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Invisible Rivals: How We Evolved to Compete in a Cooperative World
A multidisciplinary view of how our competitive and cooperative natures make us human
For centuries, people have argued about whether humans are moral animals—good or bad, cooperative or competitive, altruistic or selfish. The debates continue today, dressed up in the language of modern science. In this book, Jonathan R. Goodman makes the case for synthesizing the two sides. Drawing on insights from anthropology, evolutionary biology, and philosophy, he argues that rather than being fundamentally cooperative or competitive, we are capable of being both—and of exploiting each other when there is an opportunity to do so.
The core of invisible rivalry is how we make ourselves and others believe that we are acting cooperatively even as we manipulate those around us for our own benefit. In confronting this collective tendency toward self-interest, Goodman says, we can make the fundamental first step in fixing the breakdown of trust in society. Consequently, we will be better able to combat the myriad issues we face today, including widespread inequality, misinformation in a new technological environment, and climate change.
For centuries, people have argued about whether humans are moral animals—good or bad, cooperative or competitive, altruistic or selfish. The debates continue today, dressed up in the language of modern science. In this book, Jonathan R. Goodman makes the case for synthesizing the two sides. Drawing on insights from anthropology, evolutionary biology, and philosophy, he argues that rather than being fundamentally cooperative or competitive, we are capable of being both—and of exploiting each other when there is an opportunity to do so.
The core of invisible rivalry is how we make ourselves and others believe that we are acting cooperatively even as we manipulate those around us for our own benefit. In confronting this collective tendency toward self-interest, Goodman says, we can make the fundamental first step in fixing the breakdown of trust in society. Consequently, we will be better able to combat the myriad issues we face today, including widespread inequality, misinformation in a new technological environment, and climate change.
256 pages, Hardcover
Published June 17, 2025
6 people are currently reading
103 people want to read
About the author
Jonathan R Goodman
1 book4 followersI am a social scientist based at the Wellcome Sanger Institute and Cambridge Public Health, University of Cambridge, and am interested in how insights from the evolutionary sciences can help to solve pressing issues like health inequality and the erosion of trust in society.
My work draws on a diverse body of research, ranging from anthropology and biology to ethics and public health, which I believe apply effectively to major societal problems like inequality.
My work has appeared in media outlets including the Financial Times, The Guardian, Nature, Scientific American, and New Scientist, and I have been interviewed about my work for radio shows, podcasts, and publications across the UK, Ireland, the US, Canada, and Australia.
My work draws on a diverse body of research, ranging from anthropology and biology to ethics and public health, which I believe apply effectively to major societal problems like inequality.
My work has appeared in media outlets including the Financial Times, The Guardian, Nature, Scientific American, and New Scientist, and I have been interviewed about my work for radio shows, podcasts, and publications across the UK, Ireland, the US, Canada, and Australia.
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August 14, 2025"Invisible Rivals" by Jonathan R. Goodman examines the fascinating paradox at the heart of human nature: we are both cooperative and competitive, altruistic and self-serving. The book challenges readers to consider why we sometimes act generously and other times with calculation, exploring how context, relationships, and incentives shape our decisions. Goodman takes us through evolutionary biology, anthropology, psychology, and cultural history to show how humans evolved not as purely selfish or purely selfless beings, but as strategic cooperators - adapting our behavior to the social and environmental situations we face. The opening questions - whether we see ourselves as more cooperative or competitive - invite reflection on everyday choices, such as splitting a restaurant bill. The answers, Goodman suggests, reveal a deep truth: our generosity is never unconditional, but guided by subtle calculations that have been shaped over millennia.
Goodman uses the life of George Price, a mathematical biologist who developed key theories of altruism before giving away all his possessions and living among the homeless, as a striking example of human extremes. Price’s story underscores the fact that most people fall somewhere between self-sacrifice and self-interest, shifting between the two depending on circumstances. This duality is not unique to humans - vampire bats, chimpanzees, and even bacteria exhibit both cooperation and competition - but humans have refined these tendencies through culture and social norms. For decades, economists promoted the idea of 'Homo economicus', the perfectly rational, self-interested actor, yet research in behavioral science reveals a more accurate model: 'Homo reciprocans', or conditional cooperators whose willingness to help depends on perceived fairness and mutual benefit.
