From the internationally acclaimed author of Hitler’s Private Library , a dramatic recounting of the six critical months before Adolf Hitler seized power, when the Nazi leader teetered between triumph and ruin
In the summer of 1932, the Weimar Republic was on the verge of collapse. One in three Germans was unemployed. Violence was rampant. Hitler’s National Socialists surged at the polls. Paul von Hindenburg, an aging war hero and avowed monarchist, was a reluctant president bound by oath to uphold the constitution. The November elections offered Hitler the prospect of a Reichstag majority and the path to political power. But instead, the Nazis lost two million votes. As membership hemorrhaged and financial backers withdrew, the Nazi Party threatened to fracture. Hitler talked of suicide. The New York Times declared he was finished. Yet somehow, in a few brief weeks, he was chancellor of Germany.
In facinating detail and with previously un-accessed archival materials, Timothy W. Ryback tells the remarkable story of Hitler’s dismantling of democracy through democratic process. He provides fresh perspective and insights into Hitler’s personal and professional lives in these months, in all their complexity and uncertainty—backroom deals, unlikely alliances, stunning betrayals, an ill-timed tax audit, and a fateful weekend that changed our world forever. Above all, Ryback details why a wearied Hindenburg, who disdained the “Bohemian corporal,” ultimately decided to appoint Hitler chancellor in January 1933. Within weeks, Germany was no longer a democracy.
Timothy W. Ryback is an American historian and director of the Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation in The Hague. He previously served as the Deputy-Secretary General of the Académie Diplomatique Internationale in Paris, and Director and Vice President of the Salzburg Global Seminar. Prior to this, he was a lecturer in the Concentration of History and Literature at Harvard University.
Ryback has written on European history, politics and culture for numerous publications, including The Atlantic Monthly, The New Yorker and The New York Times. He is the author of The Last Survivor: Legacies of Dachau, published in 2000. He also wrote Hitler's Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life, published in 2008. Ryback is also author of Rock Around the Bloc: A History of Rock Music in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, published in 1989.
This book covers 1932 and the first part of 1933 as Hitler rose to power in Germany. It has many parallels to The United States today so is worth reading as a cautionary tale of how democracy can be lost so quickly. The Nazis never had a majority of the country and even when Hitler suppressed voting for left party candidates, were still not able to gain a majority of votes. They did manage to gain the largest minority and this became Hitler’s path to dictatorship.
Hitler essentially said all along that he wanted to destroy democracy to save the country. He destroyed democracy alright and then proceeded to destroy a whole generation of Germans in his wars that followed, not to mention millions of Jews…and French…and Russians…and…you get the point. Ideas have consequences and sometimes those consequences can be very severe.
Some pertinent quotes:
“The National Socialist movement will achieve power in Germany by methods permitted by the present Constitution—in a purely legal way,” he told The New York Times. “It will then give the German people the form of organization and government that suits our purposes.”
“In towns and villages he stoked nationalist anger, claiming the government was not protecting Germany’s borders. They let in foreigners from the east who brought chaos and crime and havoc into the country, he said, to undermine the political system and society, to despoil and violate the purity of the German race.”
“Confronted by incontrovertible evidence—photographs of Hitler and Papen on the steps of the Schröder villa—Hitler did what he always did in the face of uncomfortable fact: he denied it publicly and vociferously.”
Very good book about the political maneuverings that led Hitler to be appointed Chancellor by a President who despised him as both an Austrian and a lower class corporal, but who now in his 80's and in the middle of continual political and economic crisis felt he had no realistic choice as Hitler was the only one with a chance to cobble a Reichstag majority. Lots of less well known back stories - for example in 1932 Hindenburg already in his 80's wanted an emergency extension of two years of his Presidency but Hitler and his party blocked it thinking he wouldn't run again for a 7 year term so the road was clear for Hitler as he would have been the clear favorite that point. But Hindenburg ran and although he was forced into a runoff with just under 50% of the vote in the first round, he decisively trounced Hitler in the second round. Also stateless until 1932 after renouncing his Austrian citizenship in 1925, Hitler had to be appointed in a ceremonial state position to get German citizenship - the first try was so ridiculous that he had to give it up, but the second worked. And so on....
