Becoming Madison: The Extraordinary Origins of the Least Likely Founding Father

by Michael Signer

In a time when America is desperately searching for leadership comes this inspiring story of James Madison's coming of age, providing incisive and original insight into the Founding Father who did the most but is known the least.

Michael Signer takes a fresh look at the life of our fourth president. His focus is on Madison before he turned thirty-six, the years in which he did his most enduring battling with Patrick Henry -- the most charismatic politician in revolutionary America, whose political philosophy and ruthless tactics eerily foreshadowed those of today's Tea Party -- over religious freedom; introducing his framework for a strong central government; becoming the intellectual godfather of the Constitution; and providing a crucial role at Virginia's convention to ratify the Constitution in 1788, when the nation's future hung in the balance.

Signer's young James Madison is a role model for the leaders so badly needed a man who overcame daunting personal issues (including crippling anxiety attacks) to battle an entrenched and vicious status quo. Michael Signer's brilliant analysis of "Madison's Method," the means by which Madison systematically destroyed dangerous ideas and left in their stead an enduring and positive vision for the United States, is wholly original and uniquely relevant today.

Genres: History, Biography, Nonfiction, Presidents, American History, American Revolution, Us Presidents

384 pages, Hardcover

First published March 10, 2015

Reviews

[Beverlee Jobrack · Rating 4 out of 5]

This biography took a different view of Madison than that of Lynn Cheney and Garry Wills, which I found enlightening. Signer focuses on Madison's work on the Constitution, including his making a case for ratification in Virginia. Madison's "method" of arguing and his apparent lack of interest in fame were particularly interesting.

[Joel Fletcher · Rating 2 out of 5]

Interesting, but overtly biased.

[Jordan · Rating 2 out of 5]

2 Stars is probably harsh, but just because I wanted the book to be better does not make it so.

I am firmly in the camp that the general mistreatment of Madison and his political thought over the last 150 years of political development has been criminally bad, but the praise in this book provides more hagiographic flourishes than genuine correctives. Madison is obviously a role model for the author, but in writing this account, the author sees himself as an educator of statesmen and has structured his text to provide lessons on character and method. In doing so, the author both overestimates his own abilities and does Madison a disservice. The author’s account of Madison’s methodology is worth reading, but the effectiveness of its application cannot be separated from the content of Madison’s ideas, and on this point the author’s account is frequently suspect.

The author has an admirable familiarity with Madison’s own writing, but his grasp of historical context (both the immediate impact of Madison’s writing and the various misinterpretations of Madison in secondary and tertiary accounts of his political though over the course of American political development) is sorely lacking.

If you’re well read in Madison, you’ll get something out of this book, just as you’ll doubtless see its many flaws. If you are looking for an introduction to Madison, begin with Brant’s biography (multi volume or abridged single volume sets are available). If you’re looking for an education in statesmanship (and I agree with the author that we would be so much better off if more people were), best to begin with the classics and history, as Madison did, and not with this book.

[Clare · Rating 5 out of 5]

Signer's Becoming Madison excels by focusing in on this oft-forgotten founding father as a young man. Filled with both his greatest personal struggles and most lasting political accomplishments, this time period in Madison's life seems overdue for this kind of book and Signer certainly does it justice. The narrative style is compelling and makes for a much faster and more gripping read than one might expect from a historical biography. I was also impressed by how seamlessly legal and political history was woven in with lessons about overcoming personal anxiety and adversity that are truly applicable to any reader. A must-read.

[Bill F.]

James Madison was the last surviving Founding Father, dying nearly 60 years after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. He was undoubtedly the Father of the Constitution and - one could reasonably argue - the United States government would bear no resemblance whatsoever to what it has been these last 226 years since George Washington's first inauguration without James Madison. And yet, as author Michael Signer points out, it was not until 1857 that James Madison finally got a monument placed on his grave site. And even that was an ordeal: when the monument arrived, it was too heavy. So, they needed to dig the grave far under the coffin to re-stabilize the foundation. There, grave workers found that the boards of Madison's casket had rotted and the lid was askew. When they resettled the lid they saw the Madison's remains - bones, teeth, shreds of cloth. As Signer puts it, "A more or less random group of strangers peering at the marooned remains was a perfect symbol for the peculiar legacy just beginning for Madison."

Signer's Becoming Madison The Extraordinary Origins of the Least Likely Founding Father is a story of Madison's life up to the ratification of the Constitution. It weaves a wonderful tale of how this diminutive, often sickly, brilliant man from Virginia made the unlikely ascent into the pantheon of American leaders.

