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Ireland in the Twentieth Century
A rousing history of Ireland in its most tumultous century by one of the most well-known and beloved Irish writers of our time.
Tim Pat Coogan's Ireland in the Twentieth Century will be a must-read for his legion of fans and anyone interested in Ireland's path through the twentieth century. Encompassing the violent and bloody days of the early twentieth century and peopled with such characters as Michael Collins, Eamon DeValera and James Joyce, this promises to be one of the most popular histories of Ireland yet written. Bringing the story up to the present day, Ireland in the Twentieth Century will become, like Coogan's The IRA and The Troubles, standard bearers in the canon of Irish history.
Tim Pat Coogan's Ireland in the Twentieth Century will be a must-read for his legion of fans and anyone interested in Ireland's path through the twentieth century. Encompassing the violent and bloody days of the early twentieth century and peopled with such characters as Michael Collins, Eamon DeValera and James Joyce, this promises to be one of the most popular histories of Ireland yet written. Bringing the story up to the present day, Ireland in the Twentieth Century will become, like Coogan's The IRA and The Troubles, standard bearers in the canon of Irish history.
896 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2003
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About the author
Tim Pat Coogan
50 books243 followersTimothy Patrick Coogan is an Irish historical writer, broadcaster and newspaper columnist. He served as editor of the Irish Press newspaper from 1968 to 1987. Today, he is best known for his popular and sometimes controversial books on aspects of modern Irish history, including The IRA, Ireland Since the Rising, On the Blanket, and biographies of Michael Collins and Éamon de Valera.
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Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews
July 29, 2010
The old yarn about travellers landing at Dublin Airport being advised to set their watches back three hundred years is, of course, a piece of Irish blarney. But at times during Tim Pat Coogan's history of twentieth-century Ireland, the myth doesn't seem so fanciful.
It was only in 1958, for example that married women in the Irish Republic were allowed to become teachers. Until then, the prospect of a pregnant woman flaunting her bump in front of impressionable youngsters was too much for the Catholic clergy to contemplate.
Coogan mingles such oddities with the mightier matters of history to create a comprehensive work that comes close to being definitive. Its size – over 850 pages of densely-packed print - signal an exhausting read. But to wade through the eye-watering detail is to encounter some eye-opening revelations about a country we thought we knew pretty well.
The early part of the book is devoted to Ireland’s bloody path to independence and descent into civil war. Much of this is well-trodden, but given the Coogan treatment, the faded flags of rebellion flutter again to life. He's helped by the presence of big characters, such as Michael Collins, Winston Churchill and Eamon De Valera. These, and the dour politicians governing the six counties of Ulster, make for an arresting Irish stew.
The new Irish Free State barely had a chance to draw breath before being plunged into new turmoil. Known in Eire with understated panic as "The Emergency", World War II made its mark on both sides of the Irish border. At the time, the Taoseach (Prime Minister) De Valera insisted Ireland could not fight alongside Britain while six Irish counties remained under occupation. But, as Coogan makes plain, Eire was totally unprepared for war. Defence spending was actually being cut when the war began, and neutrality was the only realistic option. This didn't stop Churchill and later Franklin D. Roosevelt putting extraordinary pressure on Eire to declare war on Germany. The Allies were further infuriated by De Valera's inexplicable visit to pay his respects to the German emissary in Dublin after the death of Hitler.
Ever-present throughout the book is the brooding presence of Mother Church, the power of which is best illustrated by Coogan's examination of the Mother and Child scheme. What began as a modest proposal to provide free health care for mothers and babies ended with the downfall of the governent, signalling just how close to a theocracy Ireland had become. Coogan depicts the scheme’s champion, health minister Noel Browne as the hero of the hour and Dublin's Archbishop John McQuaid as the villain of the piece. But, this being Ireland, things were not so black and white. For while Browne was trying to convince the hierarchy that his scheme was not the dawn of socialised medicine, his coalition partner, Irish Taoseach John Costello, was briefing the Archbishop behind his own minister’s back. The bad taste left by the strangled scheme heralded the beginning of the end for crozier-wielding bishops striking terror into ministers of the state.
Coogan paints Eamon De Valera as a ruthless and ambitious politician. But in the post-war years, "Dev" appeared content to let the world pass Ireland by. For 16 years, De Valera dominated his country's politics, promoting a romantic notion of Ireland as a rural backwater of "cosy homesteads" and "comely maidens". The result was a haemorrhaging of young Irish men and women from the Republic to America and Britain. By the time he was “parked” in the largely ceremonial role of President, De Valera was almost totally blind, perhaps symbolising his lack of vision for the nation he had fought to create.
