A man who lived his life mostly in the shadows, Edward M. House is little known or remembered today; yet he was one of the most influential figures of the Wilson presidency. Wilson's chief political advisor, House played a key role in international diplomacy, and had a significant hand in crafting the Fourteen Points at the Paris Peace Conference. Though the intimate friendship between the president and his advisor ultimately unraveled in the wake of these negotiations, House's role in the Wilson administration had a lasting impact on 20th century international politics.
In this seminal biography, Charles E. Neu details the life of "Colonel" House, a Texas landowner who rose to become one of the century's greatest political operators. Ambitious and persuasive, House worked largely behind the scenes, developing ties of loyalty and using patronage to rally party workers behind his candidates. In 1911 he met Woodrow Wilson, and almost immediately the two formed what would become one of the most famous friendships in American political history.
House became a high-level political intermediary in the Wilson administration, proving particularly adept at managing the intangible realm of human relations. After World War I erupted, House, realizing the complexity of the struggle and the dangers and opportunities it posed for the United States, began traveling to and from Europe as the president's personal representative. Eventually he helped Wilson recognize the need to devise a way to end the war that would place the United States at the center of a new world order.
In this balanced account, Neu shows that while House was a resourceful and imaginative diplomat, his analysis of wartime politics was erratic. He relied too heavily on personal contacts, often exaggerating his accomplishments and missing the larger historical forces that shaped the policies of the warring powers. Ultimately, as the Paris Peace Conference unfolded, differences appeared between Wilson and his counselor. Their divergent views on the negotiations led to a bitter split, and after the president left France in June of 1919, he would never see House again.
Despite this break, Neu refutes the idea that Wilson and House were antagonists. They shared the same beliefs and aspirations and were, Neu shows, part of an unusual partnership. As an organizer, tactician, and confidant, House helped to make possible Wilson's achievements, and this impressive biography restores the enigmatic counselor to his place at the center of that presidency.
Anyone exploring the presidency of Woodrow Wilson will encounter, and be fascinated by, Edward M. House (1858-1938). Known honorifically as “Colonel House” he was a wealthy Texan with a penchant for political advice whose national career was launched after meeting Woodrow Wilson. House acted as his presidential adviser and close confidante for nearly a decade…until Wilson’s second wife helped catalyze the dissolution of their relationship toward the end of his presidency.
Neu’s biography carefully documents the major moments of House’s life with a decided emphasis on his years spent dishing out political advice – first to Texas gubernatorial candidates and later to Wilson. Neu’s research relies extensively on the “House Papers” at Yale University, memoirs of House’s contemporaries and interviews with several people who knew him personally.
Because of the nature of the relationship between Wilson and Colonel House, this book is almost as much about the Wilson presidency as it is about House’s life during those years. And because House was so consumed by his role in Wilson’s orbit there is relatively little in the narrative pertaining to the Colonel’s personal life or family members.
Anyone with an interest in Wilson’s presidency will find this book riveting since it provides a unique behind-the-scenes perspective on those years. And readers wishing to observe the diplomatic machinations of World War I (or the ensuing Paris Peace Conference) from an advantaged perch will also find the narrative especially enlightening.
Readers familiar with Robert Caro’s series on Lyndon Johnson will also see hints of that author’s talent for investigative prowess embedded in these pages…but without Caro’s famous verbosity. And among the many moments of merit are a chapter cementing House’s relationship with president-elect Wilson, countless pages documenting House’s meetings with European leaders on Wilson’s behalf and portions of the story which explain House’s falling out with President Wilson.
Finally, this impressively detailed account of Colonel House’s life is uncommonly balanced for a biography that relies so heavily on a subject’s diary and letters. One can be certain that House would have preferred a less objective appraisal of his strengths and weaknesses from his biographer.
But readers seeking a spellbinding tale of diplomacy and sagacious political advice are likely to leave this biography feeling disappointed. Neither Colonel House nor Woodrow Wilson are lively, colorful characters and Neu’s writing style does not noticeably animate them or the often serious scenes about which he writes.
In addition, little seems to be known of House’s early years. The first two decades of his life are captured in just a few pages and he meets and marries his wife within a single paragraph. And for all the effort directed at his public career, his personal life receives almost no attention. In the end, Colonel House comes across as an intriguing but sterile two-dimensional figure whose persona is never fully revealed.
Overall, Charles Neu’s biography of Colonel Edward House is a methodical, well researched and judicious review of the life of Woodrow Wilson’s most important political adviser. Although this book is consistently excellent as history it is never fully satisfying as literature. But whatever its imperfections may be this seems certain to be the definitive biography of Edward M. House for the foreseeable future.
