One of modern history’s great thinkers takes on prejudice, superstition, and conventional wisdom, using wit and insight to argue for a rational way of life. In a brilliant series of essays, Bertrand Russell uses challenging skepticism and sharp humor to attack the obstacles to building a society based on reason. Russell’s thoughts are as lively and pertinent today as when they were written. His topics range from the defects of the education system to the failure of the belief among the younger generation, from our mistaken concepts of democracy to the ever-present threat to freedom throughout the world—even in the West which prides itself so much on being free.
Bertrand Arthur William Russell, 3rd Earl Russell, OM, FRS, was a Welsh philosopher, historian, logician, mathematician, advocate for social reform, pacifist, and prominent rationalist. Although he was usually regarded as English, as he spent the majority of his life in England, he was born in Wales, where he also died.
He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1950 "in recognition of his varied and significant writings in which he champions humanitarian ideals and freedom of thought."
"Most men thing that in framing their political opinions they are actuated by desire for the public good; but nine times out of ten a man's politics can be predicted from the way in which he makes his living." -p.14 (Can Men Be Rational?)
"Rationality in practice may be defined as the habit of remembering all our relevant desires, and not only the one which happens at the moment to be strongest. Like rationality in opinion, it is a matter of degree. Complete rationality is no doubt an unattainable ideal, but so long as we continue to classify some men as lunatics it is clear that we thing some men more rational than others. I believe that all solid progress in the world consists of an increase in rationality, both practical and theoretical. To preach an altruistic morality appears to me somewhat useless, because it will appeal only to those who already have altruistic desires. But to preach rationality is somewhat different, since rationality helps us to realize our own desires on the whole, whatever they may be. A man is rational in proportion as his intelligence informs and controls his desires. I believe that the control of our acts by our intelligence is ultimately what is of most importance, and what alone will make social life remain possible as science increases the means at our disposal for injuring each other. Education, the press, politics, religion—in a word, all the great forces of the world—are at present on the side of irrationality; they are in the hands of men who flatter King Demos in order to lead him astray. The remedy does not lie in anything heroically cataclysmic, but in the efforts of individuals towards a more sane and balance view of our relations to our neighbours and to the world. It is to intelligence, increasingly widespread, that we must look for the solution of the ills from which our world is suffering." -p.16 (Can Men Be Rational?)
"The opinions that are held with passion are always those for which no good ground exist; indeed the passion is the measure of the holder's lack of rational conviction." -p.40 (On the Value of Scepticism)
"It seems that sin is geographical. From this conclusion, it is only a small step to the further conclusion that the notion of 'sin' is illusory, and that the cruelty habitually practised in punishing it is unnecessary. It is just this conclusion which is so unwelcome to many minds, since the infliction of cruelty with a good conscience is a delight to moralists. That is why they invented Hell." -p.42 (On the Value of Scepticism)
"But there is, especially in English-speaking countries, a converse process which may be called 'irrationalizing.' A shrewd man will sum up, more or less subconsciously, the pros and cons of a question from a selfish point of view. Having come to a sound egoistic decision by the help of the unconscious, a man proceeds to invent, or adopt from others, a se of high-sounding phrases showing how he is pursuing the public good at immense personal sacrifice." -p.46 (On the Value of Scepticism)
"Respectability, regularity, and routine—the whole cast-iron discipline of a modern industrial society—have atrophied the artistic impulse, and imprisoned love so that it can no longer be generous and free and creative, but must be either stuffy or furtive. Control has been applied to the very things which should be free, while envy, cruelty, and hate sprawl at large with the blessing of nearly the whole bench of Bishops. Our instinctive apparatus consists of two parts—the one tending to further our own life and that of our descendants, the other tending to thwart the lives of supposed rivals. The first includes the joy of life, and love, and art, which is psychologically an offshoot of love. The second includes competition, patriotism, and war. Conventional morality does everything to suppress the first and encourage the second. True morality would do the exact opposite. Our dealings with those whom we love may be safely left to instinct; it is our dealings with those whom we hate that ought to be brought under the dominion of reason. In the modern world, those whom we effectively hate are distant groups, especially foreign nations. We conceive them abstractly, and deceive ourselves into the belief that acts which are really embodiments of hatred are done from love of justice or some such lofty motive. Only a large measure of scepticism can tear away the veils which hide this truth from us. having achieved that, we could begin to build a new morality, not based on envy and restriction, but on the wish for a full life and the realization that other human beings are a help and not a hindrance when once the madness of envy has been cured. This is not a Utopian hope; it was partially realized in Elizabethan England. It could be realized tomorrow if men would learn to pursue their own happiness rather than the misery of others. This is no impossibly austere morality, yet its adoption would turn our earth into a paradise." -p.50 (On the Value of Scepticism)
"The two things most universally desired are power and admiration. Ignorant men can, as a rule, only achieve either by brutal means, involving the acquisitions of physical mastery. Culture gives a man less harmful forms of power and more deserving ways of making himself admired." -p.77 ("Useless" Knowledge)
"Perhaps the most important advantage of 'useless' knowledge is that it promotes a contemplative habit of mind. There is in the world much too much readiness, not only for action without adequate previous reflection, but also for some sort of action on occasions on which wisdom would counsel inaction.[...] For my part, I think action is best when it emerges from a profound apprehension of the universe and human destiny, not from some wildly passionate impulse of romantic but disproportioned self-assertion. A habit of finding pleasure in thought rather than in action is a safeguard against unwisdom and excessive love of power, a means of preserving serenity in misfortune and peace of mind among worries." -p.77 ("Useless" Knowledge)
