All We Say: A History of the United States in Fifteen Speeches

by Ben Rhodes

What does it mean to be American? Who gets to decide?

This sweeping history of the United States through fifteen key speeches relives the battle for American identity – from a New York Times bestselling author and one of President Obama’s former speechwriters.

For 250 years, America has debated what it means to be American. The question shaped the compromises in their constitution and the arguments they’ve had ever since, spawning abolitionism, secession and civil war, populism, mass migration and global leadership, movements for reform and the backlashes to them. All We Say tells the story of the United States through fifteen speeches – some iconic, others long forgotten, all pivotal – from its founding to the intense divisions of our times.

Through riveting and beautifully rendered accounts of the people, movements and moments that produced these speeches, Rhodes traces the history of our battle over identity. The result is a singular and revealing portrait of America a nation divided between two stories – one of inheritance, power, and exclusion, the other of equality, striving, and belonging. Drawing on a decade writing for Barack Obama, Ben Rhodes also reveals how words can redirect a nation, what makes a speech enduring, and why oratory is a unique form of persuasion in a democracy.

From Benjamin Franklin’s call for compromise at the Constitutional Convention to Alexander Stephens’ case for white supremacy as the cornerstone of the Confederacy, from Martin Luther King’s dream of true equality to Donald Trump’s rallying cry against democracy itself, these speeches remind us that history is a living argument. At a time when American identity – and truth – is contested, All We Say offers a fresh and powerful look at who America really us, and who it could still become.

Genres: History, Nonfiction, Politics, Audiobook, American History, Essays, American

403 pages, Kindle Edition

Published May 28, 2026

About the author

From 2009 to 2017, Ben Rhodes served as deputy national security advisor to President Barack Obama, overseeing the administration’s national security communications, speechwriting, public diplomacy, and global engagement programming. Prior to joining the Obama administration, from 2007 to 2008 Rhodes was a senior speechwriter and foreign policy advisor to the Obama campaign. Before joining then–Senator Obama’s campaign, he worked for former congressman Lee Hamilton from 2002 to 2007. He was the co-author, with Thomas Kean and Lee Hamilton, of Without Precedent: The Inside Story of the 9/11 Commission. A native New Yorker, Rhodes has a BA from Rice University and an MFA from New York University.

Reviews

[Michael · Rating 4 out of 5]

All We Say by Ben Rhodes is a gifted speechwriter’s look back at several speeches from American history, Rhodes looks at their impact but more importantly the history behind the speech. Smartly written yet accessible, it’s a powerful reminder of how deeply words matter. Rhodes controversially has included the second inaugural speech that Dear Leader Tr*mp barely managed to spit out, given there were some big words in there for him to master. The inclusion serves as a warning to the danger that the American democracy is in but it’s likely come too late. Thanks to #netgalley and #randomhouse for the opportunity to preview this book.

[Marvellous Ogudoro · Rating 5 out of 5]

Absolutely fantastic! In the running for best book I’ve read this year.

[Luke Gohmann · Rating 5 out of 5]

All we say by Ben Rhodes is a historical narrative about America’s internal struggle to define itself and its people, traced through consequential speeches.

Rhodes makes the argument that America has fundamentally been embroiled in a contradiction of its own narrative since its founding, when despite declaring that “we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal…”, women, black people, natives, etc. were all treated as sub-class citizens or non-citizens altogether. This immediate failure to live with our own ideals is at a difficult odds with the fact that despite these shortcomings, early America was still wildly more democratic than basically the entire rest of the world. So America had made an enormous stride forward, and yet still came up devastatingly short of our own convictions.

This gap between what we claim we are or what we want to be versus who we are in practice has encapsulated American debate generation after generation through present day. What does it mean to be American and how do we decide? How do we reckon with all the great deeds that this country has done without understanding its catastrophes?

Rhodes explains that throughout its history, the white, Christian-nationalist block of Americans has consistently believed that American exceptionalism was some kind of ethereal gift bestowed upon our founders, and that it was inherent and never-changing. That who and what America was is its purest form, and any deviation from that is at odds with its exceptionalism. Progressives on the other hand believed that American exceptionalism is rooted in this country’s eternal struggle to close the gap between what the world is and what we want it to be. That we are great not only because our founders established a constitutional system that can be changed over time, but that we actually use this system and push it to its limits every generation to become more just and more compassionate.

The title of this book is beautiful, simple, and double-ended. “All We Say” obviously refers to all that we have said through our speeches throughout our history. But it’s also a direct reference to a quote MLK said on the night before he was assassinated: “All we say to America is be true to what you said on paper”, which I think aptly illustrates the struggle described in this book.

[Ricky · Rating 4 out of 5]

A great timeline of United States history told through a series of speeches, also highlighting where the pendulums may swing throughout history.

The most nauseating sequence was the end, focusing on Donald Trump’s second inauguration, which stands to be one of the worst speeches made even worse when held in such close succession to speeches given by people with a knowledge of oration and a true love for this country (whether Republican, Democrat, or neither), compared to someone who stands only for himself and his vengeance.

Rhodes does a great job of analyzing each speech as well, coming from a wealth of experience. He breaks down not only the historical context and the intent, but the actual structure and effectiveness of said speeches. He also does a great job with the narration, along with the individual actors who do each speech.

[Michael Kokias · Rating 3.5 out of 5]

Found that it uses the structure as a crutch to lean back on rather than a spring board. Still, I found the exercise worth doing and interesting.

[Steve Llano · Rating 3 out of 5]

The arrival of a new American speech anthology might only draw excitement from those, so close to Father’s Day, looking for a good gift for that patriotic dad. But Ben Rhodes’s All We Say only appears to be an anthology. It’s such a Trojan Horse of a book one wonders if Random House could cross-promote the Christopher Nolan film Odyssey with it. All We Say is an argument that American history can be understood as a battle over identity: Are we a nation based on territory and heritage, or one based on due process, laws, and rights? Rhodes’s book traces this argument using speeches as evidence for the argument’s centrality. Unfortunately at the end, we are left with no plan, cold comfort, and a surprising lack of insight from a former speechwriter about how these speeches came to be or work at all.

