In his book Structure and Function in Primitive Society, Radcliffe-Brown states that the most important function of social beliefs and practices is the maintenance of social order, the balance in the relationship and significance of group over time. His proposals were taken up later by many of his students, especially by Edward Evans-Pritchard ethnographer Nuer and Azande peoples of central Africa. In both ethnographic work, the regulatory role of beliefs and social practices is present in the analysis of these societies, the first of which, Evans-Pritchard called "ordered anarchy."
Although dry and lacking in humor, even when describing joking relationships, Structure and Function in Primitive Society posits some keen analyses of small scale civilizations. These theoretical interpretations of ethnography are erudite as well as carefully argued. Maybe a little too methodical, but always well-reasoned, Radcliffe-Brown in his most famous book explores the domain of the social, as distinct from the cultural or psychological domains. In other words, Structure and Function in Primitive Society is very good mid-20th century British anthropology. But it is very dry indeed.
Like Malinowski, R-B details the augmented significance of the mother’s brother in societies which trace descent and corporate membership through the chain of mothers. In such matrilineal societies, your mother’s brother (and not your father) belongs to your kin group, this group being the political and economic hub of social cooperation. Social cooperation might entail working together, practicing religious ritual together, performing music or dance together, or even fighting as a unit in tribal warfare.
R-B was among the first to study joking relationships, which are frequently found in ambiguous (love/hate) dyadic relationships (e.g. cross cousins, who are related but who belong to different lineages and so are potential spouses). The joking relationship is characterized as “one of permitted disrespect”, and furthermore:
“The joking relationship is in some ways the exact opposite of a contractual relationship. Instead of specific duties to be fulfilled there is privileged disrespect or even license, and the only obligation is not to take offense at the disrespect so long as it is kept to within certain bounds defined by custom, and not to go beyond those bounds. Any default in the relationship is like a breach of the rules of etiquette; the person concerned is regarded as not knowing how to behave himself.”
Structure and Function is less successful when discussing religious aspects of primitive societies. There are simply better books out there on religion, totemism, and taboo. The reader would be better off with Durkheim’s Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, Levi-Strauss’ Totemism, or Freud’s Totem and Taboo. And R-B’s accounting of primitive law does not go deep enough. Positive and negative social sanctions for example can be reduced to the carrot and the stick. Private and public delicts look suspiciously like infractions of civil and criminal law respectively.
I read the whole book but do not recommend doing so. Best to be selective and read only the core chapters on kinship (chapters I through IV). And bring plenty of water.
This series of essays by A.R. Radcliffe-Brown are fundamental readings for any serious student in anthropology or anyone looking to better understand the development of analytical thinking about society and culture. The essays cover a wide range of topics including discussions on structure, process, and function in society; kinship systems; joking relationships; totemism and ancestor-worship; taboo; religion; myth, magic, and ritual; social sanctions; symbolism; the origins of law; commentary on the debate of whether anthropology is a science; and many other important subjects highly relevant to understanding social systems and human behavior.
Notable quotes:
"Where we disagree, it should be the first purpose of discussion to define as precisely as possible the ground of difference." (p. 88)
"There is no place in natural science for 'schools' in this sense, and I regard social anthropology as a branch of natural science. Each scientist starts from the work of his predecessors, finds problems which he believes to be significant, and by observation and reasoning endeavors to make some contribution to a growing body of theory. Co-operation amongst scientists results from the fact that they are working on the same or related problems. Such co-operation does not result in the formation of schools of philosophy or of painting. There is no place for orthodoxies and heterodoxies in science. Nothing is more pernicious in science than attempts to establish adherence to doctrines. All that a teacher can do is to assist the student in learning to understand and use the scientific method. It is not his business to make disciples." (pp. 188-9).
Interesante para entender la escuela de la antropología social británica, que sin duda es más fácil de leer que los culturalistas norteamericanos. Interesantes conceptos que me quedo: la función y la estructura social.