Edward House ("Colonel" was purely an honorific title bestowed upon him by a Texas Governor) was one of the most interesting yet shadowy figures to come out of the Woodrow Wilson presidency. House became Wilson's closest adviser - in modern terms, think of Karl Rove or David Axelrod - despite never having run for or held any type of political office. He also did not build himself from the ground up, instead being born into wealth in Houston. So how did House become such an influential person in one of the country's most pivotal presidencies? That is what this superb biography by Charles Neu answers.
Born wealthy, House did not need to worry much about making ends meet, although he was somewhat pinched (in relative terms for him, not for pretty much anyone else) at the end of his life, following the stock market crash of 1929 and the onset of the Great Depression. He managed his considerable land holdings and ranches in Texas, which allowed him ample time to make himself into a political operator. House wanted to be someone who exerted power without formally having it, someone who shaped historical events and the people that were a part of them. In this he succeeded, although ultimately many of his efforts resulted in failure, though he refused to admit this. He ingratiated himself with Texas politicians, and made himself indispensable to a series of Governors in the 1890s and early 1900s.
House amassed a reputation for political backroom maneuvering and counseling that soon brought him to the national stage. Democratic in outlook, although possessing many of the unfortunate prejudices of his time period (he was quite anti-Semitic, for example), he pined for a Democrat to ascend to the White House, and finally got his chance in 1912 with Wilson. He quickly became Wilson's confidant and closest adviser, dispensing campaign and political advice in an understated and private manner. He continued to advise Wilson through his first term, and became one of the members of the peace commission that met in Paris following the conclusion of WWI. His work there brought him into close contact with a plethora of world leaders. House was really, for a time, running the show on the American side while Wilson remained in Washington. He exceeded his vague authority, and ultimately lost the trust of Wilson - an emotional blow that he never seemed to recover from.
Reading about Wilson, one cannot help but come across House as he was integral to Wilson during his tenure as Governor of New Jersey, and then the 1912 campaign, followed by most of his presidency. But House more less lurks in the shadows in Wilson biographies; he is there, yet he is not there. As Neu shows, this is largely accurate: House was really an odd man who constantly traveled from place to place, possessed of a morbid fear of hot weather (this, despite being from Texas). Time after time, House does not travel to see Wilson when wanted, or would spend long periods of the year away from Washington, and when he did visit (he never lived there), he would always be anxious to get back to New York City. House was borderline obsessive about his travel schedule: Europe in the spring, Massachusetts or New Hampshire in the summer, NYC in the fall and winter. I found it amazing how, even when Wilson would want him to come to Washington sometimes, he would not - saying he was concerned about the heat. Was this some type of mental block by House? Was the heat really that much of an issue for him? Neu does not definitively say, but he does cast some doubt on that.
House flew too close to the sun, abusing the privileges that Wilson granted him in Paris. He was a poor negotiator, giving away too many concessions to the British, and especially to the French. House fancied himself an indispensable man, someone whom Wilson had to rely on. Ultimately, Wilson - failing in health and increasingly being guided by his second wife, Edith, who seems to have been a less than pleasant individual (I'm not getting that just from this book) - basically cut ties with House. Their friendship ruptured, although they never had a fight or screaming argument about things. Wilson just stopped confiding in him, stopped reaching out to him, and stopped contacting him, only responding cordially when House would write. I'm not sympathetic with Wilson here as he could be cruel, and he had his own issues with acting holier-than-thou. Plus it's difficult to have much sympathy if any for Edith, although one must acknowledge her devotion to her husband. But I found House to be someone who I did not care for, despite being awed by what he did in his life. It takes a lot of skill to mold yourself into a national political player without actually holding any formal power. Still, House used people, and he was devious, trying to play people both ways. He thought he was more important than he actually was, and spent his last years trying to shape his own historical narrative.
This is an excellent biography. Neu writes in an even-handed fashion, recognizing House's formidable political skills while being critical of the inflated ego that he eventually developed. Neu shows how both House and Wilson, along with a healthy boost from Edith and Wilson's physician Dr. Cary Grayson, were responsible for the dissolution of their once-intense relationship. Neu keeps the narrative moving, and while the bulk of the book was concerned with WWI and the peace conference that followed it, House was so busy on a daily basis that the story keeps pace. He makes extensive use of House's diaries, but also takes them at face value, noting that House tried to present a view of himself that was better than reality. He covers House's final years in detail, unlike many biographies that try to rush to the end once the pinnacle of the subject's life is reached. And the final couple of pages have tidy summaries about what happened to some of the other main people in the book. Anyone interested in Wilson, his presidency, WWI, diplomacy, House, or early 20th century American history will find this both an entertaining and informative read. Solid work.