One of Goodman’s key explorations is how humans managed to restrain unchecked aggression, creating space for cooperative systems to emerge. Drawing on the work of anthropologist Richard Wrangham, he explains how early human groups punished, exiled, or executed overly aggressive individuals, gradually selecting against reactive aggression. This process mirrors the domestication of dogs, where friendlier wolves gained favor and resources while aggressive ones were driven away. Humans, Goodman argues, effectively domesticated themselves, aided by technological shifts such as stone tools, which reduced the advantage of brute strength. As equality increased, sharing became more common, a pattern evident in hunter-gatherer societies that rely on risk pooling to survive unpredictable hunting success or environmental disasters.
However, this generosity is not indiscriminate. People tend to share more with kin, allies, and those they like, showing that cooperation is bounded by selective preferences. This insight complicates the romanticized vision of harmonious pre-modern societies. Anthropologist John Moore’s review of hunter-gatherer groups found that many displayed patterns of exploitation, particularly by older men over younger members and women. The difference between exploitation and cooperation, Goodman explains, lies partly in our ability to adapt culturally to diverse environments. Humans’ unusually long childhood allows us to absorb vast amounts of social knowledge, an evolutionary strategy called acculturation, which enables us to survive in nearly any ecological setting without biological changes.
But alongside our 'mode of production' - how we obtain resources from nature - humans also have a 'mode of exploitation,' describing how individuals obtain resources from each other. When direct aggression is curbed, exploitation can still occur through subtler methods, such as social status. High-status individuals often receive disproportionate benefits while appearing to uphold group norms. This intertwining of cooperation and competition creates what Goodman calls 'invisible rivalry,' where people collaborate and compete simultaneously.
Deception, another recurring theme, is framed as a natural strategy across life forms. In nature, examples abound - from cancer cells mimicking healthy ones to ravens giving false alarm calls to scare off rivals. Chimpanzees conceal food or feign injury for advantage, showing that strategic dishonesty is deeply embedded in our evolutionary toolkit. In humans, such tendencies can become especially dangerous in individuals with psychopathic traits, who manipulate others without empathy and exploit cooperative systems at large scales.
To maintain cooperation in the face of such threats, humans rely on several psychological tools. Kin selection ensures strong support within families, as helping relatives indirectly promotes our genetic survival. Reciprocity extends cooperation beyond kin, sustained by mutual benefit and trust. Yet trust is fragile, as illustrated by the 'prisoner’s dilemma' in game theory, where individuals face the choice between mutual benefit and personal gain. Computer simulations have shown that the most effective long-term strategy is 'tit for tat': start with cooperation, mirror your partner’s previous move, and retaliate against betrayal. This simple approach fosters trust while discouraging exploitation.
Goodman emphasizes that human flexibility - the ability to adapt social norms to local conditions - is both our greatest strength and our biggest challenge. Cultural variation means there is no single universal template for organizing societies, but it also offers endless possibilities for shaping behavior. Successful systems, he argues, must acknowledge that people are neither saints nor villains, but capable of both altruism and manipulation. The key lies in designing institutions that reward cooperation while making exploitation costly.
Tools for achieving this include developing a keen social radar - judging people by consistent actions rather than words - punishing norm-breakers effectively, and leveraging the power of reputation. Public exposure can be a stronger deterrent than formal penalties, especially in environments where social standing is highly valued. However, reputation systems must be fair and resistant to manipulation to remain effective. Enforcement alone is insufficient, as exploiters adapt quickly; instead, systems must evolve alongside human ingenuity, ensuring that self-interest aligns with collective benefit.
Ultimately, "Invisible Rivals" portrays humans as masters of strategic cooperation, constantly balancing the urge to share with the temptation to take. Our cooperative instincts are genuine but bounded, and our capacity for manipulation is ever-present. Recognizing this dual nature is not a cause for cynicism, Goodman insists, but an opportunity to design social structures that bring out our better tendencies. We cannot eliminate selfishness, but we can channel it toward outcomes that serve the common good.
The conclusion of "Invisible Rivals" leaves the reader with a pragmatic optimism: we are neither doomed by our competitive instincts nor saved by our altruism alone. The task ahead is to create environments where cooperation is the smartest strategy, not just the most virtuous one. By understanding the evolutionary roots of both generosity and exploitation, we can build societies that make the best use of human nature - rewarding fairness, discouraging manipulation, and ensuring that even our rivalries work, invisibly, in service of the greater whole.
