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Securing Space: A Plan for US Action
When the Soviet Union launched the Sputnik I satellite into space in 1957, the world changed. Not only was a domain once thought to be
unexplorable suddenly within reach, but that “Sputnik moment”—a realization the United States was at risk of losing its edge to an adversary in a strategic environment—catalyzed a commitment from the president to embrace space as a national priority. In a speech at Rice University, President John F. Kennedy declared that the United States would “choose to go to the moon in this decade.” As a result of the prioritization of this objective, we did, and we took the steps necessary as a country to ensure the United States would be the world’s leading space power.
During the height of the space race and the years that followed, activities in space were largely limited to a handful of governments, at
times acting in tandem with one another. That is no longer the case. Indeed, the number of actors in space has grown to more than ninety
countries with nonstate actors, namely private companies, accelerating innovation and opening the door for more governments to launch their assets into space, including constellations of satellites. To address the changing nature of space, the Council on Foreign Relations convened a
Task Force on Space Management Policy.
The international organizations and treaties currently governing space were not designed with the proliferation of actors and the rapid rise in space traffic in mind. As the international system exists currently, there is no single multilateral body capable of managing space traffic on
its own. The Task Force finds the boom in satellites and debris in low Earth orbit (LEO) especially concerning, as space becomes more and more crowded. Just since 2018, satellites in LEO have doubled, while space debris greater than 10 cm in diameter has topped more than 40,000 items.
Left unaddressed, this reality risks collisions between the space assets of China, Russia, the United States, and others becoming all the more likely. At the same time, China and Russia show interest in expanding their anti-satellite capabilities, which if used would threaten U.S. security and economic interests—and dramatically increase the potential amount of debris, further accelerating the risks and, without mitigation, potentially rendering space unusable by all. If the United States fails to adequately reshape its approach to space, it risks abdicating its position as the world’s leading space power. A new presidential administration and a new Congress, however, present an opportunity for the United States to reaffirm its commitment to leading in space, and the rapidly changing nature of space—which will only accelerate further—makes the challenge all the more pressing.
Thus, the Task Force proposes a response based on seven principles: making space a top national priority; revitalizing American international leadership; fixing the vulnerability of space assets and enhancing deterrence; sharpening policy on China while also seeking
strategic engagement on hotline issues; building on existing international regimes to improve space traffic management; incorporating the commercial sector and other relevant nonstate actors; and treating space as a global commons.
This report offers a pragmatic prescription on how the United States should best confront the changing nature of space, and I commend the
Task Force members for their commitment to forging a way forward for enhanced U.S. leadership and better international coordination in space. I thank the co-chairs, retired Lieutenant General Nina Armagno of the U.S. Space Force and former Congresswoman Jane Harman, for their leadership. I also thank CFR’s Esther Brimmer, who directed the Task Force and authored the report, and Anya Schmemann, who shepherded the process.
unexplorable suddenly within reach, but that “Sputnik moment”—a realization the United States was at risk of losing its edge to an adversary in a strategic environment—catalyzed a commitment from the president to embrace space as a national priority. In a speech at Rice University, President John F. Kennedy declared that the United States would “choose to go to the moon in this decade.” As a result of the prioritization of this objective, we did, and we took the steps necessary as a country to ensure the United States would be the world’s leading space power.
During the height of the space race and the years that followed, activities in space were largely limited to a handful of governments, at
times acting in tandem with one another. That is no longer the case. Indeed, the number of actors in space has grown to more than ninety
countries with nonstate actors, namely private companies, accelerating innovation and opening the door for more governments to launch their assets into space, including constellations of satellites. To address the changing nature of space, the Council on Foreign Relations convened a
Task Force on Space Management Policy.
The international organizations and treaties currently governing space were not designed with the proliferation of actors and the rapid rise in space traffic in mind. As the international system exists currently, there is no single multilateral body capable of managing space traffic on
its own. The Task Force finds the boom in satellites and debris in low Earth orbit (LEO) especially concerning, as space becomes more and more crowded. Just since 2018, satellites in LEO have doubled, while space debris greater than 10 cm in diameter has topped more than 40,000 items.
Left unaddressed, this reality risks collisions between the space assets of China, Russia, the United States, and others becoming all the more likely. At the same time, China and Russia show interest in expanding their anti-satellite capabilities, which if used would threaten U.S. security and economic interests—and dramatically increase the potential amount of debris, further accelerating the risks and, without mitigation, potentially rendering space unusable by all. If the United States fails to adequately reshape its approach to space, it risks abdicating its position as the world’s leading space power. A new presidential administration and a new Congress, however, present an opportunity for the United States to reaffirm its commitment to leading in space, and the rapidly changing nature of space—which will only accelerate further—makes the challenge all the more pressing.
Thus, the Task Force proposes a response based on seven principles: making space a top national priority; revitalizing American international leadership; fixing the vulnerability of space assets and enhancing deterrence; sharpening policy on China while also seeking
strategic engagement on hotline issues; building on existing international regimes to improve space traffic management; incorporating the commercial sector and other relevant nonstate actors; and treating space as a global commons.
This report offers a pragmatic prescription on how the United States should best confront the changing nature of space, and I commend the
Task Force members for their commitment to forging a way forward for enhanced U.S. leadership and better international coordination in space. I thank the co-chairs, retired Lieutenant General Nina Armagno of the U.S. Space Force and former Congresswoman Jane Harman, for their leadership. I also thank CFR’s Esther Brimmer, who directed the Task Force and authored the report, and Anya Schmemann, who shepherded the process.
84 pages, ebook
Published February 10, 2025
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