One of the most tragic endings to any presidency in American history is that of Woodrow Wilson. Elected twice the former president of Princeton University and Governor of New Jersey continued progressive reform that had marked the earlier administrations of Theodore Roosevelt and Howard Taft. In addition, Wilson guided the United States through the Great War and developed a plan to make it “the war to end all wars.” However, Wilson suffered a stroke while trying to sell his postwar plan to the American people as he battled to overcome partisan congressional opposition to the League of Nations and never regained the emotional balance to compromise with his detractors. In the end Wilson became a bitter man and the fight over the League of Nations overshadowed the positive impact his presidency had on American history. During Wilson’s administration a “counselor” emerged who had no official title or rank but has often been labeled as Wilson’s “silent partner.” This individual helped shepherd through Wilson’s domestic agenda through congress, but he remained in the background throughout that process. It was in the arena of foreign affairs that he became known to the general public. The man, Edward House was a wealthy Texas politician and businessman who was fascinated by the organizational side of politics, rather than the achievement political power in of itself. Nicknamed the “Colonel” based on an honorary National Guard rank the governor of Texas bestowed upon him, Colonel House became one of the most powerful and controversial presidential advisers in history. Until now the literature on House lacked a comprehensive and masterful biography, with the publication of Charles E. Neu’s COLONEL HOUSE: A BIOGRAPHY OF WOODROW WILSON’S SILENT PARTNER that void has been filled.
Neu has written a biography that should remain the definitive source on Colonel House for years to come. The book is based on assiduous research that includes the leading secondary works on all aspects of American history that House was a part of. It took Neu years to research and write and it is reflected in the primary materials he examined, particularly the over 3000 page diary that House prepared on a daily basis until 1921 when the Versailles Conference ended. Neu points out that throughout his life that House was most interested in the “process rather than the substance of politics, fascinated with tactics and personalities.” (11) As he worked his way through Texas politics he created what he referred to as “our crowd,” a group of advisors and sycophants who would remain with him throughout his career. In his relationship with Wilson he took on many tasks that the President found distasteful. Wilson, whom was not a warm individual saw in House an individual that possessed the capacity for human relations that he lacked and relied upon his “counselor” to smooth the way for legislation as well as diplomatic relationships. One would think that Wilson and House would have spent a great deal of time together during the course of their friendship, but Neu reveals that most of their communication was by letter and telephone. Fortunately House’s diaries have provided historians a record of their warm feelings for each other that today might be categorized as a “bromance!”
Neu correctly develops the theme that House’s greatest contribution to his relationship with the president was his assessment of European events as he repeatedly traveled to Europe between 1913 and 1917 as the United States tried to navigate a policy of neutrality during World War I. House became the key to American mediation efforts, though his judgment was often clouded by his enamourment with England and its Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey and the policies of Lloyd George. Wilson relied on House as his “personal emissary” but at times House missed the larger historical forces that shaped the policies of the European powers as the war continued. House’s relationship began with Wilson in 1911 as he grew tired of the policies offered by the Republican Party. For a number of years through the prism of Texas and national politics he searched for a progressive Democrat who was electable. The search brought him in contact with Governor Wilson of New Jersey and their relationship blossomed. With the disarray in the Republican Party in 1912 whoever secured the Democratic nomination was likely to be elected president. Neu provides a detailed summary of the 1912 election and correctly concludes that it was “one of the most intense campaigns on both a personal and intellectual level that has ever occurred in American political history.” (66) After the election House had to reinvent himself from the Texas politician who focused on the acquisition of power, relying on personal loyalty, patronage and the manipulation of the system to an advisor dealing with a progressive agenda. House made the conversion easily and his relationship with Wilson would continue to blossom until the president’s first wife passed away.