The book uses a selection of American speeches to tell the story about America that Ben Rhodes wants to tell. This is much more a product of Rhodes the podcaster than Rhodes the West Wing speechwriter. It suffers from too much of the former and not enough of the latter. It’s a missed opportunity in a few ways and might be a disappointing read for those expecting a collection of speeches that invoke American greatness.

In the introduction, Rhodes sets out his aim: “This is not an effort to identify the fifteen greatest American speeches. Instead, the fifteen speeches here are concerned with the question of American identity and how to define it.” He lets us know he’s no historian, but he did write speeches for Barack Obama for 8 years. We seem to be set up to get a speechcraft perspective on these fifteen speeches, either how they work or fail to work to convince audiences what an American ought to be.
It’s a strong start, particularly on the heels of a very nice reading of J.D. Vance’s speech at the Claremont Institute in July of 2025. But this is the high point of the speechwriter’s perspective. The rest of the selections are oversaturated with historical narrative, and Rhodes never swoops in to offer an identifiable speech-craft or speechwriter’s perspective on any of them outside of some descriptive commentary. Good speeches are simply the result of good life experiences, such as Benjamin Franklin who learned that “you cannot get everything that you want,” and “views can change.” Red Jacket, a member of the Seneca Nation, brought his upbringing from Seneca rhetorical culture to make his speeches effective through careful listening.

The most speechwriter comments come on FDR’s “Four Freedoms” speech where Rhodes tells us it’s better to give the audience what they need not what they want: “I worked on eight State of the Union speeches and we had to find eight different ways to declare the state of the union strong even when it wasn’t.” But it’s not really up to the speechwriter; FDR’s ‘candor’ made the speech work in the end.
Lincoln’s second inaugural, a strange inclusion as “Cooper Union” would be a better pairing with Alexander Stephen’s “Cornerstone” address advocating white supremacy and slavery, is chalked up to Lincoln’s divine inspiration and religious feelings. Rhodes tries to match both Stephens and Lincoln as interpreters of the Bible, when a better argument would be Lincoln as upholding the constitution versus a religious-based regime. Regardless, Lincoln’s Second Inaugural, as well as the Cooper Union speech, have received a dearth of scholarly treatment. But this is immaterial to Rhodes. Such speeches, again, are not a result of good strategy regarding an audience; they speak hard truths and erupt in deep beliefs of the speakers that are being carried through the currents of historical events.
Ronald Reagan’s speech in Orlando captured the conservative moment perfectly in a symbolic location for conservatives, but this is an effect of Reagan’s singular abilities as a speaker. Likewise, Barack Obama’s unique position as a black man, a Senator, and a Presidential candidate led him to speak in a way that only he could about race and politics. Rhodes does offer a bit of his own rhetorical theory here, writing that his “job required me to live inside Obama’s head, to understand his worldview.” A speechwriter, therefore, needs no other muse than authenticity and connection to the speaker’s beliefs.

Rhodes also consistently makes the argument that these speeches are significant because the speakers were unique. Rhodes loves to describe speeches as transcendent and speakers as either prophets or prophetic. In the selection of Maria Stewart’s speech at Boston’s Masonic Hall and Frederick Douglas’s address, “Composite Nation,” both speakers’ success is because they are prophetic, or prophets. Even so, Rhodes assures us that his edit of Douglas’s speech is just the “main arguments,” without any explanation of how he determined what mattered and what didn’t. Is it that careful speech-craft led us to believe they are prophets, that their message is at the level of religious revelation? Or did they know something about their audience, either in person or in the press, that they made use of? Rhodes doesn’t answer any questions like this. He prefers to let the speeches stand as evidence that he is right about his account of American history orbiting around the question of identity.

In the end, we are left as observers to this important question, how it has been answered and asked through the history of the country without any real insight into these speeches as choices of wording, style, or delivery. Not much is said about audience; I think Rhodes believes his historical narratives serve that purpose. But he misses key moments that could really demonstrate to the reader that writing and delivering a speech is a choice about how to center, frame, and offer an attitude about something. There are many ways to describe a situation, to account for someone’s motives, and to encourage others to change their minds. It’s this insight from Ben Rhodes that the book is missing, and it is presumptively why he was able to get it published. At the end of the book, he laments contemporary politics. Following an Obama speech with a Trump speech might seem like necessary salesmanship at first glance, but for Rhodes it’s the ultimate contrast. He casts doubt we will ever get back to a place where American identity is based on laws, rights, and due process not on territory and racial identity. He strangely says that this question is in our country’s DNA (not much a speech can do to change genetics) and offers us this volume as cold comfort for times like ours. We are left with a feeling that speeches can serve as evidence of the tidal forces of history but cannot do much at all to alter it. It’s a strange thing to think from the perspective of rhetoric.

Rhodes is neither a historian nor a rhetorician. He would have more hope if he was the latter. He would also have offered a book that was more a speech anthology than a nostalgic argument. As David Murray recently wrote about Rhodes’s book, “Who in the world is reading these?” As a professor of rhetoric, I can say that it’s probably only me and a few friends. I fully expect to receive more than one copy of All We Say as a gift this year for this event or that. But it begs the question that the anthologies are to be read. They are meant to inspire, to provide kindling, to serve a more important purpose than what they appear.