Goodman uses the life of George Price, a mathematical biologist who developed key theories of altruism before giving away all his possessions and living among the homeless, as a striking example of human extremes. Price’s story underscores the fact that most people fall somewhere between self-sacrifice and self-interest, shifting between the two depending on circumstances. This duality is not unique to humans - vampire bats, chimpanzees, and even bacteria exhibit both cooperation and competition - but humans have refined these tendencies through culture and social norms. For decades, economists promoted the idea of 'Homo economicus', the perfectly rational, self-interested actor, yet research in behavioral science reveals a more accurate model: 'Homo reciprocans', or conditional cooperators whose willingness to help depends on perceived fairness and mutual benefit.
One of Goodman’s key explorations is how humans managed to restrain unchecked aggression, creating space for cooperative systems to emerge. Drawing on the work of anthropologist Richard Wrangham, he explains how early human groups punished, exiled, or executed overly aggressive individuals, gradually selecting against reactive aggression. This process mirrors the domestication of dogs, where friendlier wolves gained favor and resources while aggressive ones were driven away. Humans, Goodman argues, effectively domesticated themselves, aided by technological shifts such as stone tools, which reduced the advantage of brute strength. As equality increased, sharing became more common, a pattern evident in hunter-gatherer societies that rely on risk pooling to survive unpredictable hunting success or environmental disasters.
However, this generosity is not indiscriminate. People tend to share more with kin, allies, and those they like, showing that cooperation is bounded by selective preferences. This insight complicates the romanticized vision of harmonious pre-modern societies. Anthropologist John Moore’s review of hunter-gatherer groups found that many displayed patterns of exploitation, particularly by older men over younger members and women. The difference between exploitation and cooperation, Goodman explains, lies partly in our ability to adapt culturally to diverse environments. Humans’ unusually long childhood allows us to absorb vast amounts of social knowledge, an evolutionary strategy called acculturation, which enables us to survive in nearly any ecological setting without biological changes.
But alongside our 'mode of production' - how we obtain resources from nature - humans also have a 'mode of exploitation,' describing how individuals obtain resources from each other. When direct aggression is curbed, exploitation can still occur through subtler methods, such as social status. High-status individuals often receive disproportionate benefits while appearing to uphold group norms. This intertwining of cooperation and competition creates what Goodman calls 'invisible rivalry,' where people collaborate and compete simultaneously.
Deception, another recurring theme, is framed as a natural strategy across life forms. In nature, examples abound - from cancer cells mimicking healthy ones to ravens giving false alarm calls to scare off rivals. Chimpanzees conceal food or feign injury for advantage, showing that strategic dishonesty is deeply embedded in our evolutionary toolkit. In humans, such tendencies can become especially dangerous in individuals with psychopathic traits, who manipulate others without empathy and exploit cooperative systems at large scales.
To maintain cooperation in the face of such threats, humans rely on several psychological tools. Kin selection ensures strong support within families, as helping relatives indirectly promotes our genetic survival. Reciprocity extends cooperation beyond kin, sustained by mutual benefit and trust. Yet trust is fragile, as illustrated by the 'prisoner’s dilemma' in game theory, where individuals face the choice between mutual benefit and personal gain. Computer simulations have shown that the most effective long-term strategy is 'tit for tat': start with cooperation, mirror your partner’s previous move, and retaliate against betrayal. This simple approach fosters trust while discouraging exploitation.
Goodman emphasizes that human flexibility - the ability to adapt social norms to local conditions - is both our greatest strength and our biggest challenge. Cultural variation means there is no single universal template for organizing societies, but it also offers endless possibilities for shaping behavior. Successful systems, he argues, must acknowledge that people are neither saints nor villains, but capable of both altruism and manipulation. The key lies in designing institutions that reward cooperation while making exploitation costly.
Tools for achieving this include developing a keen social radar - judging people by consistent actions rather than words - punishing norm-breakers effectively, and leveraging the power of reputation. Public exposure can be a stronger deterrent than formal penalties, especially in environments where social standing is highly valued. However, reputation systems must be fair and resistant to manipulation to remain effective. Enforcement alone is insufficient, as exploiters adapt quickly; instead, systems must evolve alongside human ingenuity, ensuring that self-interest aligns with collective benefit.