Wilson’s relationship and remarriage to Edith Bolling Galt in 1915 altered Wilson’s relationship with House. What amazed me was the intimate relationship the two men shared until Wilson remarried. Neu includes numerous excerpts from letters the two sent to each other in the narrative and the sincerity and emotional nature of their correspondence reflects how dependent they were on each other, i.e., on Christmas day, 1914 Wilson and House exchanged telegrams. “I wish, I could see brought into your life some happiness and blessing equal to those you have brought into mine by your wonderful friendship. You have kept faith and strength in me.” House replied, “Your message has made the day a happy one for me. May God’s blessings fall upon you and yours abundantly during the coming years.” (164) Once Edith Galt, a controlling woman entered the picture the relationship between the two men would suffer. Neu conjectures that despite Wilson’s efforts, Galt was not inclined to share her love for him with another person and her attitude from the start toward House was negative, as she told the president that “I know I am wrong but I can’t help feeling he is not a very strong character….he does look like a weak vessel and I think that he writes like one very often.” (201) Galt’s relationship with House would be glossed over by her husband but it would never be the same. Neu does a remarkable job cataloguing the relationship throughout the war and the peace process and concludes that once Wilson suffered a stroke in 1919 her influence on the president was detrimental to the country as she reinforced his negativity that was in part caused by his illness.
Neu does an exceptional job describing the diplomatic and military events dealing with World War I. He deftly examines the major political and military characters involved and makes numerous insightful comments. He integrates House’s role in mediation efforts and policy decisions nicely and correctly concludes that in most situations House had an overblown sense of his own importance and influence that at times led to inaccurate reports back to Washington. This inflated estimate of himself, in part was the fault of Wilson who had a habit of dispatching House on his European missions with only vague instructions and carelessly monitored his negotiations. Neu has an excellent command over the details of House’s ventures overseas be it to mediate the war before US entrance or managing the allied coalition once the US became a combatant. A case in point was House’s mediation effort after Wilson was reelected in 1916. Neu’s analysis of London and Berlin seem very credible and he seems to have mastered the military and political nuances in each capital. In Berlin, Generals Ludendorff and von Hindenburg views on strategy and implementation of U-boat warfare and the declining influence of Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg are accurately presented by the author. Neu goes on to state that House’s evaluation of Lloyd George and Arthur Balfour led him to believe that he understood the war better than the president. House also believed that Wilson was not preparing the country for war, which he believed was inevitable, also setting him apart from the president. Despite these differences it appears that House had Wilson’s full support as he had him prepare for a post war peace conference which would take place after Germany’s defeat.
Neu’s knowledge of war events is especially useful as he places the Wilson-House relationship in the context of events overseas. Whether discussing the diplomacy dealing with Germany’s U-boat policy, events in Russia as the Czarist regime collapses, the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, or the policy of unconditional surrender the author’s narrative is impeccable. Once the war ends Neu spends a great deal of time on the evolution of the negotiations in Paris and points out the errors that were made. First, having the conference in Versailles instead of a neutral site like Geneva; having Wilson as the head of the American delegation, and not bringing a prominent Republican as a member of the American commission. All these errors that House relayed to Wilson are discussed and their negative effect on the final outcome embodied in the Treaty of Versailles are examined. Wilson’s stubbornness and inflexibility are ever present, but so is House’s inability to convey an accurate portrayal of what was to be expected before negotiations began. The relationship between the two men would not survive the conference as House was not given a prominent role in the day to day diplomacy as Wilson put him in charge of writing a constitution for the future League of Nations. However, when Wilson returned to the United States to deal with Republican opposition to the League, House’s role in territorial negotiations is enhanced. However once Wilson returned to Paris he felt that while he was away that House overly accommodated the French and Italians violating the principle of self-determination. This heightened their disagreements over policy and House’s illusions about his own effectiveness resulted in his failure to carry out some of Wilson’s wishes embodied in the Fourteen Points, “succumbing to Clemenceau’s flattery and his own conviction that he was the master of the negotiating process.” (422)
Apart from the sections on diplomacy and war, Neu examines many important relationships and personal views of the major historical figures that House dealt with. House’s relationship to other key administration figures is explored especially Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan, who both Wilson and House lacked respect for and his replacement, Robert Lansing who was seen as weak and whose opinions were repeatedly bypassed. Both the President and House had little use for US ambassador to England, Walter Hines Page and the feelings were mutual. House’s use of the term “love” in describing his opinion of French President Georges Clemenceau and English Foreign Secretary Edward Grey reflects a lack of objectivity that is very bothersome. In addition, House’s views of Jews comes across as very anti-Semitic as he speaks about Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis and Bernard Baruch, who skills Wilson employed in organizing the United States domestically for war. Military figures such as General John J. Pershing, Sir Alexander Haig, and General Joseph Joffre are all explored. American politicians like Henry Cabot Lodge, Warren G. Harding, John W. Davis and many others are also painted by Neu’s historical brush as the politics of peace and presidential campaigns are rendered in detail.
