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Darcus Howe
Darcus Howe: a Political Biography" examines the struggle for racial justice in Britain, through the lens of one of Britain's most prominent and controversial black journalists and campaigners. Born in Trinidad during the dying days of British colonialism, Howe has become an uncompromising champion of racial justice. The book examines how Howe's unique political outlook was inspired by the example of his friend and mentor C.L.R. James, and forged in the heat of the American civil rights movement, as well as Trinidad's Black Power Revolution. The book sheds new light on Howe's leading role in the defining struggles in Britain against institutional racism in the police, the courts and the media. It focuses on his part as a defendant in the trial of the Mangrove Nine, the high point of Black Power in Britain; his role in conceiving and organizing the Black People's Day of Action, the largest ever demonstration by the black community in Britain; and his later work as one of a prominent journalist and political commentator.
305 pages, Kindle Edition
First published December 5, 2013
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Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews
October 27, 2022
A solid look at some of the main moments of the British Black rights struggle in the 60s and 70s through the lens of a single figure- the Mangrove Nine case; the Race Today collective; the Imperial Typewriters protest; the New Cross Fire and the Black People's Day of Action; operation Swamp 81; the Notting Hill Carnival; and the shaping of popular culture through Channel 4. Darcus's life was interweaved with these pivotal moments, as well as with the lives of numerous other prominent activists, historians, journalists, and sportsmen - not least his uncle C.L.R. James, whose books shaped historiography and conceptions of race and whose ideas shaped Howe and all the movements he joined/created.
The book presents an effective antidote to the Americanisation of the British public's understanding of race (and lack of knowledge about their own history). There is no reason schoolchildren should learn watered-down narratives about MLK yet be allowed to remain completely ignorant of the sheer scope of racial violence - both at the hands of white mobs like Teddy Boys and the National front and structually through police, courts, and immigration officers - in their own country's recent past. People should be well aware that the Conservatives ran multiple (incredbly successful) campaigns using virulent racism to stoke fear and mobilise violent white mobs. From Enoch Powell's rivers of blood, to Smethwick's "if you want a n***** for a neighbour, vote Labour, to Thatcher winning the 1979 election in part thanks to stealing the National Front's vote share after saying England was "swamped" and "riddled" with migrants. Dehumanisation, and the implicit encouragement of violence against non-white people, was seen as a vote winner, and of course Labour joined in too. Little has changed, regardless of the gender or ethnicity of the politicians calling on migrants to be drowned.
Ideas that were the norm in the 60s and 70s, such as non-white peoples uniting under the banner of Black to fight against the violence and injustice they face together, have almost completely disappeared from modern discourses, while Liberal commentators perpetuate the clear lie that racism was a thing of the past and modern anti-racist activists are hysterical (a claim activists have faced throughout the last 30 years). Even a modicum of understanding about the history of civil and human rights struggles within our own borders so clearly blows most modern racial discourse out of the water that it is hard not to be cynical about the circumscription of history curriculums and mainstream news. In the face of such indefensible knowledge gaps, it's hard not to give a book as clear and illuminating as this 5 stars.
The book presents an effective antidote to the Americanisation of the British public's understanding of race (and lack of knowledge about their own history). There is no reason schoolchildren should learn watered-down narratives about MLK yet be allowed to remain completely ignorant of the sheer scope of racial violence - both at the hands of white mobs like Teddy Boys and the National front and structually through police, courts, and immigration officers - in their own country's recent past. People should be well aware that the Conservatives ran multiple (incredbly successful) campaigns using virulent racism to stoke fear and mobilise violent white mobs. From Enoch Powell's rivers of blood, to Smethwick's "if you want a n***** for a neighbour, vote Labour, to Thatcher winning the 1979 election in part thanks to stealing the National Front's vote share after saying England was "swamped" and "riddled" with migrants. Dehumanisation, and the implicit encouragement of violence against non-white people, was seen as a vote winner, and of course Labour joined in too. Little has changed, regardless of the gender or ethnicity of the politicians calling on migrants to be drowned.
Ideas that were the norm in the 60s and 70s, such as non-white peoples uniting under the banner of Black to fight against the violence and injustice they face together, have almost completely disappeared from modern discourses, while Liberal commentators perpetuate the clear lie that racism was a thing of the past and modern anti-racist activists are hysterical (a claim activists have faced throughout the last 30 years). Even a modicum of understanding about the history of civil and human rights struggles within our own borders so clearly blows most modern racial discourse out of the water that it is hard not to be cynical about the circumscription of history curriculums and mainstream news. In the face of such indefensible knowledge gaps, it's hard not to give a book as clear and illuminating as this 5 stars.
August 17, 2020
Tremendous read. The book reminds us of Darcus' time at the forefront of black empowerment in Trinidad and the UK e.g. Mangrove 9. A perfect read for those who came to know Darcus only as a TV presenter and not aware of his pivotal role on London streets fighting against the brutality of the Met Police in the 1960s/70s/80s.
Only wish the writers would have gone into further detail on Darcus' media career especially when presenting the Bandung File and Devil's Advocate. Yes, these shows were covered in the book but seemed rushed.
Only wish the writers would have gone into further detail on Darcus' media career especially when presenting the Bandung File and Devil's Advocate. Yes, these shows were covered in the book but seemed rushed.