It wouldn’t be hyperbole argue that the printed anthology of speeches is synonymous with education in the United States. To this day, high school students participate in declamation contests, performing political or culturally significant speeches from memory that someone decided should be in the kind of anthology Rhodes does not offer. Some of you might remember having to memorize a Presidential speech, or part of one, as a civics assignment in school. Anthologies are meant for teaching us how to speak ourselves. It’s important to note that every anthology is a selection, and a deflection, of an understanding of great speech. They are necessary because by reading them we get to participate as audiences did at that time: Why was this good? Why say it that way? What could this speaker be trying to do? Speech anthologies are storehouses not of information, but of the catalysts to doing it ourselves. Speaking our minds is vital in the maintenance and long-term health of democracy.
The most historically important speech anthology in American history was Caleb Bingham’s The Columbian Orator first published in 1797. This collection of speeches is mostly left alone, aside from Bingham’s introductory ‘rules’ which set out what a good speech is and how to master the art. Young Fredrick Douglas encountered this book and credited the anthology for providing him the start of his oratorical career. Lincoln also gave this book a lot of credit. Bingham published it because he believed libraries, at least those we could easily access, were rare and this volume would serve as a kind of mobile library. Its role isn’t to be passively read, but engaged directly, to be spoken aloud, to be embraced. As David Blight, the editor of the most recent iteration of Bingham’s book wrote in the introduction to that text:

In an age when there is good reason to lament the decline of oratory and to fear for the future of the book in the face of the power of visual and electronic media, this elocution manual/reader lends us reassurance from the past. Like lost treasure, some old books can reemerge in the present and matter as much now as they did when they were new commodities in American classrooms. The image of young Frederick Douglass hiding in his loft practicing reading and speaking from his Columbian Orator is far more inspiring than it is quaint. Indeed, those concerned in American society today with how young people garner and practice good habits and virtues in the face of so much popular culture vying for their attention might benefit from a slow examination of Bingham's reader. They might even wish to make the book talk by reading the dialogues and speeches out loud, as a family no doubt did in the pre-visual, pre-electronic age of the early nineteenth century. As Douglass did, they will find both music and political meaning in the language.

Anthologies are not meant to be admired, but to be practiced. Well, maybe a little of both in the case of William Safire’s hefty Lend me Your Ears, where the history of global public address is sifted for those speeches that meet his ten-part rubric: A good handshake with the audience, via language; give them some structure (he calls this ‘shapeliness’), a pulse or movement, occasion, forum, focus, phrase, purpose, theme, and delivery. If a speech does all these things well, it gets into this massive volume no matter what the original language, place, or time. Safire’s introduction is there, and brief gloss on each speech, to help steer us through the gallery. But the focus is on art, not the curator.

Rhodes focus is on the curator. He lowers expectations for even his own readers: “Something has been lost: the capacity to listen to an entire argument.” An odd take for a podcaster and speechwriter to be sure. He has three criteria for inclusion for his fifteen speeches. “The speech must be authentic: The speaker should be the only person able to deliver it.” He violates this principle in speech one, sharing a Benjamin Franklin speech that was not delivered by Franklin, but written by him. By that standard, should Obama be included if Rhodes and the speechwriting team wrote the speech in this volume? It's unclear what he means. Rhodes tells us that good speeches are part of “the unseen power of a movement.” Difficult to prove let alone harness power that nobody can detect to inspire or contextualize a speech. How can a speech identify and use such power? Finally, a speech must “capture the distributive media of the times.” for Rhodes, this is the oversimplistic positivist progression from live audience, to newspaper, to radio, to television. Most of us catch speeches in fragments - quotes from historical speeches, tik tok clips for those from today, or a sound bite on a morning news program or podcast. But Rhodes doesn’t mention this kind of reception. He tells us, “By learning from these words spoken in the past we are reminded that history is a living thing and that we have the capacity to change it.” We never get any insight, tools, or speculation as to how speechwriters or orators engage in such a challenging task from Rhodes. It seems by the end he's convinced himself there's little we can do but wait for the changing tides of discourse to save us.

The book does make sense given Rhodes’s beliefs: If we have no capacity to engage the world with speech, there’s not much reason to leave it to speak for itself. Speech isn’t the image for Rhodes; it is the reflection. It is the trace not the hand holding the pencil. His selection criteria treats speech as the effect of larger historical forces, not really making much impact on them at all. Lincoln, Reagan, Stephens, Stewart – they all were in tune with the historical forces of their time and were able to express them in a way that survived historical lacunae. Surely there is some active choice and judgement involved in speech-craft?

Regardless of the selection criteria, It would be much more interesting to hear the opinion of a professional speechwriter, who has been writing in difficult situations, where one turns when one needs an argument, a change of direction, or how to confront an attitude among the audience that forecloses the claim the speaker wishes to make. These kinds of technical, operational insights are missing from Rhodes’s book. Instead, we are to see these speeches as evidence that Rhodes is right, that Americans cannot stop talking about American identity. Or Rhodes could enter the cottage industry of former Obama speechwriters who are all writing books based on this ethos with a variety of degrees of reliance on it. None of them are about speech writing itself, apart from Terry Suzplat’s Say it Well. This book, masking as an anthology, does an injustice to that genre and to the fully formed argument that Rhodes could have made, had he simply written an argumentative book and not felt he needed to include the transcripts.

Where the book really suffers and should be more like an anthology is the lack of any speechwriter analysis here. As a professional academic rhetorician, I don’t expect Rhodes to be doing anything I’d see in a scholarly treatment. But it doesn’t help the reader appreciate the power of a speech if everyone giving a meaningful one is a “prophet” or inspired by forces we can’t see nor account for. There have to be contextual gestures, at the very least, to think like audience, occasion, and attitude toward the issue being addressed. A little goes a long way. For example, Rhodes tells us that Maria Stewart’s profound address in Boston mixed personal hardships from white supremacy with the “currents of Black thought and activism” but we “don’t know how . . . the speech was received that night.” A look at the chapter on this speech in Kristin Waters’s 2022 book on Stewart tells us that, “The African Masonic Hall, the creation of an exclusively Black and male organization, was the setting for Maria Stewart’s lecture on African rights and liberty indicates both her ascendance into the community’s regard and the degree to which resources were shared.” This is the kind of information I would think a speechwriter, looking at how a speech came to be, would share. This kind of attention to occasion, setting, and purpose should light Rhodes’s professional speechwriter perspective on fire, giving us all he would consider a speechwriter would have access to, what would be out of bounds, and what would necessarily need to be included. But we don’t get any of that. Rhodes leans heavily on Waters’s book but never brings these details to the foreground. Although Rhodes might believe these speeches are somehow influencing history, his approach makes speeches feel like effects of history instead of significant participants.