A key factor in the Madison story as told these last 200+ years is his "poor health". Signer points out that scholars have studied what was "wrong" with Madison for as long as they've been writing about him. Ralph Ketcham unearthed research that indicated that Madison's parents ordered drugs for "an Epilepsy" on October 11, 1753. Lynne Cheney further noted that these medications included two laxatives. Cheney concluded that the drugs had to be for toddler James. But Signer casts doubt about the theory that Madison suffered from epilepsy. For instance, he points out that the medications could have been for another member of the family with unrecorded symptoms of epilepsy. So, while Cheney concluded Madison had epilepsy, Signer says these symptoms could also have been psychosomatic. Indeed, Signer writes, "this is what the evidence suggests: that Madison suffered from severe anxiety-driven panic attacks that made him ill. In other words, his illness was a bodily condition driven by mental problems.... He did not, in other words suffer from classic epilepsy - he suffered from crippling anxiety."

To come to the conclusion that Madison suffered from lifelong anxiety attacks, Signer turned to the most recent Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders [DSM-5]. Madison regularly experienced more of the symptoms than necessary to be classified as suffering from anxiety attacks. Signer says today Madison would be diagnosed as suffering from "psychogenic non-epileptic seizures." Signer notes, "...a patient's anxiety takes physical form by tensing the smooth muscles that line the intestines and the stomach (leading to cramping and upset stomach) and the blood vessels (creating high blood pressure and headaches." While Signer backtracks a bit with the caveat, "We cannot, of course, know the truth. On sick questions, the historian is like an archaeologist assembling a window from shards of glass...", the argument is well-made that Madison was not epileptic but, in fact, suffered from lifelong, often debilitating, mental anxiety that manifested itself in physical symptoms.

Madison's career in government began in April 1776, when he was elected to serve as one of two delegates from his county to the Virginia Convention assembling to form a new state government. Madison joined that government in October 1776, where one of his early biographers, William Rives, believed he first met Jefferson. His ascent continued in 1778, when he was elected to the position of Counselor to the State, serving in the Administrations of Governor Patrick Henry and then Governor Thomas Jefferson. In late 1779, Madison was elected as one of four new representatives to serve Virginia in Congress in Philadelphia.

All the while, Madison studied government. Signer writes often about Madison's "Method", which he developed over these years of study. According to Signer, the "Method" consisted of nine parts: 1) Find passion in your conscience; 2) Focus on the idea, not the man; 3) Develop multiple and independent lines of attack; 4) Embrace impatience; 5) Establish a competitive advantage through preparation; 6) Conquer bad ideas by dividing them; 7) Master your opponent as you master yourself; 8) Push the state to the highest version of itself; and 9) Govern the passions.

It was clear to Madison [and others] that the Articles of Confederation were simply unworkable as designed. After much study, Madison decided that what was needed was the power of coercion by the federal government over the states. Indeed, in the early 1780s Madison proposed an amendment to the Articles of Confederation that would do just that: if any of the states, "shall refuse or neglect to abide by the determination of the United States in Congress assembled, Congress would be fully authorized to employ the force of the United States to compel each state or states to fulfill their federal engagements". The amendment went nowhere. Madison tried again in January 1783, with a bill calling for a forced contribution from the states, having them pay taxes to the federal government - not for any specific purpose but for revenue in general. Congress took Madison's bill and watered it down to nothing. Signer says that, at this point, Madison realized, "he could not simply send a fragile idea into the jungle of public opinion and hope it would survive. More militant measures were required."

By mid-decade, others were ready to consider those measures as well. On June 22, 1786, Madison left for the Annapolis Convention. Congress had called the gathering together to resolve the catastrophe in commercial disputes among the states. But Annapolis itself was a disaster: although the meeting was taking place in Maryland, that state's delegates - believing the convention was transgressing the powers of Congress - boycotted the event. Connecticut also refused to attend; while South Carolina's and Georgia's delegates argued that the event would be redundant and pointless because prior agreements had also failed, so they did not come either. Then the eastern states' delegates left the gathering abruptly, destroying the required quorum. The only positive was - before adjourning - the group called a follow-up convention, to meet in Philadelphia starting May 2, 1787.

On August 29, 1786 - just before the Annapolis Convention had been scheduled to begin - Shays' Rebellion reconfirmed for Madison and others that something had to be done about the Articles of Confederation. Daniel Shays, a war veteran, led 1,500 men to a courthouse in western Massachusetts to protest judges who were meeting to imprison debtors. Shays delivered a petition demanding the judges shut down the proceedings. The judges shut their doors and Massachusetts soldiers were summoned. They repulsed Shays' protesters, who then regrouped and marched 30 miles to Petersham for another rally. This time, they were overtaken by a small state army and 150 were arrested [although Shays himself escaped].

The issue of Shays' Rebellion was the first - but by no means the last - time that Madison and Jefferson disagreed. Madison thought the rebels should be harshly dealt with; while Jefferson believed they should all be pardoned. Of course Jefferson was in Paris at the time and not observing what Madison was seeing in the country. Singer writes, "The clash between Madison and Jefferson on Shays' Rebellion, though muted by long distances and the passage of time, was revealing. Madison, the control freak, saw disaster in rebellion. Jefferson, the free spirit, saw raw potential instead....that tension has never been resolved in American democracy."