Only when Sean Lemass assumed power did Ireland drag itself into the modern age. Television, sweeping reforms in education and health and the abandonment of protectionism in preparation for EEC membership were just some of the advances during the Lemass years. Yet even as a new day was dawning in the Republic, Northern Ireland was about to enter its darkest night.
It's impossible to be even-handed about Ulster, and Coogan plainly comes down on the side of the nationalists. He's at his strongest when describing the impact of partition on those who had to live with it. The Unionist stranglehold on power in Ulster is related with all its petty prejudices and naked bigotry. Such was the stranglehold of the Unionists, that the apartheid regime in South Africa could only look on enviously. But Coogan's criticism is not restricted to the Unionists. The IRA's murderous campaign, and the ineffectual responses of London and Dublin governments are subjected to the full beam of Coogan's searchlight.
The book contains some real howlers. Coogan gets into a terrible fankle over who succeeded Fine Gael leader John Bruton, while a Bishop Comiskey and a Bishop Cumiskey both appear in the text and the index, despite being one and the same person.
But Coogan wraps the book up with a strong showing on the cultural and social changes Ireland has seen in the past century. For women, politics has become less of a closed shop, but although the country has had two women presidents and one female deputy prime minister, representation in the Irish Parliament is still below the European average.
Coogan also relates the sorry saga of the the Church's decline. From guardian of the nation's morals, the Roman Catholic Church became a laughing stock when one of its most popular bishops was revealed to have fathered a son. Worse was to come, with the exposure of shocking abuse by clergy into whose hands parents had entrusted their children. Coogan concedes that while church attendance has gone into meltdown, the Irish still turn to their priests for high occasions, such as weddings and christenings. But he believes that Ireland, having cast off the burden of Mother England, can only be free of its colonial past by unshackling itself from the constraints of Mother Church.
Published before the sheen vanished from the Celtic Tiger's coat, the book concludes that while economic prosperity endowed its benefits on this small country, the same prosperity left the Republic open to greater opportunities for corruption. With each new financial scandal, public confidence in political and business leaders has evaporated.
Coogan brings clarity, authority, ability and knowledge to his subject, and only an author of his calibre could have had the panoramic vision to accomplish such a work. The substantial bibliography and two dozen pages of notes lend weight to the book. But it's not a dusty academic work. It sparkles with those most Irish of qualities: melancholy, humour and, above all, a the gift of the gab. There's little doubt that it could easily have spilled over into another volume. Because if there's one thing Ireland isn't short of, it's history.
It was only in 1958, for example that married women in the Irish Republic were allowed to become teachers. Until then, the prospect of a pregnant woman flaunting her bump in front of impressionable youngsters was too much for the Catholic clergy to contemplate.
Coogan mingles such oddities with the mightier matters of history to create a comprehensive work that comes close to being definitive. Its size – over 850 pages of densely-packed print - signal an exhausting read. But to wade through the eye-watering detail is to encounter some eye-opening revelations about a country we thought we knew pretty well.
The early part of the book is devoted to Ireland’s bloody path to independence and descent into civil war. Much of this is well-trodden, but given the Coogan treatment, the faded flags of rebellion flutter again to life. He's helped by the presence of big characters, such as Michael Collins, Winston Churchill and Eamon De Valera. These, and the dour politicians governing the six counties of Ulster, make for an arresting Irish stew.
The new Irish Free State barely had a chance to draw breath before being plunged into new turmoil. Known in Eire with understated panic as "The Emergency", World War II made its mark on both sides of the Irish border. At the time, the Taoseach (Prime Minister) De Valera insisted Ireland could not fight alongside Britain while six Irish counties remained under occupation. But, as Coogan makes plain, Eire was totally unprepared for war. Defence spending was actually being cut when the war began, and neutrality was the only realistic option. This didn't stop Churchill and later Franklin D. Roosevelt putting extraordinary pressure on Eire to declare war on Germany. The Allies were further infuriated by De Valera's inexplicable visit to pay his respects to the German emissary in Dublin after the death of Hitler.
Ever-present throughout the book is the brooding presence of Mother Church, the power of which is best illustrated by Coogan's examination of the Mother and Child scheme. What began as a modest proposal to provide free health care for mothers and babies ended with the downfall of the governent, signalling just how close to a theocracy Ireland had become. Coogan depicts the scheme’s champion, health minister Noel Browne as the hero of the hour and Dublin's Archbishop John McQuaid as the villain of the piece. But, this being Ireland, things were not so black and white. For while Browne was trying to convince the hierarchy that his scheme was not the dawn of socialised medicine, his coalition partner, Irish Taoseach John Costello, was briefing the Archbishop behind his own minister’s back. The bad taste left by the strangled scheme heralded the beginning of the end for crozier-wielding bishops striking terror into ministers of the state.