Rhodes instead has the speeches serve as evidence that his historical perspective is right. This is the wrong direction for either anthology or a political argument informed by someone familiar with the principles and practice of good political speech-writing. It splits the middle and probably will upset those who want to evaluate an exhibit of historical speeches and those who are used to Rhodes’s podcast, seeking a sharp-edged argument about American history. However, Rhodes should be commended for the inclusion of speeches that are ignored by many, such as Maria Stewart, Delores Huerta, and Anna Dickson. It makes me wish he had approached the book as a deep dive into American oratory, with a title like Why Didn’t We Listen? His examination of such speeches would be a welcome addition to public address. But he isn’t interested in that. His selection is to prove that he is right, that one day the pendulum will swing back from heritage and territory to due process and rights as being the center of American identity. But he has no suggestions on how to get there, or what any of us could do to influence this change.

I fully expect one day to browse the “Former Obama Speechwriter” section of Barnes & Noble and encounter the follow up volume, More Than All We Say, or We Keep Saying More which I am sure is in outline or draft form as we speak. This book will have appeal, and not just for Father’s Day or other awkward gift-giving obligations, such as to a speech professor you really liked. It will be on office bookshelves and coffee tables, and I hope it will spark some conversation. Rhodes thesis is not bad. It just deserves better treatment. And Rhodes has all the ability to treat it in an enlightening and compelling way: Speak about these speeches as a professional speechwriter for the job where speech matters most. Either that or step out of the way after introducing them and let us encounter them and be amazed, as I’m sure Ben Rhodes was when he first read these. The best speech anthologies are arguments for excellence. We don't always agree. They should be like taking your snooty 16-year-old nephew or niece to the art museum – “Pshhhh, I could do that!” More hopeful than any distant reverence or remarks on the uniqueness of the work, this reaction is the hopeful one. For we should all encounter anthologized speeches and wonder why they are so special. We should all believe that we too can speak when times are tough and be remembered for our small parts in keeping democracy going.

[Teague Broquard · Rating 5 out of 5]

I knew I’d like this book because I like Ben Rhodes. So many vantage points from so many people packed in one book but it still flows well and stays cohesive. And perhaps the best measure of a 5 star book? It inspired me to learn more about *some* of the Americans highlighted in the book. I already ordered a book about Red Jacket. Thanks Ben!

[Brian Brooks · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is an incredible look at the way speeches have been spoken to more than the original audience. This collection and curation by Ben Rhodes reveals the heart of the speaker and our nation at critical times. These are not simple “rah-rah yay America” speeches. They are an amalgamation of our worst behaviors and a call for our better angels.
I’m incredibly grateful for Rhodes building both context and relevancy to these often overlooked and/or over simplified speeches from American history.

[Jerry Jennings · Rating 5 out of 5]

Walt Whitman observed in his poem Song of Myself: “Do I contradict myself? Very well then I contradict myself, (I am large, I contain multitudes).”

Americans know that this country signed a Declaration of Independence from Great Britain in 1776.

People may think that America became a country and George Washington became our first president rather quickly. In truth, Washington did not become our president until1789, because the Revolutionary War lasted until 1783. Following that, the 13 colonies developed strong governments operating as quite independent bodies.

The central government functioned weakly. It wasn’t funded well and didn’t have real governing authority. Thus, a constitutional convention was called in 1787.

All We Say: The Battle for American Identity (2026) by Ben Rhodes tells the story of 15 speeches - some iconic, others forgotten - that have both shaped and reflected the tensions Americans have been having from our founding.

I agree with the review from the website, The Moving Words; they write: “The core promise of the book hinges on the idea that American history is less a unified march toward progress and more an enduring argument between two competing national mythologies. One story is rooted in power, inheritance, and exclusion; the other is driven by equality, striving, and belonging.”

It is clear to me, and Rhodes truly helped to clarify my belief, that at the 250th anniversary of our independence, we Americans still have work to do.

The Constitution was ratified with many issues left hanging. Among them were the rights of women, native nations/peoples, slaves and free slaves, and the whole ugly concept of slavery.

And in 2026, this country is still arguing about two fundamental questions: What does it mean to be American? And who gets to decide?

At the time of our 250th anniversary, it is another opportunity to tackle the long-standing and obviously unresolved challenge of clarifying and living out America’s core values.

Ben Rose has written a remarkably compelling and deeply researched record of America’s 250-years. Obviously, it is not a totally inclusive record – how could it be? He deliberately chose 15 speeches that reflected the complexity of America’s struggle to get started, its growth, the dramatic challenges it has faced, its survival, and he did this with respect for the complexity and challenges of America’s future.

My suggestion to those interested in the topics of: What does it mean to be American? And who gets to decide? – is READ this book!

[Ryan · Rating 5 out of 5]

This was an incredibly interesting dive into the historical context of some of our nation’s most impactful political speeches.

The arc of Benjamin Franklin to Abraham Lincoln to Ronald Reagan to Barack Obama and so many in between was truly fascinating.

I enjoyed learning more about the origins of the abolitionist, suffragette, and conservative/MAGA movements, and how history has the funniest way of repeating itself.

Ben Rhodes has done an excellent job with this latest book, though I have loved each of the books he has written.

Highly recommend this read for anyone struggling to better understand how we arrived at our current political climate.

[Stephanie Du · Rating 5 out of 5]

Big fan of the concept of this and would be interested in learning more US political history from this lens. Hard to pick just 15 speeches, but really enjoyed the Ben Franklin, Fredrick Douglas, and Obama chapters.

Slight criticism in that some of the speech analysis felt a little repetitive of the speech itself, as if the author didn’t trust the reader to get the point, which feels besides the point for speech writer.

“You can’t tell people to pull themselves up when you’ve built a system that pushes them down.”