Once the issues of the war are settled, Neu describes House’s career and retirement in the last section of the book. What is most interesting is House’s obsession with his place in history and he how he established a warm working relationship with Yale University historian Charles Seymour who would edit his private papers into four volumes. As House grew older he repeatedly reexamined the break with Wilson, accepting no responsibility he blamed it on Edith Galt and her coterie of advisors that surrounded the stricken president. The book may come across as encyclopedic to some readers, but Neu’s ability to turn a phrase and write clear and concise sentences will allow the novice historian to enjoy the results of years of the author’s work in creating a superb biography of one of the most important figures in 20th century American political history. The key to Neu’s success is that he lets House’s record as a private advisor and diplomat tell its own story and the reader can judge for themselves how important House may have been to the era in which he lived.
This is a brilliant biography! And the research Professor Neu undertook in order to write it is staggering! In fact, pp. 518 to 636 consists entirely of footnotes providing sources for comments and statements as well as often additional biographical or historical information, after which he uses an additional 20 pages to list his sources!
In his Acknowledges section, he says that in May of 1966 the eminent historian Arthur S. Link (now deceased) warned him that a biography of House “was an enormous project…one that will involve you in at least six or eight years of research.” He then adds, “How I wish he had been right!” This book was not published until 2015!
There is no way that brief review can give this work justice; it is just too rich in detail about House, an incredible array of other fascinating folks – including multiple Progressive heroes and journalists – and about the times in which he lived. And they were incredible times in which great and horrific things happened. Edward Mandell House was born in July of 1858, meaning that he came of age during the tumultuous years of the Civil War and the all-too-brief period of Reconstruction. A Southern boy from Texas, he retained a love for Texas – and retained some of the racial prejudices of his place and time against Blacks and Jews – for the rest of his life. Like his immediate ancestors, House became a wealthy man early in life and, as wealth conveys influence and power, also became a fixture in Texas politics which is where he first discovered, and then thereafter honed, his abilities to win people over and influence them. Here, too, is when he discovered that while he loved power and the ability to “make things happen” through persuasion and flattery, he preferred all of his life to remain in the background, although he vastly enjoyed it when others in power and in journalism recognized his abilities and either praised or criticized him for it. He also traveled widely and frequently through Europe, and early became acquainted with the “players” in all the major countries there; he particularly loved England and France, and it was his intimate connection with leaders there that made him such a useful and successful advisor to Woodrow Wilson in Wilson’s fateful presidency.
Woodrow Wilson’s idealism, lofty speeches filled with high ideals, and his efforts to build a just peace at Versailles with a League of Nations as its focal point inspired me early, and I read much about him in college and graduate school. In fact, after I finished this book, I looked through my library and found that I have accumulated 15 plus books about Wilson and his domestic and foreign policy over the years, and one of the earliest ones that I read in my grad-school days was also about Wilson and House. It was published in the early to mid-60s, I think. As you can see, it was subtitled “A Personality Study” and for that reason was criticized by some as a faulty attempt at psychoanalyzing at a distance, something that Freud and William Bullitt also did in the ‘20s when they collaborated on a book about Wilson (although it was not published until some 40 years later).
So I early knew about House, but I mainly focused on Wilson. Remember, I was an idealistic youth at a time of both great hope that the future would bring a more peaceful world and stark evidence in the form of the Vietnam war that it might not. The sadness I felt deeply at Wilson’s failure at the Versailles Peace Conference and then subsequently to win US admittance to the League of Nations echoed my personal near despair at the multiple assassinations, bombings, and other violence of the 1960s, especially the murders of JFK, Dr. King, and Jack’s brother Bobby Kennedy. (In more recent years I also learned of Wilson’s racism and how it influenced his presidency. He was also something of a Southern boy and shared that significant character defect with House.)
This biography does not shirk from treating of Wilson’s, House’s, or other major figures’ shortcomings, but it keeps them in perspective. No one, after all, is without a weakness or flaw of some kind; indeed, this human reality is what makes so many of ancient Greece’s plays still so powerful. But still we struggle with this, especially when the passage of time brings out – or serves to highlight what earlier generations shrugged off – some painfully crucial flaws in persons we had otherwise come to admire. As examples besides Wilson’s abhorrent racism we have learned that FDR had a longtime mistress and that JFK – whom I idolized as a youth and because of whom I later got into politics “in order to make a difference” – was a womanizer.