Coogan paints Eamon De Valera as a ruthless and ambitious politician. But in the post-war years, "Dev" appeared content to let the world pass Ireland by. For 16 years, De Valera dominated his country's politics, promoting a romantic notion of Ireland as a rural backwater of "cosy homesteads" and "comely maidens". The result was a haemorrhaging of young Irish men and women from the Republic to America and Britain. By the time he was “parked” in the largely ceremonial role of President, De Valera was almost totally blind, perhaps symbolising his lack of vision for the nation he had fought to create.
Only when Sean Lemass assumed power did Ireland drag itself into the modern age. Television, sweeping reforms in education and health and the abandonment of protectionism in preparation for EEC membership were just some of the advances during the Lemass years. Yet even as a new day was dawning in the Republic, Northern Ireland was about to enter its darkest night.
It's impossible to be even-handed about Ulster, and Coogan plainly comes down on the side of the nationalists. He's at his strongest when describing the impact of partition on those who had to live with it. The Unionist stranglehold on power in Ulster is related with all its petty prejudices and naked bigotry. Such was the stranglehold of the Unionists, that the apartheid regime in South Africa could only look on enviously. But Coogan's criticism is not restricted to the Unionists. The IRA's murderous campaign, and the ineffectual responses of London and Dublin governments are subjected to the full beam of Coogan's searchlight.
The book contains some real howlers. Coogan gets into a terrible fankle over who succeeded Fine Gael leader John Bruton, while a Bishop Comiskey and a Bishop Cumiskey both appear in the text and the index, despite being one and the same person.
But Coogan wraps the book up with a strong showing on the cultural and social changes Ireland has seen in the past century. For women, politics has become less of a closed shop, but although the country has had two women presidents and one female deputy prime minister, representation in the Irish Parliament is still below the European average.
Coogan also relates the sorry saga of the the Church's decline. From guardian of the nation's morals, the Roman Catholic Church became a laughing stock when one of its most popular bishops was revealed to have fathered a son. Worse was to come, with the exposure of shocking abuse by clergy into whose hands parents had entrusted their children. Coogan concedes that while church attendance has gone into meltdown, the Irish still turn to their priests for high occasions, such as weddings and christenings. But he believes that Ireland, having cast off the burden of Mother England, can only be free of its colonial past by unshackling itself from the constraints of Mother Church.
Published before the sheen vanished from the Celtic Tiger's coat, the book concludes that while economic prosperity endowed its benefits on this small country, the same prosperity left the Republic open to greater opportunities for corruption. With each new financial scandal, public confidence in political and business leaders has evaporated.
Coogan brings clarity, authority, ability and knowledge to his subject, and only an author of his calibre could have had the panoramic vision to accomplish such a work. The substantial bibliography and two dozen pages of notes lend weight to the book. But it's not a dusty academic work. It sparkles with those most Irish of qualities: melancholy, humour and, above all, a the gift of the gab. There's little doubt that it could easily have spilled over into another volume. Because if there's one thing Ireland isn't short of, it's history.
November 29, 2017
This book gives a very in depth account of Ireland in the 20th century. Very heavy reading.
can-t-finish
October 6, 2019I am not going to rate this book because I cannot finish it. My not finishing it is due more to its extreme detail than it being enjoyable (or not). The author's target audience for this book is British citizens and students of Irish history and assumes you are familiar with the British legal system and politics. I would even say the author assumes you are somewhat familiar with the history he writes about and are reading his book to get blow-by-blow details. As I do not possess this familiarity, the reading has been rough-going. I wanted a more general overview of recent Irish history, focusing on "The Troubles" and their resolution. Unfortunately, this book gives me way more information than I can process right now. Perhaps when I return from Ireland and find another, more general book on the topic, I can return to this 500+ page book. As for readers who are British, this would be a great read for you if you want to know more about Ireland.
January 29, 2026
The turbulent history of Ireland in the last century is detailed by Coogan covering the politics and religious animosity between Catholic and Protestant Christians and between Ireland and England that brought independence for most of the country, except for the six counties in the northeast that remained in the United Kingdom.
