالمية الأولى وكيف قامت الحرب العالمية الأولى بتوفير فرص لم تحلم بها تلك القوميات، وما النهج الذي اتخذته كل قومية عرقية بعد انهيار الامبراطوريات الثلاثة. الكتاب عبارة عن دراسة وتحليل مفصلين لهذا الموضوع، وذلك الاسهاب كان مفيداً بالنسبة لي في بعض المواقع وفي البعض الٱخر كان يتوقف عقلي عن الاستيعاب (كمل انت وربنا معاك). والترجمة لم تكن أفضل شئ وفي بعض الأحيان كانت تُربكني. ولكن في المجمل كتاب جميل أفادني كثيراً.
A brilliant and comprehensive analysis of common factors driving nationalist movements during the collapse of the Ottoman, Russian and Austrian-Hungarian empires. Roshwald provides an incredible number of new and provocative insights while deftly examining the relationship of majority populations to minorities and minorities to other ethnic groups. Thus in Poland he compares Pilsudsky's broad multi-ethnic nationalism to the reactionary program of Dmowksi's National Democrats which excluded Jews and other national minorities in its definition of Polishness. Pilsudsky's vision of Poland is similar to that of Masayrk in Czechoslovakia who saw the neighbouring Slovaks as a junior partner against encroachments by the Germans. Southern Slavs consisting of Croats, Bosnians, Serbians and Slovenes made a complex mix of intertwined identities which could be based on language, script (Cyrllic or Latin) and religion where geography was nearly useless to create a separation of competing groups. Nominally they respected the Emperor Franz-Joseph as a given but his successor Karl I lacked the charisma and the political skills to keep the empire together.
The CUP in Istanbul, facing the loss of territories in Libya, the Balkans and British control of Egypt, moved away from Ottomanism finding ideological comfort in Ziya Gökalp's pan-Turism, even casting their eyes eastward in th hopes of adding Turkestan to their holdings. This shifted the Arabs to slowly consider their own forms of pan-Arab and pan-Islamic empires. The Tatar dominated Jaddid movement of southern Russia, inspired by the ideas of the peripatetic al-Afghani and Egypt's Muhammad Abduh, promoted a modernistic shift away from traditional rote learning. Its ideas were spread by growing literacy and the Revolution of 1905. As in pan-Arabism, a couple of congresses took place but widespread local and political differences proved in practice to be an insufficient basis for unity. In Turkey itself, in many respects the situation of the Armenians under Ottoman rule was analogous to that of the Jews and Muslims in Russia on the other side of the border. Each lacked the concentration of population to make them a majority beyond village levels and were subject to the depredations of raiders and of the ruling majority. Roshwald's treatment of the Armenian and Greek genocides is brief but he does point out the precarious relationship of both wrt to the machinations of the major powers.
Often the national leaders of these minorities started with a meagre base at home but employed influential opinion makers abroad in Paris, London or America to raise the stature of their respective factions so that when recognition came, theirs would appear to be the natural leadership. As Roshwald describes it, these nationalist groups initially only aspired to limited autonomy accompanied with formal legal and fiscal accommodation of linguistic, religious and cultural expressions within the framework of empire. When the empires failed, nationalism rather than reconstruction emerged as the default alternative.
Thus Zionists spoke of a Jewish Homeland within the context of an Ottoman state or an Arab federation. In Europe, during the interwar years in Poland, the Minorities Treaty was imposed by the League of Nations as a condition of recognition to protect the rights of Poland's 3 million Jews and other non-Polish minorities such as Germans, Latvians and Ukrainians which made up 1/3 of the population inside Poland's borders. This was reapplied as a model for 13 other similar treaties enacted throughout the continent.. The minority treaties were moderately strong on individual rights but weak on communal rights. In practice they relied on good will but were unenforceable and ineffective. (pp164-167) In comparison, Soviet Russia gave lip service to national identities but subjected them to Moscow's suppression and control.
The author includes related maps showing boundaries and the location of populations and end notes which add extensive supplemental information. The writing is somewhat intense and demands prior familiarity with the era, but anyone interested in learning or teaching about the early 20th century and the realignment of global identities will find it a rewarding and rereadable purchase. Recommend it to your public library as well!
الكتاب يناقش علاقات القومية العرقية بالتغيرات السياسية والاجتماعية الهائلة وشديدة التأثير على أراضي الامبراطوريات متعددة القوميات التي انهارت في الحرب العالمية الأولى أي الدولة العثمانية والامبراطورية الروسية والامبراطورية النمساوية المجرية ، يبحث الكاتب آليات تفاعل القومية العرقية كهوية محركة لأيديولوجيا سياسية مع التغيرات قبل وأثناء وخلال الحرب ، لمحاولة فهم أعمق لظاهرة القومية العرقية التي صار لها اهمية كبيرة في فهم عالم اليوم الذي يتحول بسرعة للاستقطاب العرقي والديني ، أنصح به