Tense and showing that Hitler ascendance wasn't foreordained not even in early 1933 as his party while still having a plurality, had lost seats in the second 1932 election, had huge debts and was rent by the rivalry between Hitler and Gregor Strasser who was a smoother politician preferred by the ruling class.
I am going to be harsh on this book not because it is bad but because it is mediocre. If you want to read a really splendid account of how Hitler was helped, indeed put into power, by a group of fatuous idiots read:
'The Gravediggers: 1932, The Last Winter of the Weimar Republic' by Rüdiger Barth and Hauke Friederichs
and follow it up with:
'February 1933: The Winter of Literature' by Uwe Wittstock
In those two book you will find presented the full shocking story of how Hitler was saved from potential defeat as his support collapsed and how quickly, once in power, he broke every promise and agreement and destroyed Germany and then Europe.
Mr. Ryback tries to tell this tale but he does it poorly and confusingly, attempting to provide context and analysis which only muddies the waters of his story. He is clearly writing with a nudge-nudge to the reader screaming to make comparisons with you know who in Washington DC. None of the reviewers seem to be able to distinguish between loathing Trump and loathing Hitler. But history is not repeatable, and though it may be learnt from (though I have my doubts) there are no clear cut parallels. Hitler arose from a specific period and culture and it is important to understand that rather than look for nifty links to current events.
I recommend giving this book a miss and reading those I recommended earlier.
(Audiobook) Given recent events in DC (circa 2020-21), there has been a major uptick in the writing/publication of how Weimar fell into the grasp of the Nazis. Granted, most of the focus has been on 1923, the Beer Hall Putsch and that time, but this one looks at the final days of the Weimar Republic, when the democratic system would give way to the dictatorship of Hitler. Yet, it was not a sure thing that Hitler would get his way. Elections, bad deal-making and other personalities could have prevented Hitler from getting his position of power. Yet, the alternatives were either aging out of strength (Hindenburg) or too devious for their own good (Strasser), or just not effective enough (Van Pappen). Hitler could have been thwarted, even at the eleventh hour, but forces were not able to converge to stop his final rise. Even as Hitler never hid his aspirations for total power and dictatorship, German leaders did not realize what they were up against until way too late.
A solid history over a relatively small slice of history. Yet, the what ifs are rife in this time. Could Hitler have been stopped, even at this point? Possible. Not quite like 1923, but he could have. Still, political infighting can offer any an opportunity. Unfortunately, this work seems to offer a way ahead for the modern time, when men who have total power ambitions and have not hidden those ambitions are still in position to get their way, even as they could be thwarted, if key people had managed to step up in time. The rating is the same regardless of format.
I just spent 300 pages shouting “BEHIND YOU!” at the German people, as we watch the monster get past the line and into power and begin his murderous reign. Of course none of this was inevitable and the Nazis got no mandate for power from the German people, to their credit. But once in power, they used the powers of constitutional democracy to consolidate control and the people lost their freedoms. Which they seemed to be fine with, for a time. But that’s another book. This book was concerned with the machinations of politics and power and the people involved in Hitler’s rise to the German chancellorship. It takes a window of time before January 31, 1933 - when Hitler was sworn in - to show us the chaos of the time, as no coalition could form a majority in the Reichstag. Ryback is a deft writer and holds all the characters and pieces together in a very readable manner. I was riveted.
I have mixed feelings about the book. On the one hand, it is exhaustively researched and provides a very detailed, behind the scenes account of Hitler's rise to power covering a relatively short period of time. On the other hand, the details were at times exhausting, with so many names: Frick and Frank and Fromm, Hammerstein and Hansfstaengl and Hungenberg, Bruining and Strasser and Papen and Kessler and Meissner and Rohm and Schleicher, apart from the more well-known players -- Hitler, of course, plus Goring and Goebbels and Hindenburg. The sheer number of players made it hard to keep track sometimes of who was who. Finally, there wasn't enough information about what was going on in Germany as these players maneuvered for power and not enough analysis of why Hitler was able to obtain power. In that regard, on the very last two pages of the postscript, the author poses a series of important questions on why the Weimar Republic fell and whether things could have turned differently. I wish the author had explored these questions and themes more in the book.