[Eileen Granfors · Rating 4 out of 5]

Rhodes gives us plenty to think about. It is all interesting as well as heartbreaking to see how far we have fallen in our ideals and our crusades for a better America, a better world.

I recommend this book, to be read slowly over time! My favorite chapter is the one about the Seneca Native Americans speaking about why they should not have to convert to the religion of the white men.

[Avi · Rating 5 out of 5]

A surprisingly hopeful book.

[Evan · Rating 3 out of 5]

I feel like this would have been better with the contextual notes reduced to a few pages each, and more speeches included.

[Laura Hyatt · Rating 5 out of 5]

Mandatory reading queasy ending

[Cory · Rating 5 out of 5]

Listened to this on Audible. 15 speeches that show various viewpoints and how the US changed over the last 250 years.

This is an important book and I highly recommend.

[Abby Johnson · Rating 5 out of 5]

Loved this! I learned so much and appreciate that it included speeches from such a wide range of people, even though some of their opinions were really disagreeable.

[Anna · Rating 5 out of 5]

Incredibly good

[Amanda Hyatt · Rating 5 out of 5]

Not a quick read but a Very Important one.

[Cody · Rating 5 out of 5]

I have read too many books lately that have made my brain hurt. None more than this one. I need a beach read.

That is probably the first thing I should say about All We Say. This book made me work. Ben Rhodes tells a history of American identity through fifteen speeches, beginning with Benjamin Franklin and ending with Donald Trump’s second inaugural address. In between are Red Jacket, Maria Stewart, Frederick Douglass, Alexander Stephens, Abraham Lincoln, Anna Dickinson, Mary Lease, Louis Brandeis, FDR, Martin Luther King Jr., Dolores Huerta, Ronald Reagan, Barack Obama and others. It is not a collection of heroes. Rhodes admires some of these people more than others, but he is interested in what they said, what they got right, what they failed to see, and how their words helped shape what America has imagined itself to be.

I loved the conversation this created. Maria Stewart sent me right back into the liberating theologies I had been teaching a few weeks earlier. She sounded like an ancestor of Howard Thurman and James Cone, a prophet of Black liberation before anyone had given the thing a name. Lincoln’s second inaugural began talking to Tananarive Due's The Reformatory in my head: the Civil War as judgment, the sword answering the lash, the haints of slavery as unresolved history. Frederick Douglass made me wish I had known his words about human rights and the right of “locomotion” years ago when I was writing about migration. Red Jacket brought questions from George Tinker and Richard Twiss back into the room and left me wondering, all the way to the end, whether a “composite nation” can fully account for the people whose nations were already here.

The book also created a conversation within itself that I found increasingly powerful. The founders declare that there are self-evident truths and unalienable rights. Douglass insists that “there is such a thing as human rights.” Lincoln places the nation under the judgment of God. FDR declares that certain freedoms belong to everyone, everywhere. King speaks of moral laws of the universe. Again and again, the best voices in this book appeal beyond the nation to something higher than the nation. America does not create these truths. At its best, it submits itself to them ... It chases them. Rhodes is emphatic, America must never stop chasing them.

That became personal for me. Rhodes argues that American exceptionalism is not something the country inherently possesses and progress is not inevitable. Whatever is exceptional about the American experiment lies in the pursuit: a composite nation gathered around words and promises, struggling in every generation to live up to them. I found myself thinking about my own life. If being a good man requires the sum total of my past to equal “good,” then I have to start lying. I have to explain away failures, rename them as successes, forget what is inconvenient and perhaps eventually believe my own BS. But maybe who I am is not simply the sum of what I have done. Maybe it is also revealed in what I do with the truth about what I have done: whether I learn, repent where necessary, and press on to take hold of that for which Christ has taken hold of me (I'm getting preachy, Rhodes isn't so much, but he does handle matters of faith exceptionally well).

The book also made me think hard about the relationship between prophets and politicians. Douglass and Lincoln. Randolph and FDR. King and Kennedy. I began asking what kind of ruler is willing to hear the prophet, what happens when the prophet is driven away, and what becomes of power when no one nearby is permitted to say, You are the man. Those questions followed me out of American history and directly into my own relationships with political leaders in Uganda. They forced me to examine my own role, my own compromises, and my responsibility to tell the truth to people I care about when that truth may be inconvenient. I did not expect a book about fifteen American speeches to do that to me.

My one persistent frustration was the Native American question. Rhodes deserves credit for placing Red Jacket near the beginning and for returning, even in his home run of an epilogue, to the cost that the birth of the United States imposed upon Native peoples. He does not hide from that history and injustice. But his idea of America as a creedal, composite nation still leaves questions that the book doesn't fully answer - perhaps it cannot possibly do so. What does that nation mean for peoples whose nations preceded it, whose identities are tied to particular lands and origin stories, and who never volunteered to become ingredients in the composite? Rhodes might have done more to acknowledge more explicitly that his argument leaves something unresolved there.

Still, this was an excellent book. More than that, it was fruitful. It sent me into other books, back into my own history, deeper into my faith, and toward difficult questions about my place in the world now. This is a book that I need to have a physical copy of in my library. This is a book I will actually gift -- and I NEVER do that.

Ok... Now for that beach read. Oh here's one on the failed promises of Reconstruction, that should be light.

[Andrew Lee · Rating 4 out of 5]

This was a a strangely uplifting book to read and a good reminder that the trajectory of American history moving in a positive direction is neither inevitable nor possible without the tireless efforts of countless individuals.

Ben Rhodes, an Obama speechwriter, does a fantastic job of selecting 15 speeches from all points of history that run the gamut from obscure to famous ones ending with Donald Trump's 2nd Inaugural speech. Mr. Rhodes' theory of the case begins with Vice President J.D. Vance's somewhat obscure but disturbing speech at the Claremount Institute arguing how American is NOT a creedal nation but a nation of a particular group of people. This flew in the face of everything that I was ever taught about what makes the U.S. unique among nations. This book does a great job of showing how there has always been an undercurrent in American rhetoric that pushed back on this idea from the very beginning.