In October 1786, on his way back from Annapolis, Madison stayed with Washington at Mount Vernon for two nights and began a long campaign to get the "Father of His Country" to both publicly support and then attend the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia the following spring. Madison would visit Washington at Mount Vernon in late January 1787, this time using his aforementioned arguments about need for federal coercion of the states in a new constitution.

Madison was worried. He feared that Shays' Rebellion had done irreparable damage to the republican character, perhaps even creating a propensity towards monarchy. He thought long and deeply on the subject and believed he'd hit on something. As Signer writes, "The answer [Madison] said was to expand the republic. The enlargement of the sphere would dissipate individual passions there by controlling the 'Daniel Shays' of the country through modification of sovereignty. The broad new nation, ever-expanding toward the frontier, would have no choice but neutrality between factions preventing majorities from dominating minorities and factions from undermining the nation itself."

Madison now had his main argument in favor of a federal republic.

The Convention began with small planning meetings on May 14, 1787, with groups of delegates meeting in the taverns and guesthouses of Philadelphia to plot strategy. It was during off-hours that Madison worked with Edmund Randolph and George Mason to refine what became known as the "Virginia Plan". The plan included a bicameral legislature, three branches of government, a national judiciary, and the guarantee of a republican government by the United States to each state.
,
While Randolph and Mason agreed with almost everything Madison proposed, there was a key dissension. So, on May 29 when Randolph stood on the floor of the Convention to read out the 15 elements of the Virginia Plan, Madison was chagrined that Mason and Randolph had both refused to accept Madison's proposal that Congress have total power over the states in all cases whatsoever. Indeed, Signer notes that Madison listened unhappily as Randolph announced the compromise between Randolph and Mason: Congress would have only the power, "to negative all laws passed by several states contravening in the opinion of the national legislature the articles of the union." Madison was furious. Finally on May 31, he rose on the floor and openly confessed his concerns about the dilution of federal power.

For Madison the most significant episode of the Convention occurred when William Paterson rose to deliver what became known as the "New Jersey Plan". The plan rejected almost every aspect of Madison's political philosophy. Instead of a bicameral legislature with the popularly elected House and the statesmanlike Senate, the plan provided for only one Congress with one vote per state. It allowed Congress to collect taxes, but only upon the states' repeated consent. Congress - not the people - would elect the President, and the plan allowed the president to be recalled by a majority of governors. Madison successfully defeated the plan. Then, Hamilton proposed a plan with an interminable six-hour speech, where he proposed scrapping both the Virginia and New Jersey plans for one modeled on the British king and Parliament and courts. He proposed a lifelong Senate chosen by electors, a House of Representatives serving three-year terms, a 12-member Supreme Court with lifelong appointments, and - most significantly - an elective monarch. Madison defeated that as well.

Because of Madison, the Virginia Plan prevailed. Yet, even in triumph with the signing of the Constitution, Madison was troubled by his failure to achieve a clearly coercive power for the new federal government. His pessimism deepened over the coming weeks as he came to realize that the new Constitution would face blistering opposition around the country. He was particularly distressed by the prospects for ratification in Virginia under the attack of an opposition led by Patrick Henry.

Madison, along with Hamilton and John Jay, set out to make the case for the Constitution through published essays which became known as The Federalist Papers. Signer says that there was a familiar refrain in The Federalist Papers: regardless of the topic, at heart each essay was, "an injunction for citizens to defy the passions, to diffuse demagogues, and to join their nation at the frontier of reason and restraint." The first essay, written by Hamilton, was published on October 27, 1787.

It was in Federalist No. #10 [published November 22] that Madison declared his vision for the nation: a larger rather than smaller republic, he declared, would make it more difficult for "unworthy candidates" to be successful in the "vicious arts by which elections are too often carried." The country, Madison argued, should be larger and more federal in order to become more just and more stable. As Signer notes, "extend this through the sphere of the republic, [Madison] told his readers, and you take on a greater variety of parties and interests that would deprive the majority of their common motive to invade the rights of other citizens."

Madison touched on this again in Federalist No. #51 [February 6, 1788]. The idea, Madison write, was to create a society with, "so many separate descriptions of citizens that it would tender an unjust combination of the whole very improbable if not impractical." The extended Republic of America would be, "broken into so many parts, interests and classes of citizens, so many rolling shifting passions, that there would be little danger from interested combinations of the majority."

It had been determined that the Constitution would be considered approved once nine states had ratified it. Delaware was the first state to do so, on December 7, 1787. Pennsylvania followed on December 11. New Jersey ratified it on December 18. Georgia ratified the Constitution on January 2, 1788, and Connecticut followed suit on January 9. Soon, Massachusetts became the sixth state to do so. Maryland [April 28] and South Carolina [May 3] became the seventh and eighth states. Leaving just one more necessary.