En las elecciones del 6 de noviembre de 1932, los nazis perdieron dos millones de votos respecto a su mejor resultado logrado en julio del mismo año. El Partido Nacional de los Trabajadores Alemanes (NSDAP) aún era el primer partido del Reichstag seguido por socialdemócratas y comunistas, pero, con un 33% de los votos y 196 escaños de 584, quedaba muy lejos de la mayoría absoluta. Goebbels lamentaba en sus diarios que obreros y parados se pasaban en masa a los comunistas e incluso la clase media viraba hacia los conservadores. Los fondos del partido caían en picado y el activismo violento de los camisas pardas que desangraba el país mostraba signos de cansancio. Hitler, deprimido, amenazó con suicidarse. La prensa británica daba al líder nazi por acabado e ironizaba que acabaría sus días en una aldea bávara.
Tres meses después, el presidente Hindenburg nombraba a Hitler canciller de Alemania, cargo que justo antes habían ostentado Schleicher y Von Papen. Los nazis se acaban de hacer con el poder y ya no iban a soltarlo. No volverían las elecciones libres a Alemania.
¿Cómo lo lograron en su momento de mayor debilidad? ¿Tomaron el poder por la fuerza? ¿O, simplemente, se lo entregaron?
Esta segunda opción es la que defiende el historiador estadounidense Timothy W. Ryback en Takeover (Knopf), un libro polémico que acaba de sacudir la historiografía anglosajona, sin traducción todavía al castellano.
Sigue leyendo la reseña con entrevista al autor aquí:
Must read for the current polarized political climate in many countries. A detailed recount on how appeasement and compromise of a fractured democracy let a mass murderer to claim absolute authoritarian power through democratic means and in the context of existing constitution. He promised to end democracy, got the votes and … did it.
An excellent historical summary of the day-to-day (sometimes hour by hour) politics (over approximately six to nine months) concerning Adolf Hitler's final rise to power as Reich Chancellor of Germany early in 1933.
Hitler's "high water mark" concerning elections was in 1932 when the Nationalist Socialist Party received approximately 37% of the German vote - making it a very important but not a majority political party. A more 'normal' course of events would have been for Hitler and other parties to form a coalition (centrist?) Government to oppose the Communist and other factions who wished to seize power in Germany. However, Hitler demanded a maximalist position - that of being named Reich Chancellor - even though he had only 37% of the vote/representation within the Reichstag.
The majority of the book details the jockeying for position by the major players who opposed Hitler; the wavering of the German Army - who were asked to participate in an overthrow of the Weimar Republic; the $ people Industrialists/Bankers.
Those who opposed Hitler could not agree on an alternative narrative that they could present to the old Reich President - and my interpretation is that they "cancelled each other out". There were 'n' mistakes made Hitler's opponents - which led to the formation of a new government with Hitler as Reich Chancellor and Von Pappen as Vice-Chancellor.
There were many factors at play here: The Versailles Treaty and its reparation bill which hurt the German Economy; the Age of the Reich President; the Role of the German Army; the Role of Hitler's Brown Shirts; the role of the $ people Bankers/Industrialists. It was a unique mix of factors and a unique time that allowed this to 'play out' where Hitler was appointed Reich Chancellor.
After becoming Reich Chancellor - in 1934 Hitler consolidated his power become bother Reich Chancellor and Reich President.
In 1934 Hitler engineered the "Night of the Long Knives" - where those who opposed Hitler - or were no longer necessary were assassinated - or those who survived the assassination attempt fled Germany.
"All power corrupts - absolute power corrupts absolutely" - Lord Acton.
I read history to develop my own context and perspective about current events. Hermann Goring wrote in his diary something like...."Democracy provides us the tools to destroy it..." Even in the early days when the Nationalist Socialists only had 10 or 12 representatives in the Reichstag - the were obstructionist - but when they were small - the Reichstag could function.
Hitler was well reported upon by the German press - and he outright lies; the 'n' times he 'broke' his word were well known to informed Germany citizens - however this was overlooked by his constant refrain of the (original) big lie - "...Germany would have won the First World War - but was stabbed in the back by International Jewry and others..." The lie 'resonated' with the average German perhaps because to believe the original lie absolved the average German voter from any responsibility for WW1 or another 'alternative reality'.