Professor Neu does a superb job of helping us “live” in those very different times that spawned the period when House was most active – from the 1880s until the early 1930s. It was a time of vast change: at the end of the 19th century and in the first decade of the 20th century the Western world had been a time of unparalleled peace among the famously quarrelsome European tribes and people expressed confidence that war as it once been known would and could not happen in these modern times. Until, of course, it did. It was also a time when many Western nations undertook colonization in Africa and Asia with a vengeance, a distinct form of violence that was justified both by the need to compete with other nations and because it was the white man’s job to civilize primitive societies which, of course, were populated by peoples of color. While Germany embarked on a ridiculous naval race with Great Britain, the kind of nationalism that would run wild during and after the First World War was growing, and the misunderstanding and misapplication of Darwin’s findings – interpreted as Social Darwinism – fueled both racist ideas that ranked peoples and cultures from savage to advanced – and, of course, it was the white European nations that were “advanced” – as well as experimentation with genetics in attempts to “weed out” inferior qualities in order to “perfect” humanity. While only competitive nationalism, excessive militarism, and the horrors of war occupy much of the story in this book, all these other forces roiled societies in the background, as it were. They also help explain the peculiar nature of the kind of Progressivism that became popular and triumphed in so many ways during the last years of the 19th century and the first two decades of the 20th. This was a period when the Republican and Democratic parties were undergoing a form of role-changing that eventually saw the Democrats championing the “little guy,” smaller entrepreneurs, labor unions, and – long time coming! – racial justice, while the Republicans were morphing into the party of big business, the rich, and a small government hesitant to “interfere” in the workings of commerce. (Abraham Lincoln would have been amazed at this!) Progressives included many Republicans, too, especially Teddy Roosevelt who took on some of the largest trusts (business and economic associations of great wealth and power that dominated several key industries). Besides challenging economic monopolies, the Progressives also attacked corruption in government at all levels by championing civil service reform, direct election of senators by the people instead of “back-room politics,” and rooting out the great city “machines” that sprang up in the wave of immigration and urbanization that followed the Civil War. It was an exciting time to be alive and, for a master “influencer” like House, a time of great opportunity to make a difference through others. He was genuine idealist like Wilson on most things, and as the two men apparently instantly hit if off – House seemed truly adept at such – he both skillfully advised Wilson and cheered him on as he first initiated a wave of domestic reform and then skillfully navigated – at first – the challenges of World War I.
Probably House’s greatest weakness – as it is for many of us today – is not knowing how much he did not really know. He did have tremendous contacts among – and enjoyed the highest respect of – Western European leaders, but he significantly overestimated at times how much they were truly leveling with him in their conversations – after all, they played in a political hard-knocks school of their own – and sometimes failed to see other options or to accurately weigh the force of other opinions contrary to his own. As a former politician, much of this resonated with me. Nonetheless, as Neu reveals, his advice was mostly sound and his friendships genuine. He truly admired and loved Wilson, but their relationship became apparently irretrievably strained through the jumble of the mess that was the Versailles Peace Conference. This is not the place to go into yet again how the highest hopes raised by Wilson in his “peace without victory” speech that included his admirable “14 Points” were dashed at that conference. Suffice it to say here that House was a little too inclined to smooth out differences between Wilson and especially Clemenceau of France, who deeply wanted Germany to pay – financially and territorially – for the war that had cost France so much (a good deal of it had been fought on French soil). And Wilson? Too worn out, too caught up with his brainchild “the League,” and strangely unable to bargain at all skillfully with his European counterparts. Wilson essentially “caved” there and then, after returning to the US to champion the adoption of the flawed peace treaty – which, nonetheless, contained his precious League – after suffering a truly horrific stroke, refused to compromise with the now Republican controlled Senate in adopting some modifications to the peace treaty. Hence it was that the US never joined the League, something that – together with the punitive peace imposed on Germany – actually served to make a future conflict once again more likely. Had the US been a member of the League, it is at least conceivable that the League might have had the backbone to challenge Japan’s interference in Manchuria as the 1930s began as well as to have moved early and forcefully against Hitler’s first tentative efforts to rearm Germany.
The book’s final chapters cover the period after the Great War where House largely retreats from his former active political intrigues, in good measure because he was now becoming an “old man,” in his own words, increasingly plagued by one kind of physical difficulty after another. He recognized FDR’s abilities early on, however, and tried once more to become his close advisor. But he had both been out of contact too long and FDR was a different type of man than Wilson. FDR was not a loner, for one thing, and for another he loved to have a large number of people weighing in on policy options.
