I was excited to read this book in order to better understand the political underpinnings of the current Trump administration, and the possible future of our country in these next few years. Project 2025 is the most recent example of the conservative manifesto, describing the ways in which the president can abuse their powers within the confines of the law (and even outside these confines, by disrupting the system of checks and balances).
So, am I conservative, and do I agree with any of the political opinions within Project 2025? Hell no. So, why am I reading this book? I feel that it was important for me to read this to be a more informed and productive member of American society.
I am left a little disappointed that this book did not discuss plans or predictions for how the Trump administration would address NASA, NSF, or private higher education institutions. However, one can extrapolate based on the information provided about NOAA. It is unclear to me if this is due to these things not being explicitly mentioned in the Project 2025 document, or if the author of this book did not find them important enough to include.
Relatedly, I wanted to look up the economic impact of NASA, the NSF, and private higher education institutions. NASA represents less than 0.4% of the yearly budget. For every one dollar invested in NASA, the United States receives three dollars in economic output, which does not consider the impact technological innovation, stimulating economic growth, and job creation. The NSF represents roughly 0.1% of the yearly budget. For every one dollar invested in the NSF, two dollars are generated in economic output. For reference, defense spending consumes roughly 13% of the yearly budget, but every one dollar invested, it returns less than one dollar…
To quickly summarize, this is an informative but dark book about the political motivations that are defining and surrounding the current Trump administration. This is definitely not an enjoyable or fun read, but it is useful for those wanting to better understand the past, present, and possible future of the United States.
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“… These contrarians believed that the only way to deliver the Christian, right-wing nation they desired was a carefully organized assault on the U.S. government as it existed. The next Republican president would have to rethink not only policy and politics, but the most fundamental questions of how the government operated — and, perhaps equally important, who operated it. This was not a conservative approach to government. It was self-consciously radical, rooted in a conviction that there was no constitutional order left to save. And its proponents believed not only that their chance would come soon, but that there was only one man who could and would bring it to fruition: Donald J. Trump. During the four years of Joe Biden’s presidency, people including Paul Dans, Russell Vought, and Kevin D. Roberts dedicated themselves to preparing for a second Trump administration that would far outdo the first. Though some of the collaborators were also involved in his reelection team, this work was all about what would happen once he’d won office. Working under the auspices of the Heritage Foundation, a fifty-year-old conservative think tank, they designed a four-pronged plan that included a detailed policy platform, a huge database of potential administration hires, training courses for aspiring staffers, and a playbook for a blitzkrieg takeover of the government on Day One. They named it Project 2025. Project 2025 is a skeleton key for understanding the second Trump presidency — as well as the future of the Republican Party and the American right. It is not quite identical to the Trump agenda, but its careful planning, in contrast to the shambolic improvisation that Trump favors, means that Project 2025 is positioned to dominate the administration and provide the intellectual blueprint for policy and political decisions for the next four years and beyond.” — Pages 4-5
“… Yet Project 2025 doesn’t require boldface names in the most prominent positions in order to succeed. The plan’s theory is that building systems and staffing the rank and file of the executive branch are the keys to effectively wresting control of the government. An analysis by Bloomberg Government found that thirty-seven of forty-seven executive actions taken in Trump’s first few days back in office directly or partially matched recommendations in Project 2025.” — Page 11
“When pundits and scholars have warned about rising authoritarianism in recent years, some Americans have taken that as a claim that elections would cease once Trump came to office. (Candidate Trump sometimes encouraged this sense, as when he told a Christian group, ‘In four years, you don't have to vote again. We’ll have it fixed so good, you're not gonna have to vote.’) But what rising authoritarianism and declining democracy in America really look like is exactly what Project 2025 has laid out as a game plan. The MAGA movement seeks to consolidate power with Trump, erode checks and balances from Congress, degrade expertise, and remove anyone who might object to violations of the rule of law. The results of those efforts won't be felt immediately. Instead, the system will quietly collapse from within. How quickly any of this happens remains to be seen. All the preparation in the world matters only so much when you're dealing with the mercurial Donald Trump. Project 2025 vetted thousands of candidates for jobs, but once Trump won the 2024 election, he began choosing appointees in a chaotic, ad hoc fashion. (Matt Gaetz was reportedly chosen as attorney general during a two-hour plane ride; he was forced to withdraw his nomination just eight days later.) But the authors of Project 2025 know Trump, and they planed for this. They understood that although the President’s choices for high-profile positions might not be the most qualified picks, the ranks below them would be stocked with well-prepared and committed deputies. Meanwhile, Vought’s reappointment as director of [the Office of Management and Budget guarantees that he will be in the right place to implement the plan he developed.” — Pages 40-41