Take aways - tough economic times a charismatic leader - the politics of outrage and creation of 'the other' who must be destroyed in order for 'our side' to flourish - lead to the end of Democracy - as the democratic system is tested and its guard rails removed or ignored.
Consult Sinclair Lewis' ..."It can't happen here..." It can happen here.
A valuable detailed book of the final part of Hitler's Rise to Power. Should be of interest to those who read history. Should be of interest to those wish to gain perspective on current events.
When I was a grad student studying history, I was taught that the facts you’re working with in your “project” are just the starting point for your real work. They’re a gateway meant to lead you (and ultimately, your reader) to a deeper understanding of the human condition, different forms of government, power, truth, relationships, or some other elusive idea we hope to grasp more fully.
Timothy W. Ryback, however, is clearly not an acolyte of that methodology.
In _Takeover_, he bombards us with facts, facts, and more facts. I’ll give him credit for the depth of detail, but good grief, this book reads like an extended encyclopedia entry that might just make your eyes (or ears) bleed—without ever getting us any closer to understanding the why behind it all.
There was one moment at the end of Chapter 16 where I thought Ryback was finally stepping back from the facts and starting to do something with them... but before I knew it, I was back in the weeds, slogging through yet another rundown of votes, weather conditions, and who dined with whom.
At the very least, the book needed an introduction and conclusion to ground the reader in this very specific moment of WWII history.
I picked up _Takeover_ hoping to find lessons relevant to today’s chilling political climate. But those lessons remain just out of reach—maybe because the author was too confident that we’d all be smart enough to draw our own conclusions. I believe this is where Ryback falls short: he’s content simply to pile on detail, when it’s the historian’s job to analyze and make sense of it all.
My rating scale: ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ I’m recommending it to everyone ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ I’m recommending it selectively ⭐️⭐️⭐️ I’m not recommending it, but I finished it ⭐️⭐️ I’m not recommending it, and I didn’t want to finish it ⭐️ I’m actively telling people to avoid it
This book covers Hitler’s rise to absolute power in 1932. Even though he was lambasted by the media and political establishment, even though he never won the support of a majority portion of the electorate, even though he balanced on the edge of financial ruin, even though he was ridiculed as a clown and his supporters dismissed as violent thugs, Hitler was given power. He didn’t plot an overthrow of the government. He was handed power. He used the instrument of democracy to overthrow democracy. And thus this is a timely, cautionary tale about democracy’s frailty.
Very few books have frustrated me as much as this one. Full disclosure: I bought Takeover because I saw a throw to the author's piece in The Atlantic, which suggested that Trump's actions ripping apart democracy were on a simple trajectory to what Hitler did in Germany. I wanted to figure out if I could track along by reading Timothy Ryback's book referenced in the magazine plug. I expected this would lead me into the article and its insights. I should have bought the magazine. This dry, dry tome focuses on the six months leading to Hitler gaining power. And unless you are a hardcore student of details and facts for BEFORE Hitler was in charge, it's a real slog of a read. It would have benefitted from sections that summed up context to make it approachable. Most of us focus our thoughts on Hitler's actions AFTER gaining power so insights providing context would have been helpful. Necessary, even. So I kept reading, waiting for the moment that would expand on Hitler's early days of power. And the promise at the start noting Hitler was appointed chancellor in January 1933 and "Within weeks, Germany was not a democracy." So what did he do? It was summed up in a postscript at the end of the book. Basically, he passed a law putting himself in change of everything. And a bunch of his enemies were killed off. BUT I CAME FOR THE DETAILS ON HOW DEMOCRACY DIED. And how does this provide insights and/or parallels with Trump's start to his second term as president? I admit that's a shallow admission/expectation (is it, though?) but I knew what I wanted and I feel totally ripped off. My friends know I love tiny, even obscure, facts that provide a bigger picture. This book seems like a lot of calendar entries that are not put in any interesting or even approachable context and little explanation that can help the reader understand why we should care. Unless your student of history status is focused on BEFORE the main character comes into their historic form, give it a pass.
The current echoes of Hitler's fascist goals are all too common (and salient) to observers of Donald Trump's cooption of the former Republican Party. May America not repeat Germany's mistakes and learn from this history.