The election of delegates for the Virginia ratifying Convention was set for early-March 1788 [it would actually convene three months later]. Madison was urged by friends and family alike to go to Richmond to secure a seat as a delegate at the convention - some even warned his presence was needed to save the Constitution itself. Although he remained in New York longer than his colleagues wished [he insisted on finishing all of The Federalist Papers essays before returning to Virginia], Madison was eventually elected as a delegate to the Convention.

Madison arrived in Richmond for the Convention on June 1, 1788. Shortly after a successful opening salvo against Patrick Henry [in which Madison pointed out that George Washington himself was in support of the document], Madison became ill. At the most inopportune time [and, indeed, the fact that it was such an inopportune time no doubt contributed to it happening in the first place], Madison was struck down by a vicious anxiety attack that left him physically devastated.

In Madison's absence, the debate between Henry and pro-federalist Edmund Randolph grew so heated that the two men scheduled a duel. Fortunately, a reconciliation was negotiated and no shots were fired. But Henry was gaining the argument in Madison's absence. And then James Monroe - a Madison friend but an anti-federalist - made a brilliant, convincing and enlightened argument against the Constitution. When he heard about Monroe's eloquence and the positive reception it received from the other delegates, Madison decided he had to return to the arena.

After more than three weeks of heated debate, a final vote was taken on June 25, 1788: Virginia ratified the Constitution, 89-79.

Although the Constitution concludes the bulk of Signer's text, he does address aspects of Madison's post-Constitution career to highlight changes in his philosophy. Within ten years, in fact, things would change. Not Madison's commitment to the government established in the Constitution. But a change in nuance as to what that government's relationship should be with the states and its citizens. In 1798, Madison wrote the "Virginia Resolutions", in which he argued that the Alien and Sedition Acts violated the, "general principles of free government, as well as the particular organization and positive provisions of the federal Constitution." He asked other states to join Virginia in declaring the acts unconstitutional. Signer points out that Madison's arguments were more nuanced than Jefferson's "Kentucky Resolutions". According to Signer, Madison's resolutions merely threatened while Jefferson's declared rebellion.

Madison lived a long life. Long enough to see the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions used by John C. Calhoun to argue that a state could nullify a federal law it didn't agree with. Madison was appalled by Calhoun's plans. As Signer writes, "Although Madison had supported Virginia's right to repudiate the Alien and Sedition Acts, he saw John Calhoun nullification action in 1828 in a far different light and with real alarm." According to Signer, "The Virginia Resolution was about [President] John Adams' unconstitutional abrogation of freedom of speech; [while Calhoun's] nullification laid bare the fundamentally unresolved tension in the constitution about coercion itself regarding the whole range of self interested pursuits and passions of the states." Madison argued that, contrary to what Calhoun was saying, the Constitution was not just a compact between separately acting states.

Signer argues that Madison's support of "nullification" in 1798, "had been valid because the Alien and Sedition Acts were plainly unconstitutional and because Virginia - in opposing them - had explained precisely that basis… In attempting to nullify federal tariffs, South Carolina - on the other hand - was just as plainly arguing from self interest."

Madison died suddenly on June 28, 1836 at the age of 85. He was the last founding father to die It says much about his life that Signer could write a 320-page book and cover - for the most part - only the years 1776-1788. That he was able to overcome what appears to our 21st-century diagnosticians to be a debilitating anxiety/physical condition and emerge as one of the Founding Fathers is a testimonial to the power of his mind and his physical and emotional courage.

[John Ryan · Rating 2 out of 5]

We all hear the names of our founding fathers of our nation – Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry, many others. Often we forget many of these men were young, driven, and had their own personal agendas. Many didn’t get along with one another and used nasty political tactics to get what they want. Singer bring these jealous to life in this book that concentrate on James Madison’s early years before he was running for president. He highlighted the clash between Madison and Henry, taking sides with the focus of his book and painting Patrick Henry as a offensive individual who could never move from the days and maneuvers of a revolutionary.

One interesting portion of the book speaks to potential mental health issues that Madison had, preventing him from traveling overseas or serving in the armed services. The author analysis the facts and comes to conclusion that Madison probably had mental health issues that were debilitating. With the help of research and a doctor looking at the history, the author feels Madison had anxiety that took away the upcoming politicians ability to function and take risks. He also speaks to Madison’s earlier problems in securing a mate and his disappointment when he was dropped by one young lady he had planned to marry.

The book concentrates on the creation of the U.S. constitution and Madison’s ability to research, put forth ideas like the checks and balances, and fight to win votes to confirm his ideas and concepts that still shape our nation –for good and bad. Madison took the high ground, pushing for a stronger federal government and resisting those who wanted all the goods without the taxes or responsibilities – just like many today. He paid a price at times due to his more principle stands like resisting pouring drinks into male voters before they cast ballots, a tradition of the day.

