A well-written, fast-paced, evenhanded and frank memoir of Grenier’s involvement in the post-9/11 hunt for al-Qaeda. While the author’s role has been written of elsewhere, it was interesting to see these events from his perspective.
Grenier’s narrative is smooth and well-written, and the level of detail was a pleasant surprise (although it often just seems like filler). The writing is candid about both successes and failures during this critical period but the tone sometimes comes off as that of a self-justifying know-it-all, probably not intentionally. Grenier’s involvement during the beginning of the Afghan war is the most interesting part of the book, while his section on his subsequent roles as Iraq “mission manager” and CTC chief don’t hold your interest as tightly. This later section also seems much less in-depth.
The first part of the book is a summary of Grenier’s career up to his assignment as Islamabad station chief. The rest tells of Grenier’s interaction with Langley, Islamabad, the Taliban, and al-Qaeda, regarding such issues as terrorism and Pakistan’s nuclear program. Obviously, things pick up after 9/11 when Grenier was involved in abortive negotiations with the Taliban and assisting the military campaigns in southern Afghanistan; the complications involved in finding a leader for these mujahideen are described in detail. The end of the first round of the war saw Grenier involved with hunting down terrorists who now sought a new refuge in Pakistan (such as Abu Zubaydah), the beginning of extraordinary renditions (or at least the Bush-era version), and the frustrating hunt for bin Laden. Eventually, Grenier was pulled away to be tapped as “Iraq mission manager” at a quite inconvenient time for CTC, and was finally tapped as CTC chief (where he was fired for apparently not being aggressive enough). Grenier emphasizes how untraditional the CIA’s role in the war initially was, given that, historically, the CIA had up to that point mostly avoided intruding into the policy-making business. Like most CIA memoirs, Grenier lightens the tone with tidbits like the Agency’s operational culture (apparently putting profanity into CIA cable traffic is a big no-no).
Grenier’s recounting of the Agency’s rendition, detention, and interrogation program is fairly interesting and written in an unassuming, matter-of-fact tone. This program proved to be CTC’s biggest and most controversial challenge. As Grenier recalls, the RDI program basically consisted of two different components: the “detention” aspect, consisting of the Agency’s various black sites, and the interrogations themselves, which ranged from traditional to coercive. Grenier notes that the Agency had little institutional knowledge regarding interrogation, much less in running prisons. One reason for the prison network was to isolate the various detainees, who could easily coordinate their stories when held together in normal Pakistani jails. He notes the various techniques the CIA was permitted to employ, and also how uncontroversial they were at the time (although he does note that the Agency was only permitted to brief a few select members of Congress, a decision made by the White House). According to Grenier, when more lawmakers were briefed on the program in 2005, few raised objections, with responses along the lines of “You mean that’s it? That’s all you’re doing? They did worse to me in boot camp!” Grenier calls this an “illusion of support,” given that Congress would later claim to have been kept in the dark on the program.
Grenier recalls that the legal justification for the RDI program was flimsy even into 2005, although, of course, concerns never evaporated. The status of the black sites was up in the air and unresolved until Dana Priest broke the story about them, which was when the host countries quickly pressured the US to shut them down. Grenier does not consider the torture issue an academic one, and notes that either deciding to get involved in them or not involved tough choices with real consequences. “It is manifestly not in the interest of the American people to foster an an institutional climate that encourages the national intelligence service to decide for itself which of its legal orders it will follow, and to decline to carry out those assignments it deems risky or inconvenient to itself....if we are not careful, institutional insubordination will be the unwanted legacy of our collective moral ambiguity on the difficult measures which have been taken, and are still being taken now, to deal with vicious, committed non-state actors who hide in the shadows, and plot to do us harm.”
The book has only few problems, such as the brash tone that sometimes makes Grenier come off as self-congratulatory, and much of the dialogue comes off as invented. He describes many of the controversies that began under his tenure, such as cash payments to corrupt, despotic warlords, which Grenier admits the Agency often turned a blind eye towards. He also describes the pressure faced by Pakistan’s government by the Taliban and al-Qaeda, pressure that was only made worse when the groups decided to turn Pakistan into a sanctuary. The tone of the book is rather unreflective until one gets to the last few chapters, where Grenier’s take on Afghanistan’s future is rather bleak. Grenier is somewhat defensive when it comes to the torture debate, arguing that the CIA’s tactics produced actionable intelligence. If you’ve read through the Senate’s report on the issue, you’ll probably disagree (then again, if you’ve read the minority report, you probably won’t. But, in the end, Grenier has disappointingly little to say about this issue). The book also has very little to say about drone warfare (Grenier hints that the Agency discouraged him from writing about it).
An interesting, insightful, and thought-provoking memoir well worth a read, told in a sharp, straightforward style, even if it often comes off as fatalistic and tragic.