I picked up this book because a columnist said it gave insight into how Hitler turned industrialists, business leaders, and publishers in his favor. It does not.
Instead, it details (in miniscule and tedious detail) the 6 months of negotiations that led to Hitler being made Chancellor of Germany by Hindenburg.
Rybak's research skills and scholarship are laudable. But this is far from an easy read.
Hitler looked ahead to the next Reichstag elections with equally fierce determination in his effort to destroy democracy through democratic process.
***
It has been said that the Weimar Republic died twice. It was murdered, and it committed suicide. There is little mystery to the murder. Hitler vowed to destroy democracy through the democratic process, and he did. An act of state suicide is more complicated, especially when it involves a democratic republic with a full complement of constitutional protections civil liberties, due process, press freedom, public referendum. Which leaves one wondering whether any democracy could have withstood an assault on its structures and processes by a demagogue as fiercely determined as Hitler.
***
As it was, less than three weeks after the March 1933 elections, the Reichstag passed an enabling law— Ermächtigungsgesetz—that empowered Hitler and his cabi-net to pass and enforce laws, essentially establishing the Hitler government as a legal dictatorship.
— Timothy W. Ryback / Takeover: Hitler’s Final Rise to Power
An incredibly detailed and well-researched account of Hitler's rise to power, which offers a cautionary lesson for how authoritarianism can emerge despite seemingly robust democratic structures and norms.
In the postscript, Ryback notes that the Weimar Republic "died twice. It was murdered and it committed suicide." The former refers to how Hitler vowed to destroy democracy through the democratic process and, through sheer determination and despite many setbacks along the way, eventually did. The latter refers to how, despite constitutional protections, civil liberties, due process, press freedoms, and public referendum, Hitler eventually emerged from a state of extreme polarization and gridlock as the Government's perceived best chance to return Germany to a functioning government. Hitler was even appointed Chancellor by a Reich President who was throughout quite staunchly opposed to ever granting Hitler the chancellery, having been finally convinced by the failure of other Chancellors to govern effectively.
Hitler's intention to obtain absolute power were seemingly clear to all from the start... other political leaders, the press, the public. Beyond his unsuccessful Beer Hall Putsch in 1923 for which he was tried and emprisoned, he had, in fact, turned down the leading role in a coalition government several times, holding out for a one-party government, despite not having a credible claim to a majority (it is interesting that he never managed majority support). Hitler also seemed to always regain his political footing despite numerous embarrassing setbacks, such as leaks of his rigid demands for power and failed negotiations. As Ryback notes, "Confronted by incontrovertible evidence... Hitler did what he always did in the face of uncomfortable fact: he denied it publicly and vociferously." He finally achieved his objective when other leaders found him to be their best chance out of a political crisis, thinking that he would moderate his policies once in power.
Ryback notes in his concluding paragraph that the Weimar Republic's democratic constitution, disparaged for 13 years by Hitler before taking dictatorial power, was never modified during his reign. He contends that Article I offers us a cautionary warning today, that "the political power emanates from the people."
Unless you have a working knowledge of the German language, I would recommend reading a physical copy over an audiobook for this title due to the constant use of German names, newspapers, and places mentioned throughout.
A narrow scope but very well told story focusing on late 1932 and very early 1933. Does a good job of explaining the economic, electoral, and constitutional circumstances of the republic without losing focus of the main story.
Fascinating book. That Hitler was a bad dude is no surprise to anybody, but this book explains how he took power in Germany in the first place… a subject that is much overlooked, I think, compared with the atrocities committed by Nazi Germany. An important read about power, those who seek to attain it by any means, and why they must be resisted.
intriguing zoom in on how Hitler came to be Chancellor in 1933. Interesting examination of how he used the legal system to acquire power rather than pursuing power through a coup or other means
Excellent work that deals deep into how someone like Hitler could take power in a democratic republic. Much of the Nazi rise to power has been summarized for us in the diaries of Joseph Goebbels, whom the author sites extensively. It’s a short gimme putt to make the claim that someone or some persons in the Trump campaign spent a significant amount of time going through these diaries as fodder for campaign rhetoric. It is very difficult to read through these diaries and compare them line by line to rhetoric coming from Trump. It is very nearly identical in verbiage and context. Lessons to be learned, let’s just hope we aren’t too late here.