Ultimately, "Invisible Rivals" portrays humans as masters of strategic cooperation, constantly balancing the urge to share with the temptation to take. Our cooperative instincts are genuine but bounded, and our capacity for manipulation is ever-present. Recognizing this dual nature is not a cause for cynicism, Goodman insists, but an opportunity to design social structures that bring out our better tendencies. We cannot eliminate selfishness, but we can channel it toward outcomes that serve the common good.
The conclusion of "Invisible Rivals" leaves the reader with a pragmatic optimism: we are neither doomed by our competitive instincts nor saved by our altruism alone. The task ahead is to create environments where cooperation is the smartest strategy, not just the most virtuous one. By understanding the evolutionary roots of both generosity and exploitation, we can build societies that make the best use of human nature - rewarding fairness, discouraging manipulation, and ensuring that even our rivalries work, invisibly, in service of the greater whole.
August 13, 2025
يجادل بعض الأكاديميين البارزين - ولا سيما ريتشارد رانغهام وبريان هير - بأنه كما استأنس البشر الكلاب لتكون رفقاء لنا، فقد استأنسنا أنفسنا أيضًا على مدى العشرة إلى العشرين ألف سنة الماضية، وذلك بالتخلص من الأشخاص العنيفين والمتسلطين الذين كانوا يهيمنون على مجموعاتنا الاجتماعية ويُطلق رانغهام على هذا الانتقاء اسم "العدوان التفاعلي " وهو نوع فرعي من العدوان الأساسي الذي وُجد غالبًا لدى أفراد الألفا الذين ترأسوا مجموعات أسلافنا.
تدعم الأبحاث الأثرية هذا الرأي. فمع تطوّر أشباه البشر على مدى ملايين السنين الماضية، بدأنا نجري تجارب أكثر فأكثر على العالم من حولنا. يستخدم الشمبانزي - أقرب أقاربنا الجينيين - أدوات مثل العصي لصيد النمل الأبيض، لكن أسلافنا، حتى قبل جنس الإنسان العاقل ، كانوا يصنعون أدوات حجرية منذ زمن طويل يصل إلى 3.3 مليون سنة قبل الوقت الحاضر. تشير القطع الأثرية التي عثر عليها في موقع لوميكوي في كينيا الحديثة، والتي تتضمن ، سندانا يزن خمسة عشر كيلوغرامًا، إلى أن أقاربنا القدماء كانوا حتى ذلك الحين، يطوّرون أدوات أكبر وأكثر تعقيداً من تلك التي تصنعها الرئيسيات الذكية مثل الشمبانزي والبونوبو اليوم . تؤكد الأدوات الحجرية التي يعود تاريخها إلى هذه الفترة وحتى الوقت الحاضر القريب أننا في جميع أنحاء العالم، كنا نتلاعب بالعالم من حولنا لفترة طويلة جدا من الزمن على مدار تاريخنا التطوري.
.
Jonathan Goodman
Invisible Rivals
Translated By #Maher_Razouk
تدعم الأبحاث الأثرية هذا الرأي. فمع تطوّر أشباه البشر على مدى ملايين السنين الماضية، بدأنا نجري تجارب أكثر فأكثر على العالم من حولنا. يستخدم الشمبانزي - أقرب أقاربنا الجينيين - أدوات مثل العصي لصيد النمل الأبيض، لكن أسلافنا، حتى قبل جنس الإنسان العاقل ، كانوا يصنعون أدوات حجرية منذ زمن طويل يصل إلى 3.3 مليون سنة قبل الوقت الحاضر. تشير القطع الأثرية التي عثر عليها في موقع لوميكوي في كينيا الحديثة، والتي تتضمن ، سندانا يزن خمسة عشر كيلوغرامًا، إلى أن أقاربنا القدماء كانوا حتى ذلك الحين، يطوّرون أدوات أكبر وأكثر تعقيداً من تلك التي تصنعها الرئيسيات الذكية مثل الشمبانزي والبونوبو اليوم . تؤكد الأدوات الحجرية التي يعود تاريخها إلى هذه الفترة وحتى الوقت الحاضر القريب أننا في جميع أنحاء العالم، كنا نتلاعب بالعالم من حولنا لفترة طويلة جدا من الزمن على مدار تاريخنا التطوري.
.
Jonathan Goodman
Invisible Rivals
Translated By #Maher_Razouk
December 25, 2025
Quite an interesting book. Makes one suspect everyone’s motives because human beings are inherently capitalistic.
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