The first speech starts with Benjamin Franklin arguing in support of ratifying the U.S. Constitution by discussing how compromise is essential for bringing together 13 colonies that may have well been separate nations in how each was uniquely formed with their own separate cultures and customs. As the nineteenth century began, you began to see speeches from Native Americans explaining their reluctance to associate with U.S. settlers and speeches for and against slavery and how to reconcile slavery with the principles enshrined in the Constitution and Declaration of Independence.

I thought Mr. Rhodes' selection did an excellent job in highlighting how the battle of ideas of having America live up to its founding documents and reactionary forces has been a common thread woven throughout U.S. history. While speeches like Lincoln's Second Inaugural and Martin Luther King Jr.'s were still riveting, I was very moved by Frederick Douglas' A Composite Nation speech and fascinated by Louis Brandeis "Americansim" speech. Reading Ronald Reagan's speeches absent his flowery lilt and smooth tones revealed how he set the foundations for rightward reactionary forces that spiraled a generation after him. President Obama's speech introducing himself to the voters was a wonder summation of the ideas illustrated in prior speeches. Interwoven were excellent speeches from lesser known historical figures who were still stalwarts in their day who gave excellent speeches on speaking circuits such as Maria Stewart. Red Jacket's speech was a remarkable look at the various complexities Native Americans faces in dealing with the encroachment of U.S. settlers. He spoke simply and eloquently for his people while still dealing with Americans and in a bit of hypocritical self-interest. But it doesn't detract from the themes of his message for why they weren't enamored with western ways.

I also appreciated little explanations and contexts the preluded and postscripted each speech. I had no idea some of the arguments against American expansionism in the 19th century was a refusal to have Mexican descendants become U.S. citizens because we were "a nation for the white race," (however you define "white" nothwithstanding.)

Ending on Donald Trump's second inaugural could have been a real downer but taken in the whole of the book, I think it just had to end based on when this book was written. However, you see the ups and downs and I think it illustrates Mr. Rhodes' point that American history really requires these ideas to push us in the right direction repeatedly and to be prepared for negative reactionary forces at every turn. The upward path is not preordained but built on the powerful ideas from many of these speeches.

[Madelon · Rating 5 out of 5]

What are the elements that make me dive right into a newly published work of non-fiction? The author is surely a prime consideration, followed closely by the subject matter of the book. I know Ben Rhodes as a commentator on MSNOW (formerly MSNBC) and have always found his contributions to any discussion to be both on point and educational. He is always introduced as Deputy National Security Advisor to President Obama. They don’t mention that he was part of the speechwriting team—along with Jon Favreau, Tommy Vietor, and Jon Lovett. He is now featured on the YouTube channel Crooked Media with his own podcast, Pod Save the World.

The rather long, complete title of this book is All We Say: The Battle for American Identity: A History in 15 Speeches. The book provides insight into American history’s continuous challenge to define who we are as a people—are we still disparate bodies (once colonies, now states) trying to compromise as Benjamin Franklin advised? Or are we a nation, as we tell ourselves we are? Through the 15 selected speeches, Rhodes presents us with a different way to look at United States history, thus upending some long‑held beliefs about the American identity.

Although All We Say covers speeches beyond the founding, I was particularly struck by one speech—that of Red Jacket, a Seneca Chief—given in response to Reverend Cram, who was attempting to convert the Native Americans of the Six Nations: the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, and Tuscarora, collectively called the Haudenosaunee—or Iroquois, as they were often known—to Christianity. Here is a small excerpt from that speech that encapsulates the nature of the meeting:

“…an evil day came upon us; your forefathers crossed the great waters, and landed on this island. Their numbers were small; they found friends, and not enemies; they told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a small seat; we took pity on them, granted their request, and they sat down amongst us; we gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison in return.”

By compiling not only the speeches of the famous but also those of mostly unknown orators whose actions and words had a profound effect on American history—and by putting them in context—Rhodes presents a compelling argument for reexamining the history we have been taught and the historical myths so many believe.

All We Say is responsible for sending me to YouTube to rewatch Nicolle Wallace’s podcast The Best People, where she talks with Ken Burns about his documentary The American Revolution, which of course led me to rewatch all six episodes. I was hoping to find Red Jacket in the film, but the speech was given in 1805—after the Revolution, after the formation of the nation, after George Washington established the peaceful transfer of power. It’s hard to keep the chronology straight, so refreshers are always beneficial.

All We Say provides a glimpse into the lives and words of 15 people throughout our history—all asking us to examine who we think we are as a people.

I know there are more new non-fiction books about today’s politics and what has led us to this moment in history. I want to read them all, but that would leave time for little else. If you have to choose among them, All We Say should definitely be one of them.

I also recommend watching Author Talk: Ben Rhodes — All We Say, with Susan Page, on YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OVFAS...

[Lindsay Bragg · Rating 4 out of 5]

As a communication professional and government nerd, it's interesting to hear how rhetoric has evolved over the centuries. Seeing these speeches lined up together draws some horrific through-lines of racism and supremacy that have never disappeared, they've just slightly tweaked and evolved. It's frustrating that we're still having the same conversation.

I'm mad that I had to engage with Trump's 2nd inaugural, especially to end on. I understand why it had to be included--Trump has fundamentally changed the way we communicate. But I hate it so much.

"What does it mean to be an American? And who gets to decide?"

"The colonizationists are blind to their own interest, for should the nations of the earth make war with America, they would find their forces much weakened by our absence."--Maria Stewart, 1833

"The people who have the odds most stacked against them in American society have a unique moral standing to hold that society to account."

"[Alexander Stephens (in 1861)] was telling his audience to be proud of their racism, to embrace white supremacy as the ultimate of expression of human progress."

"In the South, it didn't matter how low you were: If you were white, you were better than someone else."