Takeover, by Timothy W. Ryback; Alfred A. Knopf: New York; $32.00 hardback Among the greatest gifts of true historians is the ability to lend a ‘You are there’ sensation to the reader. Timothy W. Ryback, awarded author, widely recognized specialist on the Hitler era, and director of the Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation, has triumphed. Takeover recounts the events leading up to Hitler’s accession to power in 1933. The prelude to Hitler’s move to German dictator is drawn from vast original sources in several national libraries, collections of historical newspapers, diaries, and memoirs. Where appropriate, secondary sources are plumbed and all information is caveated regarding their reliability. Hitler’s Homeric efforts seemed in complete collapse in the years immediately following the great Depression. His relentless denunciation of the Versailles Treaty, with its reparations and ‘war guilt’ clauses, brought him near, but not into power. At the pinnacle of Field Marshall Hindenburg’s government, subtle and vicious intrigues by ruthless ministers were endless. Hitler was outmaneuvered by cabinet members who would counter his stream of lies by those of their own. His armed ‘private army’ fought pitched battles in the streets against those of the Socialists and Communists. Most sinister, his minister of propaganda, Joseph Goebbels, swore to use democracy’s own methods to destroy the hated Weimar Constitution from within. Hitler lied about financial appeals to raise money for his party, claiming it was for wounded party combatants. He retained his ability to contend for power by pitting adversaries against one another. At one point, his Nazis could have been eliminated as contenders had other Reichstag parties united in opposition against him. He circumvented bans on his electoral participation by creating imaginative electoral vinyl records, and using the new Lufthansa aircraft to visit various giant rallies. We follow news reports leaked constantly, each trying to gain advantage for one party or other. When violent, driven harangues to crowds didn’t work, calculated conciliation with adversaries was attempted. All the palace intrigues around the chancellorship, the votes, and the lies to explain criminal misdeeds are presented. We see what newspaper readers and radio listeners would have known at the time of these events. Throughout this work Ryback evidences a calculating eye for logical discernment of what actually happened. Hitler’s role is studiously followed, placing him in a maelstrom of constant plotting, careful strategy sessions, and furious speeches. We see how he finally came to power, overcoming long reluctance by President Hindenburg. The events which happened once the Constitution was in Hitler’s power, is shocking. As he once said, this ‘would be wild’.
I’ve once again found another world war 2 book that really sets the stage for the rise of fascism, thought I should get a lesson to apply to the good old US of A. And boy, watching Hitlers rise to power was slow going, but enabled by many a weak willed man. I wish people would read more about history to recognize the similarities.
My biggest detraction to this book was that it just dropped you into the action. Like picking up the lord of the rings in the two towers and not having read fellowship of the ring.
This low rating is based on my misunderstanding about what this book was about. I thought it would be more about how the people of Germany supported Hitler’s rise to power. Without his paramilitary forces and the crimes they committed to intimidate people he would not have been successful in his rise to power.
In actuality, it details every meeting of the men in power during this time. The Germany government was a mess and Hitler was convinced only he could fix everything with absolute control.
Things I learned: The president of Germany didn’t like or trust Hitler. Hitler didn’t even finish high school. His father was a tyrannical alcoholic that beat him unconscious. He probably had an affair with his half-niece who committed suicide. His girlfriend also attempted suicide prior to them both killing themselves.
I needed a book set in the 1930s and this book was on my TBR shelf. Dealing with the mechanics and plotting in 1932 up until Hitler was sworn in as chancellor in January 1933, this book is a “cautionary tale” as one reviewer notes on what can happen when vanity, hubris and venality consume humans to lead themselves unto a path of no return. This book shows how Hitler’s stubbornness and deceit got him into power with shades paralleling some situations we are living through today all because some politicians were willing to compromise thinking they could control a man who stated clearly he intended to destroy democracy! In allowing Hitler to achieve his goal of the chancellorship knowing full well what he intended (he said it all in Mein Kampf) these “enablers” allowed a minority party to take over the government and “the rest is history,” as they say. It was mind boggling to read about all the elections as government after government had to be reformed because forming a majority government (there were 31 parties in Germany at this time) was a near impossibility especially with the National Socialists under Hitler refusing anything but having the chancellorship. While a bit of a tedious read, this book offers an important look at what could happen in our country - some of the events in this 13 month period are eerily similar to events now. As one reviewer wrote: “Democracy doesn’t die in darkness. It dies in bright midafternoon light, where politicians fall back on familiarities and make faint offers to authoritarians and say a firm and final no - and then wake up a few days later and say, Well, maybe this time, it might all work out, and look at the other side.” An important book nonetheless.
