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First published November 12, 2024
The purpose of life is to discover your gift.…To change how others see the world in a caring, inspirational manner, now that’s a special gift.
The work of life is to develop it.
The meaning of life is to give your gift away.
[Rebecca Solnit writes:] Our mutual friend the writer, filmmaker, and debt abolitionist Astra Taylor texted him: “Re-reading Debt. You are such a damn good writer. A rare skill among lefties.” He [Graeber] texted back that August, a month before his demise: “Why thanks! Well at least I take care to do so—I call it ‘being nice to the reader,’ which is an extension of the politics, in a sense.” […]…Another exemplar of this is Varoufakis (ex. Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: or, How Capitalism Works—and How It Fails):
[Nika Dubrovsky writes:] David used to say that when writing in his mind he was talking to his mother, and if he felt that she understood him, he believed that others would, too. His texts were written to be open to discussion and further development by other people. He wanted to change our collective common sense, and this task can only be accomplished collectively.
As a teacher of economics, I have always believed that if you are not able to explain the economy in a language young people can understand, then, quite simply, you are clueless yourself.…I’ve found it useful to imagine communicating to my former self, retracing my steps. You know your own journey best.
I find that historians obviously do the most detailed, empirically informed work, but they have this rigorous refusal to talk about anything for which they do not have specific, concrete evidence, to the extent that you have to treat things that you can’t prove as if they didn’t happen, which is insane. So people write things about the origin of democratic institutions based on where they find the first written evidence for people sitting around making decisions together. And we have to pretend that before that they didn’t do that. It’s absurd. On the other hand, economists go all the way the other way. It’s all models. They don’t really care what’s there. They listen until they can have enough evidence to plug in to a model where they can show some signs that people are doing what they think they really ought to have been doing, and then they create a model saying they did that. I think anthropology is a happy medium. We can fill in the blank spaces, but we can do so based on empirical observation of what people in analogous situations actually have tended to do.
It's precisely when one considers the problem of the modern state's monopoly of coercive force that the whole pretense of democracy dissolves into a welter of contradictions. For example: while modern elites have largely put side the earlier discourse of the 'mob' as a murderous 'great beast', the same imagery still pops back up, in almost exactly the form it had in the sixteenth century, the moment anyone proposes democratising some aspect of the apparatus of coercion. In the United States, for example, advocates of the 'fully informed jury movement,' who point out that the Constitution actually allows juries to decide on questions of law, not just of evidence, are regularly denounced in the media as wishing to go back to the days of lynchings and 'mob rule'. It's no coincidence that the United States, a country that still prides itself on its democratic spirit, has also led the world in mythologising, even deifying, its police.
I find that historians obviously do the most detailed, empirically informed work, but they do have this rigorous refusal to talk about anything for which they do not have specific, concrete evidence, to the extent that you have to treat things that you can't prove as if they didn't happen, which is insane. So people write things about the origin of democratic institutions based on where they find the first written evidence for people sitting around making decisions together. And we have to pretend that before that they didn't do that. It's absurd. On the other hand, economists go all the way the other way. It's all models. They don't really care what's there. They listen until they have enough evidence to plug into a model where they can show some signs that people are doing what they think they really ought to have been doing, and then they create a model saying they did that. I think anthropology is a happy medium. We can fill in the blank spaces, but we can do so based on empirical observation of what people in analogous situations actually have tended to do. That's what I think we can add.
There is a logical flaw in any such theory [of economic equilibrium]: there's no possible way to disprove it. The premise that markets will always right themselves in the end can only be tested if one has a commonly agreed definition of when the 'end' is; but for economists, that definition turns out to be, 'however long it takes to reach a point where I can say the economy has returned to equilibrium'. (In the same way, statements like 'the barbarians always win in the end' or 'truth always prevails' cannot be proved wrong, since in practise they just mean 'whenever barbarians win, or truth prevails, I shall declare the story over.')
PROPOSITION I: Neither egotism nor altruism are natural urges; they in fact arise in relation to each other and neither would be conceivable without the market.
PROPOSITION II: The political right has always tried to enhance this division, and thus claim to be champions of egotism and altruism simultaneously. The left has tried to efface it.
PROPOSITION III: The real problem of the American left is that while it does try in certain ways to efface the division between egotism and altruism, value and values, it largely does so for its own children. This has allowed the right to paradoxically represent itself as the champions of the working class.
We are constantly bombarded by propaganda insisting society is besieged by those who want something for nothing, that the poor (typically conceived in racist terms) are largely poor because they lack the will and discipline to work, that only those who do or have worked harder than they'd like to at something they would rather not be doing, preferably under a harsh taskmaster, deserve respect from and consideration from their fellow citizens. As a result, the sadomasochistic element in work, which many remark becomes ever more pronounced the more the work itself is bereft of purpose and meaning, rather than being an ugly, if predictable side effect to top-down chains of command in the workplace, has actually become central to what validates work itself. Suffering has become a badge of economic citizenship, in much the same way as having a home address. Without it, you have no right to make any other claim.