"There has always been a tug-of-war about American exceptionalism. On one side are those who see it as tied to some inherent, even divine, favor, manifested in the riches of the continent and the rightness of our founding documents. On the other, those who see American exceptionalism rooted in a bottom-up, disruptive, and at times revolutionary effort to forge a just and equal society on Earth; an effort that depends on self-criticism and the revision of those founding documents."

"It is said that it is not good for man to be alone. This is true not only in the sense in which our women's rights friends so zealously and wisely teach, but it is true as to nations."--Frederick Douglass

"You can't tell people to pull themselves up when you've built a system to push them down."

"It was true that some women were good for nothing, and knew nothing. Why? Because God made them so to match some men." --Anna Dickinson

"Wall Street owns this country. It is no longer a government of the people, by the people and for the people, but a government of Wall Street, by Wall Street and for Wall Street" --Mary Lease, 1891

"The two elections of Donald Trump changed my view of the United States, which I could no longer see as the country that I wanted it to be."

"Whereas the best speeches have summoned us to become a better version of ourselves, Trump's speeches have done the opposite: lowering not just our expectations for him or the presidency, but for ourselves as well."

[Brittney Johnson · Rating 4 out of 5]

I didn't realize that I would finish this on the eve of the US's 250th but I think it was a good journey through the country's evolution going into the holiday. Although I am well aware of Ben Rhodes' political beliefs (PSW is the only Crooked pod I still listen to these days) I appreciate that this book didn't become overly idealogical in its commentary nor overly technical about the process of speechwriting. Instead of partisan punditry Rhodes provided the speeches as they were written and inserted relevant context of the age those speeches were given.

Yes, it's a non-fiction, without scholarly guardrails, so it wasn't hard to know what perspective from which Ben wrote. I appreciated that he didn't shy away from speeches given by people that he (and I) vehemently disagree with politically. The true point of this book is a journey - not necessarily an expansive trip, he did this in 15 speeches - through the history of the United States and I think he succeeded. I'm sure most readers who are picking up this book are political junkies or armchair students of history and probably have 100s of other speeches they think should have made the cut - for me I think Washington's Farewell address from 1796, Elizabeth Cady Stanton's Seneca Falls speech "Declaration of Sentiments," W.E.B. Du Bois' "Returning Soldiers" and Newt Gingrich's 1995 "Contract With America" would have be great additions. But I think Rhodes did a great job in choosing a diverse array of speeches to highlight major moments that as the book moved through arc of US history. I listened to the audiobook edition and the producers did a marvelous job of choosing narrators to read the text of the speeches - it was a great way to break up each chapter and gave a bit of personality to each speech.

My only complaint came towards the end of the book where we transition from Obama to Trump where the linear nature of the overall analysis seems to get muddled. I wish the discussion on the Bushes and the rise of the hard right like Rush Limbaugh was better woven into the Obama chapter. It was kind of a shock to listen to Trump's speech and then go back to the dichotomy of the H.W. Bush era for commentary. As an elder millennial, I vividly remember the rise of ultra-conservative politics happening along side the rise of the left's big-tent hope & change message. The complicated electoral sentiments of the late 80s and 90s felt almost like it was siloed away from the context of the Regan and Clinton eras. But that's the only thing I would change, otherwise I really enjoyed the book overall.

[Nancy · Rating 5 out of 5]

What does it mean to be American? And who gets to decide? from All We Say by Ben Rhodes

Fifteen speeches from across American history illustrate the progressing and shifting views on who gets to be called American and who gets to claim the rights of a citizenship. Rhode’s choices reflect the historical conflicts, from the Revolution to the current administration. The history shows both the progress of inclusion and the reactionary limiting of rights.

He begins with Benjamin Franklin willing to compromise over slavery, noting that views can and will change. He moves on to Native American Red Jacket, African Americans Maria Stewart and Frederick Douglas, and suffragette Anna Dickinson. He includes Southern white supremist slave owner Alexander Stephens and Abraham Lincoln.

The populist Mary Lease attacked a government controlled by Wall Street during the Gilded Age. “It is no longer a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, but a government of Wall Street, by Wall Street, and for Wall Street,” she proclaimed.

History swings back and forth. Action, reaction.

Reformers arose. Louis Brandies promoted change for the working class and supported immigrants. Franklin Roosevelt asserted four freedoms were basic to a healthy democracy. Martin Luther King dreamed of racial harmony. Dolores Huerta organized farm laborers.

The turmoil of the 60s brought Ronald Reagan’s coalition in reaction to “a Godless bureaucracy”, but also signed immigration reform allowing undocumented people legal status. Barack Obama returned to a dream of inclusion, unity, and the end of divisive politics. And of course, the backlash resulted in the rise of Donald J. Trump, whose second inaugural speech spelled out a desire to resurrect a 19th c America and claimed complete power.

Progress is not preordained, Rhodes concludes, and our success as a wealthy and powerful nation does not mean we have become a better nation. “The progress we have made, the fairness and equality that has been achieved, has never been inevitable–most often, it has been won through extraordinary efforts that were synergistic with extraordinary words.”

A thoughtful book that both inspired and caused me to soberly consider where we are as a country.

Thanks to Random House for a free book through NetGalley.

[Ed Bernard · Rating 5 out of 5]

