Goffman analyzes impression management, as a fundamental dimension of social interaction, which connects to the nature of our subjectivity and of social institutions. Goffman argues that whenever two or more people come together, their expressions and responses are guided by a mutual understanding of the type of situation that is at hand. Giving an impression of the kind of person (e.g., her social class, professional or practical role, etc.) each is amounts to providing critical, public information to be drawn upon by the interlocutors, so that they might categorize the situation, contextualize and make meaning of the expressions given, and respond appropriately. In other words, giving impressions is crucial to letting people understand, predict, and navigate social situations.
Goffman dedicates each chapter to addressing a basic element or dynamic of impression management. For example, in chapter 2 he argues that impression management often occurs at the level of teams, rather than individuals; there are two or more individuals united in a team that tries to deliver an impression of the team as a whole, to an audience that can be either an individual or a team. In chapters 3 and 6, Goffman examines how each person has various different social roles, and so aims at giving different impressions in respectively appropriate situations; he examines the strategies that people take to ensure that each audience in each situation sees them for only the one social role that is appropriate relative to it, rather than all the other social roles that they occupy. In chapter 4, Goffman examines the strategy of keeping secrets for managing impressions and segregating the different social roles one has, among the different social contexts in which these are appropriate.
I have a few quibbles with the theory. First, Goffman relies on a metaphor of theatrical performance in understanding impression management. On this metaphor, the speaker is like the actor, and the listener is like the audience. So interlocutors take turns being the speaker and audience, as binary, alternating positions. This is extremely different from another, more accurate picture of the nature of human interactions: the interlocutor who is speaking at a moment is totally dependent on the listener, on her expectations and intentions. In turn, the listener's expectations and intentions depend on what the speaker says and does. So all interlocutors, at any moment, are interdependent, like two people canoeing or dancing. Goffman is limited by his misguided metaphor. In all of his discussions of the various primary considerations that govern impression management, Goffman fails to taken into account a game-theoretic dimension of each consideration. Whenever we try to keep a secret about our social standing from another, for example, we will imagine what the other imagines of us, and also imagine what the other imagines of us as imagining this about her.
Second, Goffman assumes that the primary function or value of impression management is its contribution to enabling us to better predict and navigate social situations at hand. We read off of impressions the kind of people we're dealing with, and the kind of situation that is unfolding, and are thereby better equipped to carry out our personal interests. This is certainly a function of impression management, but I doubt it is the only or primary one. For example, giving off a certain impression simultaneously establishes our membership to a certain social group and affirms our particular identity and self-conception. It vindicates our sense that our existence is significant, that we have a legitimate place in the greater social order. I think our need to belong and have our existence affirmed is a drive of impression management, and so the satisfaction of this need is a primary function of impression management.
If Goffman could be less reductive regarding the essential function of impression management, he might've noticed and discussed other dynamics and elements of this phenomenon, than those that he did cover. For example, the elements he does examine all overtly contribute to enabling us to distinguish between different social groups, and the kinds of behaviors that can be expected of these groups. But if we invoke the primacy of our need to belong and to be accepted, we might attend to features of impression management that are tailored towards this need; for example, we might exaggerate certain stereotypical behaviors of a social group, if we pride ourselves in our group membership, even if those behaviors are not considered as admirable or moral in society at large. We might do this independently of whether this behavior will contribute to helping others diagnose the situation at hand.
Overall, I found this book a pretty entertaining read. Nothing is particularly novel or ground-breaking; everything Goffman says is intuitive, but he makes dynamics in our behavior explicit in highly illuminating ways. It is fun to see explicitly that we are driven in all the ways Goffman names; reading this book evoked many personal memories of situations that are explained by Goffman's views. Moreover, it is hilarious to see totally sexist and racist explanations and examples; Goffman certainly lived in another time (e.g., Goffman writes up, as if it is a plain scientific fact, that role of a woman in society is to be sexually appealing to men).
The majority of the book is full of descriptive detail and examples, this being a work in a social science. For the key theoretical points, one only needs to read the introduction and conclusion chapters of this book. I'd recommend this to readers interested in understanding social dynamics. What the book does not address and has no implications for, however, (which I thought it might and brought me to reading the book) are the topics of social normativity and language.