It's too bad the author hurried through the fourth president’s decision to write his memoirs, skipping past his years in the White House. The author seemed to fall in love with his character, clearly giving Madison a cop out for when the leader evidently knew better than his actions. Most telling was when Madison bought into the South’s desire to get credit for enslaved people who had no right to vote or few other rights. The author also brings out that Madison was at least uncomfortable with slavery but used the horrifying system for his own benefit. More than once the author seemed to paint Madison in a good light even on this atrocious system. It makes one wonder what other issues were glossed over or possibly placed in a light greater than facts.

[Peter · Rating 3 out of 5]

The attorney Michael Signer’s book, Becoming Madison: The Extraordinary Origins of the Least Likely Founding Father was published in 2015. Signer was mayor of Charlottesville, Virginia, from January 2016 until January 2018. Signer deeply admires James Madison. This led to a very admiring portrait of Madison. This might lead Signer to underplay some of the more troubling aspects of James Madison’s life and legacy, such as James Madison’s relationship to enslaved people. The book is mostly focused on Madison's relationship with Patrick Henry. The book covers Madison’s life from his birth in March 1751 until February 1789 when Virginia ratified the United States Constitution. The book is also focused on how Madison developed as a person. The book is partly focused on how Madison used a debating argument based on a Method based on the Socratic Method. Signer writes that “what Madison wanted to avoid was the arrogant authority on which the Socratic Method depended, which so often ended in trickery. Socrates’s Method could not work without elevating the teacher and humiliating the student. A new Method, Madison realized that both parties threw on the same field, demanding an open contest between them could change history” (Signer 50). Signer’s book, Becoming Madison is an admiring view of the early life of James Madison.
Works Cited:
Goldstone, Lawrence. 2005. Dark Bargain: Slavery, Profits, and the Struggle for the Constitution. New York: Walker Books.
Public Broadcasting System Newshour. 2017, August 10. “A presidential estate shares the stories of its enslaved residents.” Public Broadcasting System Newshour. Video, 8:41 minutes. A presidential estate shares the stories of its enslaved residents - YouTube

[Carrie · Rating 4 out of 5]

Becoming Madison was a very timely read, given current politics. It was also a very thoughtful and engaging book. Michael Signer made the politics of the new republic very interesting and fast-paced. All through the section on the Virginia debates regarding the Constitution, I was nervous and on the edge of my seat, even though I knew how it turned out. Signer was able to capture the urgency of the creating and ratification of the Constitution. It was a very good examination of Madison’s early life, and how he developed such a rational way of thinking that created our Constitution. However, there were a few areas that needed some attention. In Chapter 14, Kitty, the 1937 discovery of a piece paper in a locket was not explained well enough, and I was left very confused. I don’t think it was relevant to the whole story, but since I could not discern its significance, I am not sure. In Chapter 15, A Remonstrance, James Monroe is discussed as though we had an introduction to his and Madison’s relationship, which we did not. There was no backstory. I was also not in favor of hearing the author’s and other’s speculations about Madison’s health. I don’t think this is a productive or useful line of inquiry because it will only ever be speculation. There were some grammatical errors that should have been caught by the editor, just some missed or incorrect words. The most glaring incorrect word was in Patrick Henry’s most famous speech, near the beginning of the book. Instead of “I know not what course others may take . . .“, it was printed “I know now what course others may take. . .”. This changes the meaning entirely. That should have been caught. All in all it was a very lively and informative work, and I am looking forward to reading more books by Signer.

[Lee · Rating 4 out of 5]

I am a big fan of Jack Rakove, and have little bit of a political crush on Madison, so I decided to listen to this book, without realizing that Singer is the mayor of Charlottesville at a time when Charlottesville hangs in the air.

The book is fascinating for its focus on Madison's youth. Singer argues that Madison's role as a founder and the father of the Constitution has been forgotten largely because he did not do a good enough job at self-promotion and because of the controversy surrounding his presidency. Singer cuts through this by not talking at all about his presidency and only discussing Madison's epic role in human history (he makes the argument that Madison changed human history, and it is convincing).

His weakest point is he is not a historian, and, in trying to flesh out the details of the story, he often speculates. This is particularly evident when he uses the phrase "must have." "Madison's stomach must have dropped." (p.64). "At once, he must have felt lighter." (p. 66). "But it must have been clear to all that..." (p. 77). The story Singer tells is powerful. He doesn't need to introduce speculation. When he decides to do so, it weakens his argument, though not enough to cripple the book.

Still, it is a great book. Even if he overplays his anti-Tea Party argument a little, the connection between the Tea Party and Patrick Henry, Madison's nemesis, is startling. The case must be even more so now, with Singer's striking take downs of President Trump.