In closing, I wish to cite from something the great Progressive journalist Ray Stannard Baker wrote in the winter of 1920-1921. He had closely followed Wilson and studied House, too. So, in his words: “I never met the Colonel without a new sense of personal liking such as I have never at any time felt for the President. He is a human soul: he is generous: he is kindly: he wants good in the world: and he has a kind of common-sense (not wisdom) which grows out of his knowledge of what human beings are. His intellectual equipment is small: he has no real mind of his own: his instincts & feelings keep him generally upon the liberal & democratic side, but when confronted with real events and hard-set personalities – as often as Paris – he compromises everything away in order to preserve “harmony” & keep people liking one another. He has no inner structure: no bony framework: and yet a lovable man. Such men, with the best intent in the world, often do as much harm as good…. I think the Colonel understood the President better than most men: & wanted to serve him well: but got too little explanation, too little human sympathy and encouragement…. The President had vast labor to do, great legislative plans to work out, many speeches to make and he was always at the edge of his physical capacity, always having to conserve his energy – and he let cultivation of these ordinary human relationships…slip by…. He never seemed to realize what an intensely human world this is!... It was perhaps because these two men were at opposite poles of temperament: one cold & negative, the other warm & positive, that they so flew together, each recognizing in the other what he lacked. Both had a kind of sincerity & disinterestedness – a greatness! – in his quality. People love House…and he loves his friends: and is to-day, as he was at Paris, cheery, optimistic – yes, happy! He lives always in a kind of warm haze of good-feeling. What a contrast with the grim, bitter, tragic, lonely old man there in S street.”
That is certainly something of a “wowser” observation, and a fitting conclusion to this review of a magnificent and illuminating work!
I didn’t know much about House outside his role in the White House during the Great War, and Neu does a good job describing these periods. The emphasis of the book is on House’s role as a political adviser, especially during Wilson’s presidency. There is little on House’s personal life or family.
House and Wilson formed a pretty close bond pretty quickly when they first met, but the book doesn’t really explore why that was the case. At one point Neu writes that House’s father died in “1980.” The book also relies heavily on House’s version of events. Also, while House’s talents for deception and self-deception are interesting to read about, and sometimes vivid, neither he nor Wilson were all that colorful, and Neu’s writing can be pretty dry.
Edward Mandell House was a erudite, accomplished man who exercised tremendous influence on U.S. politics and world diplomacy in the first two decades of the twentieth century. Nevertheless, he is one of the more obscure and forgotten figures of American history. What drew me to learn more about House is the fact that he—like me—was a native of Austin, Texas, and because he appeared on the margins in one of my favorite novels 1919 written by John Dos Passos. Dos Passos is another giant of the early twentieth century who has become obscured with time. I wrote a review of Dos Passos’ journey across the Pacific as a war correspondent in WWII. He is an author who has greatly influenced my own writing.
As for House, he was probably the first man in American history to fulfill the role of White House Chief of Staff, under President Woodrow Wilson. In the early twentieth century, such a title didn’t officially exist. House was born in Houston before the Civil War to an English father and an American mother. His father, Thomas House—an intriguing character who is probably worthy of a biography himself—made money through the dry goods and cotton business, and then through banking and the accumulation of property all over the state of Texas. During the Civil War the elder House was a blockade runner, sending out cotton and bringing in arms, manufactured goods and other items from Europe. Upon his death in 1880 Thomas’ children, including Edward, inherited a fortune of $500,000, the third largest fortune in Texas at that time. Edward House then moved to Austin, and besides overseeing a productive cotton farm in Taylor, he decided to take a hand in Texas politics. An inveterate networker, he made connections in Democratic circles and helped elect four consecutive governors of Texas. His first project was twice-elected Governor James Hogg who gave House the honorary title of ‘Colonel’ which stuck throughout House’s career. House helped convince Hogg to create a Texas state Railroad Commission, to regulate the railroads. It subsequently became one of the more powerful national agencies because of its oversight of the Texas oil industry. House built a large home on Judge’s Hill west of the capital, above Shoal Creek. It served as a social and political center of the growing capitol city. House later deeded land he owned along Shoal Creek that had served as a horse paddock to the City of Austin, with the stipulation that the land only be used for youth recreation. It is now the site of House Park, a high school football stadium.
Tiring of the provincialism of Austin, House decided to try his hand at national politics. He moved to New York and began sizing up presidential candidates for the beleaguered Democratic Party, which had won only two elections (both by Grover Cleveland) since the Civil War. House seized upon New Jersey Governor Woodrow Wilson, like House, a liberal. Wilson’s name today brings up negative connotations of racism, but at the time he was seen as very progressive and believed in social programs for the poor and in curbing the malign influence of large corporations. Of course, Wilson’s most noteworthy accomplishments included the creation of the League of Nations (which America never joined) and the Fourteen Points that guided the Treaty of Versailles ending World War I. House was instrumental in creating these policies, working as Wilson’s right-hand man in Versailles. House was also the first man probably ever to engage in what we call today ‘shuttle diplomacy’ in the early years of the First World War, travelling between London, Paris, and Berlin, even as these nations were engaged in a titanic struggle on the Western Front.