Repressions and bitterness from both church and state authorities set an atmosphere that led their populations to bloody and vicious rebellions and civil war on and off over the course of the century. Starting in the late 19th century and including the author’s reflections up to the date of the book’s publication in 2003, Coogan gives an exhaustive account of the blow-by-blow actions of both sides of the conflicts, including his own part during these times along with a refreshing sense of occasionally snide humor. For example:
Repressions and bitterness from both church and state authorities set an atmosphere that led their populations to bloody and vicious rebellions and civil war on and off over the course of the century. Starting in the late 19th century and including the author’s reflections up to the date of the book’s publication in 2003, Coogan gives an exhaustive account of the blow-by-blow actions of both sides of the conflicts, including his own part during these times along with a refreshing sense of occasionally snide humor. For example:
One of its [Cosgrave’s Government in The Ministers and Secretaries Act of 1924] most courageous initiatives was an effort to restrict the sale of alcohol, whereby drinking hours were curtailed and on three national feast days it was banned altogether, Christmas Day, Good Friday—and St Patrick’s Day. As the Dublin Dog Show was one of the few places drink could be obtained on the national saint’s day, one result was that canine veneration reached heights unequalled anywhere else in Europe. – page 163
January 19, 2021
I started this book in 2018, and I've just now actually finished it. Kept it under the three year mark. That length of time to read is solely due to the dense nature of the book, and the fact that it isn't the best light read before going to sleep. Basically I only read this book at work or on airplanes, and only recently did I get around to just making it my primary reading book. Even then, it still took me around three weeks to do 500 or so pages. It's dense, it's dry, it's history and it's certainly not for everyone. I think the author does a great job of covering all the necessary perspectives on an entire century's worth of Irish history, and I think even if you knew nothing of Irish history going in, you'd have a really good grasp on it coming out the other side. I would certainly recommend this to anyone interested in modern Irish history.
December 9, 2023
I’ve spent seven months returning to the book but, for me, it is simply too much. I got halfway. Too much detail on every policy, dispute, with the minutiae of every issue dissected. So, there is no disputing its quality and thoroughness, but if you want an accessible book to understand twentieth century Ireland this might not be it unless you want an academic tome.
September 20, 2018
Weighty history, well written with perfect metaphors and just the touch of Irish humor. This is my third Coogan book and I must say he can tell a great story. Only complaint: It was a bit light on the drama leading to the Good Friday agreement.
September 19, 2012
Am moth balling this one. Not through lack of interest, but other reading keeps getting in the way. The section on the Easter Rising, the civil war and the Collins v DeValera rivallry was excellent, but feel I the remainder deserves better attention than being squeezed between other more urgent interests.
Coogan is one of those historians who make clear within the text where their sympathies lie. In that sense this is a very partial history. This however is not a bad thing in writing history. Maybe the best writers of history are those who attempt to be impartial, but are clear about the effect that their own beliefs and culture have on their writing. For me just below that come those writers like Coogan who openly write history from a specific view point. Well below both of these come those who would have us believe that they are writing a history unsullied by any bias - cos they ain't.
I look forward in the future to the rest of this book in the future.
Coogan is one of those historians who make clear within the text where their sympathies lie. In that sense this is a very partial history. This however is not a bad thing in writing history. Maybe the best writers of history are those who attempt to be impartial, but are clear about the effect that their own beliefs and culture have on their writing. For me just below that come those writers like Coogan who openly write history from a specific view point. Well below both of these come those who would have us believe that they are writing a history unsullied by any bias - cos they ain't.
I look forward in the future to the rest of this book in the future.
November 12, 2015
Incredible resource but also really dense. I struggled a bit to get through the chapter I was interested in for my research as there are very few headers to focus your attention. However, the style of writing is the only thing that I found negative about this book. I appreciated the insertion of election results into the text and the bounty of primary source quotes.
June 3, 2013
Only read 20%. Just can't get excited to read up on the minutiae of the Dail and Stormont after the end of The Civil War and Partition. Maybe I'll come back to this. I see to appreciate Coogan in short doses.
April 7, 2017
This is a long but thorough and very readable history of the island, both the Republic and the Six County North, told with a clear, rational, and measured tone. The chapters on the various kinds of skullduggery that have characterized Irish politics became a bit tedious for a reader like me who had trouble keeping the players straight, but Coogan minces no words in characterizing the British regime in Northern Ireland as a kind of de facto apartheid against Catholics, while castigating the Catholic Church for its stultifying effect on Irish social life and for its crimes against children and women. It is well-researched but not excessively scholarly. If you seek an excellent one-volume survey of modern Irish history, this is a very good choice.
June 29, 2017
Politics is always complicated. The politics and life of the Irish in the last century is a complicated business. My grandparents left Ireland. This book gives me a bit of a look at the reason why they did.
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews