I’ve been a longtime fan of Philippa Gregory’s fictional work, so I picked up Normal Women with high hopes. Unfortunately, this book has been a disappointment. It’s scattered, unfocused, and riddled with attempts to twist historical narratives to fit a modern social agenda. This is not the kind of work I expected from an author I once respected. I was looking forward to reading a history book about women that made history come alive. An engaging narrative about normal life throughout each century- in a way that leapt off the page and pulled me in, like her novels. Instead we got this dry, haranguing book of dates and anecdotes that reads like a textbook but without the narrative cohesion of historical events to hold it together.
One of the book’s glaring issues is its misrepresentation of historical context. Gregory repeatedly forces modern ideologies into her interpretation of history. For example, she twists the biblical context of womanhood to fit her narrative—going so far as to suggest that Galatians 3:28 is evidence of St. Paul advocating for a gender-free, non-binary worldview. Particularly on the medieval understanding “that a woman could turn into a man… and both Greek philosophers and church fathers agreed that would be an improvement…” She also cites The Gospel of Thomas, ( supposedly in regard to Jesus talking about women being able to turn into men) referring to it as “apocryphal,” which is technically correct but misleading given its status as a well-known Gnostic forgery from the 2nd century. These distortions make me seriously question the accuracy of the source material she uses, particularly on topics I’m less familiar with.
Another effort to bend the historical record to fit a modern day agenda appears in the next chapter- talking about women in trades or businesses, specifically following the disruption of the feudal system caused by abrupt and dramatic shift in population due to the Black Plague. Gregory writes, “The city exerted itself to create opportunities for dynamic businesswomen, some of whom were women of color. An excavation of a burial pit for 634 victims of The Great Pestilence found that 29 percent of those buried had non-white DNA. Four women had African ancestry and other bodies were of Asian ancestry. One woman had both African and Asian heritage: analysis of her teeth and bones suggest she had been born and raised in pre-plague medieval England…” This anecdote is actually unrelated to the point Gregory seems to be trying to make- that women of color were part of the cohort of dynamic businesswomen following the Black Plague.
First of all the claim “29 percent of those buried had non-white DNA…” is purposefully vague, both in the language “non-white” and the lack of specificity in how much of the exhumed DNA could be traced to another country or region of origin. This is implying a diversity in Medieval England that is spurious at best given that global travel was out of reach for the majority of the population and people’s migration patterns reflect that reality. Given that war, conquest and trade would have all been relevant factors at the time- the mere presence of DNA does not prove a modern day diversity initiative in the Medieval world. Secondly, if the author is attempting to claim that native “women of color” (meaning not foreign wives of traders for example) had equal opportunity in business- FOLLOWING the disruption in social structure due to the Black Plague. Her description of the presence of DNA found in burial pits of VICTIMS of the Black Plague does NOT back up that claim and is anecdotal at BEST leading the reader to conclude based purely on the assumption that since “women of color” were present (theoretically) then they must also have successfully benefited from the social opportunities of the time. There is no evidence for this cited.
Gregory’s insistence on projecting modern understandings of gender and sexuality onto the past is another major problem. There is a concerted effort by the author to imply that same sex relationships between women and even marriages were common place and open in medieval England, but the again her evidence for this is vague and open to interpretation. While I have no doubt that a very very small percentage of women may have been same sex attracted- as is human nature, the idea that this was commonplace and openly accepted by society in a relatively small, heavily agricultural, primarily subsistence society is ridiculous. Viewing history through a modern lens and imposing modern day social issues onto them is to completely lack any historical context or understanding- just because women do not have deep, loving and lasting friendships or appreciation for each other, as communities have disintegrated does not mean that all records of these relationships throughout time reflect same sex attraction, let alone marriage.
She also infers there were men who lived and dressed as women openly, however the two cases she cites are both court trials and both men convicted of masquerading or acting as prostitutes. Not an example of commonly accepted behavior, this does however add credence to the argument that cross dressing men with sexual fetishes have always existed, which I don’t think anyone was arguing against.
Her portrayal of significant historical events is equally problematic. The author seems to imply that the American revolution started because of greed and class struggle (a gross misunderstanding of the basics). She writes “But attitudes seem to have hardened throughout the 1700s and magistrates came to side more and more with the profiteers. Radical thinking- which would go on to inspire violent revolution in France and then in America- originated in England where anger about greed became widespread and the greedy elite increasingly anxious…” Which also seems to imply the American Revolution FOLLOWED the French Revolution which is obviously not the case. The differences between the American and French Revolutions could not be more striking and while greed vs. class struggle could perhaps on a very rudimentary level, characterize the later French Revolution it had very little at all to do with the American Declaration of Independence from Britain. This is a glaring chronological error and an oversimplification that ignores the American Revolution’s deeper roots in liberty and governance.
Perhaps most frustrating is Gregory’s assertion that the concept of two distinct sexes is a modern invention. She writes, “Two sexes, completely opposite, were never a genuine observation supported by all the other evidence, but an intellectual fashion in all modernising European thought; invented to explain and justify sexual inequality.” This baseless claim disregards centuries of biological and anthropological evidence and serves only to bolster her ideological agenda.
Finally, the author admits that in Victorian England “Sexual intimacy between women was not widely known outside of sophisticated circles…” and that many descriptions of women loving women were merely “revered sentimental female friendships.” At last, some acknowledgment—but it hardly redeems the overall narrative.
Rather than delivering a book about “normal women” living amidst history, Normal Women reads like a feminist manifesto laced with leftist talking points—including issues of LGBT identity, feminism, and race. Gregory consistently derails her narrative with these themes, devoting disproportionate attention to LGBT topics in every chapter. If I had wanted to read a book on the history of LGBT issues in England, I would have picked one up. Instead, this book masquerades as a broader history of women while delivering a hyper-focused, agenda-driven diatribe.
Gregory’s stance on other topics is equally problematic. She equates marriage to slavery—a comparison so absurd that even she acknowledges its ridiculousness when quoting a women’s rights organizer who made the same claim. Her coverage of abortion is full of unsubstantiated assertions, such as the claim that 15% of maternal deaths in the 1940s were due to illegal abortions—a number that seems heavily inflated and unsupported by evidence.
The author sneers at women in power such as Queen Elizabeth II and Margaret Thatcher likening the task of running a country to running a home, and takes issue with the notion that women’s skills in politics are deft organization and able management (even though she documented this in her coverage of history in the Middle Ages). The fact that both women were able to showcase family and domestic life alongside their lives in politics is distasteful to her, and she remarks that Margaret Thatchers 1976 speech highlighting her feminine softness and her feminine authority “I stand before you tonight in my green chiffon evening gown, my face softly made up, my fair hair gently waved. The Iron Lady of the Western World? Me? A cold war warrior? Well, yes- if that is how they choose to interpret my defense of values and freedoms fundamental to our way of life…” as making her “queasy”. The typical feminist double standard, shrieking for women to be in power and then being degrading and disrespectful still more when they are, but not repeating the Marxist feminist lines.
We get claims from the author that new technology like the gas stove made women’s lives harder because it raised expectations of housework. She also mentions the rise of child psychology and somehow ropes in the idea that firm discipline and sleep training was introduced as a mechanism to train children from birth to be good workers.
She is disgusted at the idea that housewives and mothers have anything to contribute to a functional society implying that women who choose to do so- and do so well, are subjugated by men. She takes issue with research on attachment theory, and the idea that mothers and children have an innate attachment to each other- although she seems to have no issue at all throughout the book accepting the quack “science” behind theories for transgenderism.
She even dedicates a section to defending “transgender women” in prisons, including those with intact male genitalia, claiming they face greater risks in male prisons and downplaying the dangers they pose to female inmates. She claims that risk of rape in prison is not higher for the female prisoners housed with them and that they are in danger in men’s prisons. She writes, “Incidents of self harm are a far more frequent occurrence than any relating to transgender people in prisons and are a far greater danger to women. But it is of less interest to people who like a moral panic about women” This erases anything and everything she was trying to claim about the system not listening to rape and assault victims through the ages, and is not in fact a women’s issue, at all. People suffering from gender dysphoria, males choosing to identify as the opposite sex are not in fact- women. Giving them and their rights, especially in a discussion about prison (an area of limited “rights” by its penal nature) takes away from the argument she has been making about women, their place in society and the ills done to them through the centuries. This completely undermines her earlier arguments about the system’s failure to protect women from violence and effectively erases the very women she claims to champion. The author also quotes the statistics that a higher percentage of incarcerated prisoners tend to be from non-white backgrounds, not taking into account the percentage of crimes committed by those demographics, which at this point should be expected, given the tone of the book but is still disappointing.
Gregory also makes dubious claims about modern events. For instance, she notes that “the 1950s also saw increased immigration from India and Pakistan and attacks, verbal and physical, on people of color, expressing an imaginary belief in white superiority, which continues to this day.” However, while she uses the 1950s as a springboard, she quickly shifts to modern-day Britain to claim that ordinary citizens are “expressing belief in white superiority.” I find it incredibly difficult to believe that anyone in modern Britain holds such views—and she fails to mention the crimes and attacks on white citizens committed by members of the same immigrant groups. Notably, she completely ignores the recent child rape scandal involving a ring of Pakistani men on young girls and the numerous stabbings, attacks and unrest caused by radicalized Muslims and minorities, often from African or Middle Eastern backgrounds, admitted to Britain on asylum. This selective outrage and omission reveal a lack of objectivity in her analysis.
Her discussion of abortion further descends into wild, unfounded claims. Gregory asserts that anti-abortion activists are divided into two groups: those who want to support mothers and those who want “there to be more white babies.” While I can’t speak with authority on British statistics, I know that in America a large percentage of those seeking or obtaining abortions are from non-white demographics. If abortion were made illegal, it would likely result in more births among minorities—a fact that is not even noted or considered by the pro-life side as life is life, regardless of race. Furthermore, abortion in the 20th century was popularized and spread by eugenicists intent on ensuring that minority women did not procreate—a reality that Gregory either ignores or chooses to spout as complete absurdity.
Her treatment of religion is equally troubling. Gregory complains that while Pope Pius XII ruled that Mary went directly to Heaven upon her death, “it made no difference to other Christian churches, including the Church of England, where there were no figures of women to equal God the Father, God the Son or God the Holy Ghost…” This statement is gross and sacrilegious, revealing a clear lack of respect and understanding for Christian theology. She also takes huge issue with the fact that women were, for a long time, not allowed to be vicars in the Church of England. When challenged with the argument that if Jesus wanted a woman apostle, he would have called one, her response is a dumb rejoinder—“he called mostly fishermen so clearly he wanted mostly fishermen.” She further notes that many prior (i.e., pagan) religions employed priestesses, asking why all monotheistic religions practice exclusively with men. Not because God is the one true God and a God of order, but because it’s clearly just sexism, according to her. This oversimplification of centuries of theological debate is as naive as it is insulting.
Finally, the entire afterword of Normal Women turns into a harangue on the virtues of transgender and non-binary identities. Gregory asserts that “gender and sexuality are a spectrum” and that “strength comes from physique and training—for all sexes.” She writes against women who don’t want to share restrooms and locker rooms with males “identifying as women,” claiming that everyone’s safety is more at risk from “badly behaved men, falsely proud of their maleness and the privilege they think it confers on them…” It’s absolutely wild for a book that purports to champion the cause of women to so forcefully promote the rights of cross-dressing men over actual biological women.
Ultimately, Normal Women fails to live up to its premise. Instead of providing a coherent, well-researched account of women’s lives through history, Gregory has created a soapbox for her ideological beliefs. The book is riddled with inaccuracies, misrepresentations, and contradictions, making it a frustrating read for anyone seeking a balanced perspective.
If you’re looking for an honest exploration of women’s history, this is not the book for you.