Neu’s comprehensive biography of House is generally favorable, though Neu does point out that House, who avoided the limelight all of his life as a behind-the-curtain-fixer, became enamored with international negotiating and ‘summiteering’ and he often worked out backroom deals with the British and French heads of states, without Wilson’s full knowledge. House also enjoyed the attention he began getting in the international press. He could arrive unannounced in any European capital and be seen by presidents and prime ministers without an appointment. This practice grew irksome to Wilson and after the Versailles Treaty was signed on June 28, 1919, the friendship broke and the two men never spoke again. Wilson was soon to suffer a debilitating stroke and would pass away in 1924. House would live out his life as an elder statesman, in the last years counseling President Franklin Roosevelt before passing away in 1938. He was buried in Houston. Although House was a man born with all the advantages, he was hardly one to rest on his laurels (reminding one of an early version of Averell Harriman). He made a significant impact on the state of Texas, the United States, and the entire world through his sage and measured counseling, and his progressive politics. It is a testament that he is better-known in Europe (among the Fourteen Points were stipulations for the creation of independent states in Eastern Europe), and that he has statue in at least one European capital, but not one in Texas or the United States. His sole memorial is the stadium in Central Austin.
"Colonel" Edward M. House is one of the more controversial personalities of the Progressive Era. He was an independently wealthy Texan, political operative, confidant, diplomat, and advisor to governors, senators, and, most importantly, President Woodrow Wilson. In this latter capacity, he played a role in shaping the highly consequential administration of the twenty-eighth president of the United States, most importantly, around World War I. Wilson circumvented the State Department and instead used House as a personal diplomat and envoy to negotiate peace, neutrality, war, armistice, and the post-war settlement. Wilson's effusive praise of House and dispatching him to the capitals of Europe without instructions was a recipe for disaster, which came to fruition in Paris in 1919. House also authored the bizarre novel Philip Dru (it's really pretty bad stuff).
While House has been the subject of several books and many articles, including psychological studies, there was no biography of him. Charles Neu, a distinguished diplomatic historian, remedied this deficiency with an impressive work of scholarship. House certainly lived an interesting life, travelled widely, and enjoyed intimate relationships with the most powerful men in the world at the time. However, he massively inflated his own judgement and accomplishments, could be easily swayed by flattery and praise (he recorded it all in his diary), and had little interest in the nuances of policy. Honestly, I never liked him as an historical figure and I dislike him even more now. House seemingly categorized everyone he met by their intelligence or ability to judge others. He was often critical of the judgement others -- and yes, he thought he was right all the time. On the other hand, though, House Flip-flopped regarding his own views on others fairly frequently. And he changed his own stance whenever he wanted to win someone over. Squirrelly seems the perfect word to define him. There are plenty of lose threads that one could tug on, such as his mysterious breakdown in 1899, his claims to poor health, how he tended to be absent at key moments and not fully understand how others saw them, to name a few, but, thankfully, Neu doesn't wade into his subject's psychology. Sticking to the subjects he knows best, politics and diplomacy, as he does, Neu contributes an important work on an influential figure and one of the most critical times for not only the United States but also the world. This book is highly advisable for anyone wishing to know more about Woodrow Wilson, the United States in World War I, and the Paris Peace Conference.
Colonel House is much villified in the right wing literature I used to read a lot back in the 1980's.
In the reviews here it seems like this is a sanitized version of him. Like most establishment LBJ stuff, by Caro, etc. Slick Roger Stone picks these LBJ tomes apart in his book that I bought at Barnes and Noble in Houston.
Thumbnail alt history. Bull Moose Teddy R splits the Republican vote. Democrat Wilson is elected. Col. House pulls strings, is a man of the bankers. In 1913 we get the Income Tax and Federal Reserve In 1914 with fiat financing secure WW1 breaks out. Wilson has a stroke House gains more power
I was just at eerie Jekyll Island (GA) last year. It was purchased by the government in about 1947. You pay a small toll to get on. The historical bus tour is much sanitized. The Federal Reserve was created here by some real heavy hitters. Think Babe Ruth.
Consider this comment a place holder for a deeper review. I just finished this. It's an important book on a type of man attracted to power in American politics. You can read it and House will remind you of many people today. More to come as I think this one through.