[Eric · Rating 4 out of 5]

Clearly and concisely, Signer lays out Madison's lasting contributions to US (and human) history. Among them:
-the whys and hows of separating church and state while respecting faith
-the need for Statesmen who would place the public interest over private (and individual state) interests
-the necessity of a federal power to reign in those private/state interests. Madison used the word "coercion," a poor choice perhaps, but so be it
-the importance of "conscience" for both statesmen and supporters of democracy
-a "method" of approaching governance that relies on reason, ideas, controlling passions and "pushing the state to the highest version of itself"

Signer tells the key stories - the personal, political and momentous - with respect for his subject, balance, a keen grasp of their importance, and a feel for drama. In the end, "Becoming Madison" shows why he is considered the Father of the Constitution and the conscience of the Founding Fathers, if not one of the most colorful or, sadly, prominent, of them. It is also extraordinarily relevant, from reminding that John Witherspoon (a mentor from Princeton) warned democracy's were vulnerable to demagogues, to this early note from Madison to Jefferson:

"Congress from a defect of adequate Statemen" was "more likely to fall into wrong decisions and of less weight to enforce right ones."

[Brian · Rating 4 out of 5]

Required reading for anyone interested in how the United States became 'united'. Well constructed description of the
background, experiences, and precarious environment of one of the authors and first defenders of the US Constitution.

Quite frankly it is remarkable that the USA survived and due to the dedicated perseverance of visionaries like Madison, Washington and other contemporaries (many who did not become POTUS).

Their familiarity with the dark side of human nature i.e. the historical evils of demagoguery, religious fanaticism, and class-based power and prejudice were instrumental in deriving both the Constitution and Federalist Papers. (Note: Madison, from a Virginia farming family, unfortunately did not address slavery).

Personally, during this politically depressing and worrisome time in US history, this book was an encouragingly hopeful pause. Thank you Michael Singer.

[Mary Alderete · Rating 4 out of 5]

I enjoyed this book. I got into the dirty, exciting detail about the dramatic and catty politics among the important figures, such as Hamilton, Jefferson, Henry, Jay. Wonderful information. I wish that this part of history had been taught in high school. It's better than any talk show to learn about these fights.

My favorite part was when the author wrote about the use of logic in political debates. Madison was the ultimate introvert, but that didn't mean he was weak. He was the guy you didn't want to go against in a debate because he knew his stuff. I learned a lot about this president.

[Joann · Rating 4 out of 5]

It never ceases to amaze me that our Founding Fathers came together at the same time and shared a vision for our country. That amazement is further strengthened in reading this book about James Madison who nearly single handedly created our constitution. Here he was writing with quill and ink in freezing or suffocatingly hot rooms determined to share his visions which he was able to do in a compelling fashion, overcoming many obstacles. I knew virtually nothing about this man who was our fourth president, but have come away very impressed.

[Kaelen Kinnaman · Rating 5 out of 5]

Insightful and thorough investigation of Madisons young political life and philosophy. He's an inspiring figure. His role in designing and then establishing our constitutional democracy is an accomplishment that's a defining achievement of human civilization. What a guy, and what a book explaining that.

[Jeremy German · Rating 4 out of 5]

We could use a few more politicians like Madison and a lot less selfish, self-aggrandizing, weak examples we have not.

[Hoa · Rating 2 out of 5]

The author has a certain hatred for populist, and uses Madison as an example to promote some propaganda.

[Madlyn · Rating 3 out of 5]

It was hard finishing up this scandalous book.

[Bill · Rating 4 out of 5]

This is a well-written, insightful book with a tight focus on Madison's early years, positioning the Virginia Ratifying Convention as the climax of the story. So everything that came after - Madison's service as Secretary of State, as President, as Commander in Chief during the War of 1812, and his marriage to Dolley Madison - is summed up only briefly in the epilogue.

And yet this book gives a more well-rounded portrait of James Madison as a person and as a thinker than do many longer, full-scale biographies of him. Madison wasn't showy, and didn't actually do much else of note in his adult life outside of his political achievements. So it can be hard to read, or write, about him in a way that makes you feel that you've really gotten to know him.

But Signer succeeds in this regard, telling an engaging, detailed story of Madison's youth, his relationship with his family, his fragile health, his aimlessness after completing college, and his eventual discovery of his true calling as a leader and a statesman.

Signer's writing is perceptive and appropriately analytical. He ably describes scenes and propels the story forward in a way that makes this an easy and enjoyable read, but he also digs into the details of Madison's philosophy and what Signer calls Madison's "Method" of argument and persuasion.