This book is an excellent narrative concentrating very largely on the final year before Adolf Hitler & the Nazi Party took power. What is clear is that there was nothing inevitable about the final outcome. None of Germany's leaders come out it very well excepting surprisingly Paul Von Hindenberg the German President who is often portrayed in the history of the period as a rather doddery old fool. He was most certainly old but he was not doddery & he didn't want Hitler to become Chancellor. He,rightly, feared the result. There were a number of men during 1932/33 in Germany vying for power including Franz von Papen & Kurt von Schleicher both of whom wanted to dictators. Hitler had also stated quite clearly that he wanted absolute power as well. Neither of the first being discussed her like most other leading German leaders at the time were much enamored with democracy. Unfortunately for them neither of them could secure much support in the Reichstag never mind among the populace who after 1929 wanted order & less uncertainty with many turning to Hitler or looking the other way at the Communists. This book shows how Germany stumbled towards cliff edge & then over the abyss. Fascinating.
Takeover: Hitler's Final Rise to Power by Timothy W Ryback
310 pages
What struck and scared me as I read this book was how similar the political situations in Germany in the early 1930s were to the United States currently. Each country was and is going through a burgerkrieg (civil war) where there exists intense, political differences that often resulted in violence. Hindenburg stayed in office as he feared Hitler gaining political power. Hindenburg was accused of dementia and suffering from the ravages of old age. Today, Joe Biden fears a Trump presidency and the end of democracy in the United States. Biden too, is accused of suffering from dementia and being too old to serve another four year term.
In both the cases of Hitler and Trump, there were events that could have and should have ended their political pursuits. Hitler persevered through many defeats, political, personal and strategic.
I was not familiar with the appropriate knowledge of German history from 1918 till 1933 when Hitler seized power. Ryback provides the necessary background, history, and important men during this period. This book may provide a greater service in understanding what is happening in the United States today by looking back at what happened in Germany in the 1930s.
Shown below are my notes from this book..
“It has been said that the Weimar Republic died twice. It was murdered, and it committed suicide. There is little mystery to the murder. Hitler vowed to destroy democracy through the democratic process and he did.”
Trump and Hitler similarities Neither were drinkers Both felons Both thin skinned Both very poor liars (If you tell a lie long enough and keep repeating it…Goebbels) Both suffered election defeats that they refused to accept Both overestimated crowd sizes at various rallies and events Both were counted out after electoral and political defeats and came back Both sought to annul election results and lost Both seeking to establish dictatorships embraced by the populace Both opposed by older men (Hindenburg and Biden) who feared their rise to power Both promising “revenge” on their political opponents when they gain power Both used immigration issues (Hitler-Polish, Trump-Mexicans and South Americans) to stir up enthusiasm from their political base
Oswald Spengler knew both men. (referring to Hitler and Strasser). The author of the two volume landmark treatise Decline of the West was considered one of the leading conservative thinkers of today. Spengler found Hitler to be "clueless, indecisive, in a word, dumb. “
Adolf Hitler gave thousands of young Germans a chance from escape from reality Time wrote in December 1931. Hitlerites had uniforms, brass bands, roaring mass meetings, plenty of free beer. (Trump MAGA rallies 2020-2024)
The next day, Vorwarts (German newspaper) splashed the news in a banner headline, “Hitler wants to rule!" The editors were frantic at the thought. “The appointment of Hitler is out of the question because he lacks even the most basic qualifications”, they wrote. “You cannot trust a government to the leader of a party in recent days has been responsible for perpetuating countless horrific acts of violence without discrediting the authority of the state before the eyes of the entire world, not to mention the majority of its own people. “There was also the fact that Hitler served prison time for treason against the very state he was now seeking to rule.”