A fascinating book, in which a former presidential speech writer reviews some of the most impactful speeches in American history, with an emphasis on defining American identity. So we get speeches by Benjamin Franklin explaining the compromise in the Constitution that didn’t outlaw slavery, a speech by Red Jacket arguing that Native Americans should be full citizens, Maria Stewart espousing women’s suffrage as an equivalent to freeing slaves, as well as more modern speeches arguing for the rights of farm workers, blacks, immigrants and others. It’s not always pretty — the “Cornerstone Speech” by Alexander Stevens arguing that blacks should remain slaves because they are inferior to whites is painful to listen to, especially since he is re-elected to congress after the Civil War and has statues celebrating him (he was the Vice President of the Confederacy) in the South. In my opinion, he was at least a traitor and should’ve been tried for treason, along with the other Confederate leaders and certainly not allowed to ever serve in congress again, but such was the state of America then (and arguably now). There are a lot of well known speeches here, such as MLK’s “Dream” speech, FDR’s “Four Freedoms,” Reagan’s clear statement of American exceptionalism, Obama’s speech on race, and, with strong negative commentary, Trump’s second inaugural address (not to be confused with his “American Carnage” first inauguration address. Rhodes worked in the Obama White House and is definitely a liberal, and of course the book focuses on speeches about American identity and inclusive-ism, so it’s pretty clear where it stands politically (arguably, for example, Goldwater’s “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice: could’ve been included and to be fair, Rhodes does reference it. His vision of America is one which is referenced in the Declaration of Independence (“all men are created equal”), but today’s conservatives might not appreciate his slant. But either way, this is a well researched and compelling analysis — Rhodes’ expert take on how speeches are constructed and why they are powerful comes from real world experience and adds a dimension even above the content of the speeches themselves. Particularly great as an audiobook.

Grade: A

[Connie Ciampanelli · Rating 5 out of 5]

I first became acquainted with Ben Rhodes as Nicolle Wallace's frequent guest on Deadline: White House. Immediately impressed with this young, bright, sober-minded, man's thoughtful and reflective commentary, I was unsurprised to learn that for ten years he was a speech writer for President Obama and served as a deputy national security advisor.

Rhodes' lens of looking at American history is unique, through the study and reflection of fifteen consequential speeches, from Benjamin Franklin through trump. The format consists of a brief biography of the featured speaker and the context in which a speech was delivered, the speech itself, and, finally, Rhodes' analysis, each of which is brilliant, and which pull the thread oftheir connection to our current day.

Among Rhodes' choices are the obvious (Lincoln's second inaugural, Franklin Roosevelt's "Four Freedoms," Martin Luther King, Jr.'s "I Have a Dream, Obama's "Breaking the Racial Stalemate") or less obvious (Louis Brandeis' "Americanism," Dolores Huerta's "You Cannot Pretend That We Don't Exist"). Interesting are those from little or unknown speakers like Red Jacket ("We Have Always Lived Here" , Maria Stewart (Knowledge Is Power"), or Mary Lease ("Walls Street Owns This Country").

It is notable that Rhodes included in his collection not only the soaring speeches with which we are familiar, but also a few ignoble, even ugly, such as Andrew Stephen's "The Cornerstone" or trump's second inaugural.

All We Say. The Battle for American Identity: A History in 15 Speeches is an important, significant work that is essential reading for those who we are and who we aspire to be as a nation.

This may be one of the best history books I've ever read. The sheer beauty of its writing gave me chills.
Highly, highly recommended.

[TS Johnson · Rating 4 out of 5]

Author Ben Rhodes was a speech writer for President Obama and is now a liberal pundit. In All We Say, which he published in 2026 for America’s 250th anniversary, he selected 15 speeches from U.S. history that he believes have both shaped our country and reflected the argument Americans have been having since our founding right up to the intense divisions we have today. With each speech Rhodes gives a bio of the speaker and puts the content in historical perspective.

The speeches include Benjamin Franklin’s call for compromise at the Constitutional Convention; Alexander Stephens’ case for white supremacy as the cornerstone of the Confederacy; Frederick Douglass’ case for a Composite Nation; Martin Luther King’s dream of true equality; and Donald Trump’s pledge to break the administrative state.

I was struck by how many of the questions of the past are still being asked today, including who should be considered American; what should our immigration policy be, is power best invested in people, big business, or individuals; what are we owed as U.S. citizens and what do we owe for that privilege?

Rhodes is a liberal and his beliefs are reflected both in his selection of speeches and his interpretations of them. That's fine with me since I'm a liberal, too. I'm sure a conservative would have selected different speeches and offered different commentary. But I appreciate the historical sweep of these speeches, especially since so many of them were unknown to me prior to reading the book.

[Christina Davis · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book is so much more than the 15 speeches it shares. The author does an incredible job of building background for the reader, elaborating on the speaker's life experiences, the policies and atmosphere of the country at the time, and interpretations + reactions to each speech. While it's clear what the author believes about American identity (which you can probably infer without even reading since he was a speechwriter for Obama), I found that he still put in the effort to ensure a full perspective was provided to credit the logic of individual positions and the nuances that stemmed from national and international experiences at the time.

The book is split into 3 sections with 5 speeches in each: I. American Foundations: Revolution to Civil War, 2. What Kind of Nation: Radical Republic to Superpower, and 3. Contested Nation: Civil Rights to MAGA. While some are typical heavy hitters, others are speeches that I'm shocked to not have learned before (e.g., Alexander Stephens' Cornerstone speech). It was fascinating to travel through American history via these speeches and see the build up to the issues we face now as they were mirrored throughout the country's history. It's very clear that defining American identity is a long and ongoing endeavor; this book helps drive home the point that we have never really felt settled into one American identity and our modern struggles with this are not new.

[Zach · Rating 3 out of 5]

I think Ben Rhodes is one of the better political commentators writing today. He understands national security, foreign policy, and America’s role in the world in a way that usually makes him worth listening to.

Unfortunately, I also have a habit of reading books that I suspect are not quite going to work for me, and this ended up being one of them. The premise is interesting, and there are plenty of thoughtful insights throughout. Rhodes uses fifteen speeches from American history as a way to examine the country’s past, present, and possible future. At its best, the book offers sharp analysis and a sincere concern for where America is headed.

But for me, the structure also became the problem. Because the book moves across so many different speeches, moments, and historical episodes, it started to feel more like a loose compendium than a focused argument. I kept waiting for the larger point to gather momentum, but instead the book became more general as it went along.

That is something that tends to frustrate me in books like this. There may be a lot of worthwhile observations, but when the scope gets too broad, the impact becomes harder to hold onto. I finished the book feeling that Rhodes had said many smart things, but I was not left with one clear, lasting takeaway.

So while I still think Ben Rhodes is a smart and valuable voice, this particular book did not connect with me as strongly as I hoped it would.