In case you forget the nine points of Madison's "Method" as described in the introduction, don't worry, because Signer will remind you by repeating the nine points over and over and over again. He clearly wanted to emphasize the importance of this concept through repetition, but it does wear thin after a while. And, for me, the book actually started to drag at the very moment it should have reached its zenith - at the Virginia Ratifying Convention. What should have been a tense, dramatic, climactic clash between Madison and Patrick Henry, filled with tension and suspense, read more like a long series of academic point-counterpoints, argument-counterarguments told in exhaustive detail.

Those criticisms aside, this book is still a great introduction to Madison, or a great supplement if you've already read about him but still feel like you don't quite know him. The only shame is that Signer didn't attempt a full-scale biography - ending Madison's story with the ratification of the Constitution is kind of like ending George Washington's story with Cornwallis's surrender - it makes for a great high point on which to conclude, and serves Signer's purpose of focusing on "the years in which (Madison) did his most enduring work," but it does leave you wanting more. It seems unlikely, but if Signer were ever to expand this work into a full-scale biography, I'd eagerly read it.

[James Clinton Slusher · Rating 3 out of 5]

The author doesn't say so in so many words, and I'm not astute enough to know whether it was his intent or not, but it's next to impossible not to read Becoming Madison / The Extraordinary Origins of the Least Likely Founding Father as a reflection on the conflict between government and the equivalent of the modern-day Tea Party. Any reading of American political history quickly identifies the theme that has connected the epochs of our history from the very beginning - the battle between state sovereignty and federal authority.
In his early and mid career, as this book emphasizes, Madison was a hearty advocate for a strong federal role, recognizing that without it, the concept of a nation of the United States was doomed - with the impotent union under the Articles of Confederation as Exhibit A. Becoming Madison is not an intricate, paragraph-by-paraphrase description of the birth of the Constitution, thankfully. It is actually a more interesting examination of the psychology of Madison and Patrick Henry and the intellectual tug-of-war over public sentiment for a strong federal constitution.
The focus on Patrick Henry in this telling is particularly interesting because Henry so closely reflects much of the modern-day anti-federalist movement - deep-seated hatred of taxes, bombastic if sometimes eloquent rhetoric, shallow populism, refusal to surrender any point, a tendency to demonize those who disagree. Signer repeatedly shows how Madison refused to succumb to such tactics, particularly focusing his arguments on the issue not individuals and overcoming his adversaries simply by out-working and out-thinking them.
I'm sure there are deeper and more authoritative biographies of Madison available, but the pointed and consistent focus of this one makes it uniquely engaging and especially timely. Would that we had a Madison today to provide a more reasoned perspective in the face of the emotional current of anti-government outrage that runs through so much of contemporary conservative politics.
If you're interested, I go into all of these ideas in somewhat more detail and would be happy to discuss the book at my website http://jimslusher.com/2016/06/review-...

[Jim Gallen · Rating 4 out of 5]

“Becoming Madison” focuses on John Madison’s young life, primarily up to age 35. For an introduction to Madison personally, it deals with his education, his relationship with his father and his early romantic endeavors. Madison’s early political career lacked a measure of both desire on his part and success.

Much of the book deals with Madison’s efforts to bring about the Constitution. More than an introduction to Madison himself, this book provides an insight into Virginia politics of his youthful days. I was surprised to find that, despite his close association with Thomas Jefferson during much of his career, at this point Madison was more truly an ally of Alexander Hamilton with Jefferson being reluctant to agree to the strong national government that the Constitution provided. I was also intrigued to learn of the major role played by Patrick Henry in the Constitutional debate. The Virginia Convention called to consider ratification of the Constitution is depicted as a close contest in which Madison and Henry were the primary proponents for their respective positions. This book gave me a new perspective on the relationships among early founding fathers and whetted m appetite to read more, particularly about Hamilton and Henry. A book that can do that is a worthy read.

[Paul · Rating 3 out of 5]

This wasn't so bad, but also not amazing. It did seem to give me a better image of what Madison was like as a person (as opposed to a mythical figure) and what his personal struggles were. It was also interesting to learn about his struggles against Patrick Henry (about whom I knew nothing beyond the liberty and death speech before this book).

I didn't particularly care for the repetition of Madison's "method" in many places in the book, which was a harmless but irritating quirk. I also did get the impression that the author might have been trying to put the best possible spin on Madison's slave-holding (and even that doesn't leave Madison looking great on that front). I also found that it ended quite abruptly and at a point that didn't seem to be a natural stopping-off point in Madison's life. I probably would have preferred a longer book, but I can't fault a book about Madison's early years for not covering his later life.

[Alex Shrugged · Rating 3 out of 5]

"Becoming Madison" is a little different. Somewhat like Glenn Beck's Being George Washington, the author attempts to make Madison more personal and adding scenes that are probable but not necessarily as well documented as they seem in this book. In this case I think the author is judicious, but there is an ongoing theme, a sort of mantra that the author rattles off as if Madison is actually reciting it to himself. The first couple of times was OK, but it became tedious after that.