“The Christian Nationalism of Russell Vought and other contributors to Project 2025 manifests most clearly when they tackle the topics of gender, race, education, health, and civil rights. Project 2025 envisions an America where abortion is strictly illegal, sex is closely policed, public schools don’t exist, and justice is harsh, all in accordance with fundamentalist Christian principles that would form the explicit basis for policy. Although other ideas in Project 2025 are equally or even more radical, this is the heart of the agenda — the most realized and deeply felt proposals, and the ones that would have the most immediate and far-reaching effects on the everyday lives of the greatest number of Americans. In his foreword to Mandate for Leadership, Kevin Roberts quotes Ronald Reagan in a 1967 speech: ‘Freedom is a fragile thing and it’s never more than one generation away from extinction.’ Many Americans might agree, but the way that Project 2025 defines freedom will feel alien even to many people who voted for Donald Trump…” — Pages 45-46
“The authors’ ultimate goal of Project 2025’s proposals for education is the end of public schooling as we know it. ‘The next President... should promote educational opportunities outside the woke-dominated system of public schools,’ Roberts writes. Burke added that ‘elementary and secondary education policy should follow the path outlined by Milton Friedman in 1955, wherein education is publicly funded but education decisions are made by families.’ In this paradigm, taxpayer money would be given to families in the forms of vouchers or savings accounts that they could use to pay for religious or other private schools, slowly bleeding public schools of the funding base required to maintain educational standards. The Department of Health and Human Services would also end Head Start, the early-childhood education program that serves hundreds of thousands of low-income families and children. In the short term, the Education Department would loosen restrictions on charter schools, another alternative to public schooling. In the long run, there would be no Education Department at all. ‘Federal education policy should be limited and, ultimately, the federal Department of Education should be eliminated,’ Burke writes. Grassroots conservatives frequently attack the department for its supposed domination of curricula around the nation, but this is not true: it’s mostly a funding source for state and local education systems. By attaching strings to these dollars, though, the federal government is able to demand compliance with some standards and rules. Burke would close the department and cut the strings but keep the money flowing. ‘Existing funding should be sent to states as grants over which they have full control, enabling states to put federal funding toward any lawful education purpose under state law,’ she writes. This would probably mean vast disparities in schooling between red and blue states. Progressive states might keep their systems more or less the same. Conservative ones might turn schooling over to religious groups or other nonprofits and educate students on religious doctrine, revisionist history that downplays racism and other dark parts of U.S. and world history, and skepticism of climate change and evolution. But Burke’s arguments quickly become muddled and contradictory. For example, she notes that recent U.S. testing scores have been poor and getting worse (though recent drops are very clearly related to COVID-19 disruption), but given that state and local authorities have control over teaching and curriculum, why should anyone expect that giving them more control would improve outcomes?” — Pages 57-59
“Project 2025 would also kill all federal funding for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which funds National Public Radio and TV’s Public Broadcasting Service. ‘Not only is the federal government trillions of dollars in debt and unable to afford the more than half a billion dollars squandered on leftist opinion each year, but the government should not be compelling the conservative half of the country to pay for the suppression of its own views,’ Mike Gonzalez writes, though the only evidence he offers of bias in coverage is opinion surveys about the political views of NPR and PBS consumers. But Gonzalez would go further than simply defunding them: he’d also revoke privileges granted to NPR and PBS under federal law to encourage noncommercial educational stations. With a little imagination, we can glimpse what it would look like to live in the America where, as Kevin Roberts has it, we are free to do as we ought — or rather, as Roberts and his coauthors believe we ought. It is an avowedly Christian nation, but following a very specific, narrow, and modern strain of Christianity. In many ways, it resembles the 1950s. While fathers work, mothers stay at home with larger families; that’s lucky, since there’s no educational TV for children to watch. At school, they learn old-fashioned values and lessons. Abortion is illegal, vaccines are voluntary, and the state is minimally involved in healthcare. The government is slow to police racial discrimination in all but its most blatant expressions. Trans and gay people exist they always have but are encouraged to remain closeted. It is a vision that suggests Reagan was right: freedom really is a fragile thing.” — Pages 67-68
“The first major immigration goal outlined in Project 2025 is to ensure that far fewer people enter the country, both legally and illegally. Cuccinelli imagines a Title 42-like authority triggered not by a public-health emergency but instead by a declaration of ‘loss of operational control of the border.’ This would allow the United States to turn away asylum seekers otherwise legally entitled to apply. He also wants to raise the standard by which a migrant can claim a credible fear of prosecution at home, and to significantly reduce existing visas for victims of crime who assist law enforcement. Cuccinelli feels that the Citizenship and Immigration Service is too interested in granting people permission to enter the country legally — he calls it an ‘open-borders agency’ — and wants to slow it down with closer scrutiny of applications for ineligibility or fraud. Yet he would make one exception: he wants to expand ‘premium processing,’ in which people willing and able to pay more can jump the line. Project 2025 recommends enlisting a range of other federal offices to assist DHS or its immigration-focused successor. The Department of Labor would cap and then phase out the H-2A visa, which allows hundreds of thousands of seasonal farmworkers to enter the United States on temporary visas; another temporary visa for nonagricultural workers would also be phased out. The H-1B, a visa for specialized workers that is often used in the tech industry, would be narrowed as well.” — Pages 74-75