April 27, 2025
(...), while editing the Black Eagle, the newsletter of a small London-based Black Power group, (Howe) set out his mission (....l. With playful irony he wrote in terms of a civilizing mission; the British had travelled the globe to civilize Africa, India and the Caribbean, now it was time to return the favour (Bunce and Field 2015)
Howe was adopting the ‘one-in-ten’ strategy that he had learnt from Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Howe spent time with a small group, inspiring them, encouraging them to think and read for themselves. Then each of them would repeat the process with ten more. Howe’s hope was that within the large demonstrations there would be groups who were ready, not to lead the people, but to publicly reflect their feelings and to encourage them to articulate their own desires. Howe’s activities also reflected the influence of Rodney, who argued that the black intellectual ‘must attach himself to the activities of the black masses’ (Rodney 1990: 77–8). Grounding meant ‘getting in touch, working with the people . . . sitting down together to reason’ learning from the people themselves (Ibid.). (Bunce and Field 2015)
This is one of the most significant works I have read in the past decade. It outlines and finally recognises the history of the Black Power movement in Britain centred on the figure of Darcus Howe, one of the standout activists and public intellectuals of his generation.’ (NS, Diane Abbott 9 May 2014). I recently went to see the photography exhibition at the Tate Modern, the 80's and there is Darcus, standing on some sort of platform, in the thick of it, with a megaphone.
He was a man whose life was fully devoted to the fight for racial justice in Britain. His struggle focused on police violence and harassment of immigrant communities. A West Indian from Trinidad and Tobago, a radical, a fighter standing squarely in the revolutionary tradition of CLR James (whom he was related to on his mother's side), a lover of freedom, a merciless realist, he lived most of his life in Britain. Here, he became the most important campaigner for black rights and described himself as ‘a natural black heir to the English radical dissenting tradition of Milton, Mill and Tom Paine’.
He rejected narrow ethnic nationalism and as a civil rights leader, journalist and producer always strove to work with all races, white, Asian, blacks with the objective of safeguarding human rights especially of the urban poor, the working classes, the unemployed, the people of the street.
He has most recently come back to the spotlight thanks to Steve Mcqueen's anthology series 'Small Axe', one of the episodes centred on the reconstruction of the Mangrove Trial. However, it is in Canada at the Congress of Black Writers, then the US and in Trinidad that his grassroots approach evolved and was tested first during the bus strike of 1969.
Howe's key role in Britain in the Race Collective, the Imperial Typewriters protest, the New Cross Fire and subsequent demonstrations, the Black People's day of Action, Notting Hill carnival, and his programmes on TV makes him a key historical figure of our nation. Unbelievably, his actions and life have been forgotten or relegated when in fact they should be part of the national curriculum. This book gives him the credit authority and stature he so rightly deserves. The authors did an amazing job.
Howe was adopting the ‘one-in-ten’ strategy that he had learnt from Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Howe spent time with a small group, inspiring them, encouraging them to think and read for themselves. Then each of them would repeat the process with ten more. Howe’s hope was that within the large demonstrations there would be groups who were ready, not to lead the people, but to publicly reflect their feelings and to encourage them to articulate their own desires. Howe’s activities also reflected the influence of Rodney, who argued that the black intellectual ‘must attach himself to the activities of the black masses’ (Rodney 1990: 77–8). Grounding meant ‘getting in touch, working with the people . . . sitting down together to reason’ learning from the people themselves (Ibid.). (Bunce and Field 2015)
This is one of the most significant works I have read in the past decade. It outlines and finally recognises the history of the Black Power movement in Britain centred on the figure of Darcus Howe, one of the standout activists and public intellectuals of his generation.’ (NS, Diane Abbott 9 May 2014). I recently went to see the photography exhibition at the Tate Modern, the 80's and there is Darcus, standing on some sort of platform, in the thick of it, with a megaphone.
He was a man whose life was fully devoted to the fight for racial justice in Britain. His struggle focused on police violence and harassment of immigrant communities. A West Indian from Trinidad and Tobago, a radical, a fighter standing squarely in the revolutionary tradition of CLR James (whom he was related to on his mother's side), a lover of freedom, a merciless realist, he lived most of his life in Britain. Here, he became the most important campaigner for black rights and described himself as ‘a natural black heir to the English radical dissenting tradition of Milton, Mill and Tom Paine’.
He rejected narrow ethnic nationalism and as a civil rights leader, journalist and producer always strove to work with all races, white, Asian, blacks with the objective of safeguarding human rights especially of the urban poor, the working classes, the unemployed, the people of the street.
He has most recently come back to the spotlight thanks to Steve Mcqueen's anthology series 'Small Axe', one of the episodes centred on the reconstruction of the Mangrove Trial. However, it is in Canada at the Congress of Black Writers, then the US and in Trinidad that his grassroots approach evolved and was tested first during the bus strike of 1969.
Howe's key role in Britain in the Race Collective, the Imperial Typewriters protest, the New Cross Fire and subsequent demonstrations, the Black People's day of Action, Notting Hill carnival, and his programmes on TV makes him a key historical figure of our nation. Unbelievably, his actions and life have been forgotten or relegated when in fact they should be part of the national curriculum. This book gives him the credit authority and stature he so rightly deserves. The authors did an amazing job.
June 29, 2023
This is a well-researched, interesting account of Darcus Howe’s activism and career. From his education in Trinidad to his work with SNCC and lifelong campaigning in Britain, this book covers Darcus Howe’s myriad contributions to social movements in Britain and beyond. His consistency in exposing police brutality and corruption is highlighted in this book, which provides insight into British anti-racist movements (as well as the conflicts within them) and ongoing structural barriers to justice. I also loved that the writing in this book wasn’t dry at all (as some historical accounts can be), the inclusion of quotes and coverage of inter-personal conflicts kept me engaged and offered perspective on the diverse attitudes of activists and media personalities from the late 1960s onwards.
A great read, would 100% recommend.
A great read, would 100% recommend.
September 24, 2015
Fucking brilliant history of British radical black activity and politics through the prism of a brilliant revolutionary.
Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews