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Publisher: New York, Coward-McCann, inc Publication date: 1932
Subjects: Capitalism United States
Socialism
Communism United States
United States Economic conditions 1918-1945
Notes: This is an OCR reprint. There may be numerous typos or missing text. There are no illustrations or indexes.
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343 pages, Hardcover
First published January 2, 1932
But not all of the conspirators' [meaning Foster and his fellow communists] working hours are devoted directly to revolution. Many of those hours are expended upon subversion of other sorts. ...They include: agitating for the release of "political prisoners"; demonstrating against "imperialist war"; taking control of various non-political disagreements and turning them into "broad class struggles" having a "political character"; defending the Soviet Union, Red China, and other Communist countries; demanding more and more unemployment insurance; fomenting racial trouble [specifically aiding African-Americans in their fight against "the man"]; pushing for higher taxes on the wealthy; insisting upon shorter working hours with pay for a full day's work; pressing for rent reduction; claiming the right for people on relief to operate the relief agency that is supporting them; urging steadily increasing trade with the USSR; calling for larger relief payments; trying to force the withdrawal of American armed forces from areas of Communist aggression; proposing old-age benefits from the Government; clamoring for cash payments to farmers; ordering dock workers and longshoremen not to handle military shipments; proclaiming solidarity with the "masses in Latin-America in their fight against American imperialism"; opposing the deportation of foreign-born agitators and law violators; struggling to oust Conservatives from all positions of leadership; making "special demands" for women in industry, in order to obligate working women to the Communist Party; organizing students in Young Communist groups; resisting the finger-printing of foreign-born workers; forming "mass organizations" (Communist fronts) as needed; combating injunctions and court decisions by "a policy of mass violation"; carrying on agitation for "rights of free speech, free assembly"; working inside labor unions to split labor from management; striving to elect pro-Communist candidates to public office; creating Communist cells in mines, mills, factories, and other locations; maintaining an extensive party press; and ranting for the right of US Negroes to set up their own nation in the South's "Black Belt."I presume more eloquent men that Ries and Walter could have done a better job of counteracting William Z. Foster's call for Soviet Revolution in the US, and made slightly smaller asses of themselves. But their jingoism and un-American opinions aside, there was one area of discussion in Toward Soviet America that was well researched, well thought out, and thoroughly convincing: when William Z. Foster was talking about what was wrong with Capitalism and how its influence would destroy American from the Thirties into the future, he was spot on. His criticism is as relevant today as it must have been on the verge of the Great Depression, with the First World War still a fresh wound and the Second World War looking large. Much of what he says could be stripped of its Communist bent and replanted in Occupy pamphlet or an Anonymous manifesto, and the evidence is staying fresh and renewing itself all the time.