“Economies make and break presidents, even though presidents have very little direct control over them. The simplest tools any administration has, however, are spending and taxation… The authors do, however, suggest big changes to American taxation. They would simplify the income tax system from seven brackets to two, and eliminate most deductions and other carve-outs; tax capital gains and dividends at Is percent; and reduce the corporate income tax from 21 to 18 percent. Although the impact on each individual taxpayer would vary, the clearest effect would be a big tax cut for the wealthy and high-earning corporations. This is only a first step, though. In the long run, they propose shifting to a consumption tax, sometimes known as the flat tax. Long a goal of some conservatives, such a tax shifts the focus from what someone earns to what they spend, taxing what they consume. ‘A consumption tax would minimize government’s distortion of private economic decisions and thus be the least economically harmful way to raise federal tax revenues,’ they write. Economists have outlined several different types of consumption tax, and Project 2025’s authors don’t commit to any model, but the most easily understood one would be a national sales tax with no or few exemptions. A pure consumption tax promises simplicity and gets rid of the elaborate system of deductions and brackets in the current tax code. But it would also be far more regressive. For high earners, a consumption tax is more attractive than the current system, which produces higher taxes for people who make more money, regardless of what they spend. For lower earners, however, such a tax usually costs more than the existing system, because the poorer someone is, the greater the portion of their income they have to spend on necessities.” — Pages 84-86
“Many of Trump’s claims about trade are nonsensical. Tariffs are an added duty on imported goods, which means that they are paid not by the producing nation but by the consuming one, i.e., Americans, in this case. Merchants may eat the price or pass it along to consumers, which could in turn discourage buying imported goods. Trump, however, has repeatedly claimed that foreign countries pay tariffs levied by the United States. This is simply not true, regardless of any other benefits of imposing tariffs. Protectionism can be politically effective, though. A 2024 academic study found that the American heartland had borne the economic brunt of the trade war but had become more likely to associate with Trump and the Republican Party.” — Page 87
“This kind of argument, along with accusations of censorship lobbed at tech companies, has become so commonplace so quickly that it is easy to overlook how radical it is. We treat platforms like X as common public squares, but they’re not: they’re privately owned companies. It’s easy to see why having companies in control of so much discourse is dangerous, but it’s not obvious how best to solve that problem. The First Amendment to the Constitution bars the government from restricting freedom of speech, yet some of the arguments in Project 2025 enter a dangerous zone where government compels speech from private companies, all in the name of free speech. Put another way, it tries to stop private censorship by making the government into a censor.” — Page 92
“Here, Project 2025 commits the same logical error we saw in Section I: If it is true that the Fed is too subject to political manipulation, it’s hard to see why exposing it to more direct (and short-term focused) political interference would be better. Even if it created more direct oversight by elected officials, it would invite demagoguery. In the long run, however, the authors would like to see the Fed go out of business entirely. They advocate for either a commodity-backed currency — in effect, a return to the gold standard, in which each dollar represents a set amount of gold — or ‘free banking,’ the system the United States used in the nineteenth century, in which individual banks are allowed to issue their own currency. These are both long-running interests of right-wing economists. Either of them could be incredibly destabilizing, with unpredictable effects on everything from immediate prices to global economics. Most countries treat the existing dollar as a reserve currency, and changing its issuer or value might cause other countries to abandon it or rethink its value. A gold standard can prevent inflation, but it risks deflation, which can tank an economy. The United States abandoned these systems for many reasons, including frequent bank panics where people lost large sums of money. The good news is that neither of these ideas has much chance of being enacted anytime soon...” — Page 98
“Among developed countries, the United States already has one of the weakest social safety nets, among the highest rates of poverty, and some of the most extreme inequality. These proposals would rip more holes in the existing safety net and, at least in the immediate term, likely drive the poverty rate up. Americans would find it harder to climb out of penury and harder to bounce back from a bad break in life without falling permanently behind. In short, the government would offer less help and make it harder to get.” — Page 103
“It’s natural that any Republican president would try to roll some of this back, but the scale of the reversal that Project 2025 envisions would be radical, setting the United States’ progress toward sustainable energy and reduced emissions back years or decades. Many of Project 2025’s ideas also treat energy and food sustainability as obviously opposed to climate change mitigation efforts. In failing to recognize the inextricable link between the goals, they advocate for self-defeating moves.” — Page 108
“Any approach that begins with ignoring the overwhelming scientific consensus on climate change is bound to have a vexed relationship with scientific research, and this is true of Project 2025.” — Page 117