Thus, I was convinced the author was attempting to use Madison as a foil to promote his own agenda. The agenda is not terrible, and my only complaint is that the author didn't make this apparent from the beginning. Glenn Beck did. If the author had done so, the rest could have been forgiven. As it is, the sin is not terrible, as I say.

[J Henderson · Rating 3 out of 5]

Singer sets out to examine the early life of James Madison, the father of the U.S. Constitution. He does a good job of setting up Madison's early life, how he felt the most home while studying at Princeton, how he eventually became a statesman (all while battling severe anxiety attacks). The author does a great job of discussing Madison's involvement in writing some of the Federalist Papers (with Alexander Hamilton and John Jay), and culminating in the battle to spearhead the Constitution as part of the Virginia Ratifying Convention against Patrick Henry (yes, THAT Patrick Henry).

While the book is meant to explore his origins, it feels like there is so much more that is missing.
Very little time was spent on his time working on The Bill of Rights, his marriage to Dolly Madison, his time as Jefferson's Secretary of State, and Madison's Presidency. If you enter into the book knowing this, then you won't be disappointed.

[Kathe Coleman · Rating 4 out of 5]

Fourth president of the Us credited for writing much of the constitution. Frail and hampered by panic attacks that would keep bed ridden for weeks he still managed to be the driving force in the ratification of the constitution.

[Brett · Rating 2 out of 5]

My first biography of James Madison was highly disappointing. The writing style left a lot to be desired and flowed more like historical fiction. A lot of "he must have felt" and "he probably thought" type phrases by the author; trying to re-imagine Madison's thoughts, feelings, and emotions. I wish there were more extensive use of quotes from letters rather than relying on flowery fiction-type narratives. There were also a lot of parts that felt incomplete; sections where I wanted more information but it abruptly ended and went on to a new topic. The book is focused mainly on Madison's younger years with only the epilogue having information, albeit brief, on his presidency and marriage to Dolley. If you don't like history but want to read history, then this book is for you. If you really like history, then I'd skip it.

[Steve · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book about our fourth president, covers his life from his youth to the Virginia Ratification Convention in 1788, leaving off his time as a congressman, secretary of state, president, and husband to (the more famous today) Dolly Madison. Madison's contribution to the creation of the United States, through the creation of new forms of government, culminating in the US Constitution, is often overlooked because of the bad feelings left on his presidency due to the War of 1812, and his lack of desire to be the center of attention. Madison was a true statesman, not a politician, who relied on a method of controlling debate ("Madison's Method") and killing bad ideas that threatened the emerging nation. Well researched with an easy writing style, this book captured the early life of one of the least known founding fathers.

[David Golden · Rating 4 out of 5]

Unexpectedly human look at a major historical figure

I learned more about Madison in the opening pages of this book than I ever did in years of school and university. Which is sort of the point of the book. Madison is easily the last well known and least appreciated Founding Father.

I liked best how the intricate historical details and psychological examination of Madison's early life made him both ordinary and extraordinary at the same time. While clearly driven in a way few of his generation were, Madison was still a ordinary person, with the same flaws, insecurities and vanities as anyone.

By covering less of Madison's life, Signer paints a much richer picture of Madison than one typically gets from an ordinary biography.

[Kristen · Rating 3 out of 5]

In this detailed account of Madison's life before he became president, Signer paints a portrait of the brilliant, disciplined, yet often insecure and hypochondriacal, Founding Father. The sections on Madison's youth and the Virginia conventions to ratify the Constitution are especially strong.

Unfortunately, the book veers into a dramatic style more appropriate for a novel, purporting to know what Madison saw, felt, smelled, and heard without any documentary support for these projections. While it makes for interesting reading, this tendency weakens the book. A stronger editorial hand would have helped.

[Mysteryfan · Rating 3 out of 5]

This book covers Madison’s early years and his influences. It’s written in a lighter style than Madison’s Gift. John Witherspoon was his professor at what later became Princeton and had a very strong influence in forming Madison’s thoughts. Patrick Henry was a major antagonist for much of Madison’s early career. Their disagreements culminated at the Virginia Convention to ratify the Constitution. I had no idea Henry opposed it so strongly. Much of the book focuses on what Signer calls Madison’s Method for overcoming opposition. Madison didn’t have much charisma but he was organized and went to trouble to learn his subjects thoroughly. It’s an interesting read.

[Darren · Rating 3 out of 5]

Pretty decent look at the early part of Madison's life up through ratification of the Constitution. My most notable complaint is that the author spends significant time with background and life story details on tangential figures that impacted Madison's life. Much of this background was irrelevant to the story at hand and took away from focusing on Madison. By the end of the book, the reader has been given about three or four detailed biographical accounts and for me, the details get jumbled together and it becomes difficult to remember which details belonged to which historical figure in the book.