"The antidote, in so far as it is matter of individual psychology, is to be found in history, biology, astronomy, and all those studies which, without destroying self-respect, enable the individual to see himself in his proper perspective. What is needed is not this or that specific piece of information, but such knowledge as inspires a conception of the ends of human life as a whole: art and history, acquaintance with the lives of heroic individuals, and some understanding of the strangely accidental and ephemeral position of man in the cosmos—all this touched with an emotion of pride in what is distinctively human, the power to see and to know, to feel magnanimously and to think with understanding. It is from large perceptions combined with impersonal emotion that wisdom most readily springs." -p.80 ("Useless" Knowledge)
"I think that what we mean in practice by reason can be defined by three characteristics. In the first place, it relies upon persuasion rather than force; in the second place, it seeks to persuade by means of argument which the man who uses them believes to be completely valid; and in the third place, in forming opinions, it uses observation and induction as much as possible and intuition as little as possible." -p.89 (The Ancestry of Fascism)
"The founders of the school of thought out of which Fascism has grown all have certain common characteristics. They seek the good in will rather than in feeling or cognition; they value power more than happiness; they prefer force to argument, war to peace, aristocracy to democracy, propaganda to scientific impartiality. They advocate a Spartan form of austerity, as opposed to the Christian form; that is to say, they view austerity as a means of obtaining mastery over others, not as a self-discipline which helps to produce virtue, and happiness only in the next world. The later ones among them are imbued with popular Darwinism, and regard the struggle of existence as the source of a higher species; but it is to be rather a struggle between races than one between individuals, such as the apostles of free competition advocated. Pleasure and knowledge, conceived as ends, appear to them unduly passive. For pleasure they substitute glory, and for knowledge, the pragmatic assertion that what they desire is true." -p.92 (The Ancestry of Fascism)
"The whole movement, from Fichte onwards, is a method of bolstering up self-esteem and lust for power by means of beliefs which have nothing in their favor except that they are flattering. Fichte needed a doctrine which would make him feel superior to Napoleon; Carlyle and Nietzsche had infirmities for which they sought compensation in a world of imagination; British imperialism of Rudyard Kipling's epoch was due to shame at having lost industrial supremacy; and the Hitlerite madness of our time is a mantle of myth which the German ego keeps itself warm against cold blasts of Versailles. No man thinks sanely when his self-esteem has suffered a mortal wound, and those who deliberately humiliate a nation have only themselves to thank if it becomes a nation of lunatics." -p.98 (The Ancestry of Fascism)
A short collection of essays on education, politics, science, culture, and philosophy. Russell’s writing is superbly clear and simple, often insightful, always non-conformist, and on many points - prescient.
TWELVE ESSAYS BY THE FAMED PHILOSOPHER ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS
Bertrand Arthur William Russell (1872-1970) was an influential British philosopher, logician, mathematician, and political activist. In 1950, he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, in recognition of his many books.
He wrote in the essay, “Can Men Be Rational?”: “It is found that many of the delusions of lunatics result from instinctive obstructions, and can be cured by purely mental means---i.e. by making the patient bring to mind facts of which he had repressed the memory. This kind of treatment, and the outlook which inspires it, pre-suppose an ideal of sanity, from which the patient has departed, and to which he is to be brought back by making him conscious of all the relevant facts, including those he most wishes to forget. This is the exact opposite of that lazy acquiescence in irrationality which is sometimes urged by those who only know that psychoanalysis has shown the prevalence of irrational beliefs, and who forget or ignore that its purpose is to diminish this prevalence by a definite method of medical treatment. A closely similar method can cure the irrationalities of those who are not recognized lunatics, provided they will submit to treatment by a practitioner free from their delusions. Presidents, Cabinet Ministers, and Eminent Persons, however, seldom fulfill this condition, and therefore remain uncured.” (Pg. 13)
He continues, “I believe that all solid progress in the world consists of an increase in rationality, both practical and theoretical. To preach an altruistic morality appears to me somewhat useless, because it will appeal only to those who already have altruistic desires. But to preach rationality is somewhat different, since rationality helps us to realize our own desires on the whole, whatever they may be.”(Pg. 16)
In “Free Thought and Official Propaganda,” he points out, “In England, under the Blasphemy Laws, it is illegal to express disbelief in the Christian religion, though in practice the law is not set in motion against the well-to-do. It is also illegal to teach what Christ taught on the subject of non-resistance. Therefore, whoever wishes to avoid becoming a criminal must profess to agree with Christ’s teaching, but must avoid saying what that teaching was.” (Pg. 18)
He notes that under New York law, “the teacher who ‘does not approve of the present social system… must surrender his office’… Thus, according to the law of the State of New York, Christ and George Washington were too degraded morally to be fit for the education of the young. If Christ were… to say, ‘Suffer the little children to come unto me,’ the President of the New York School Board would reply, ‘Sir, I see no evidence that you are eager to combat theories of social change. Indeed, I have heard it said that you advocate what you call the ‘kingdom of heaven,’ whereas this country, thank God, is a republic… therefore no children will be allowed access to you.’” (Pg. 26)
He concludes this essay, “If I am asked how the world is to be induced to adopt these two maxims---namely (1) that jobs should be given to people on account of their fitness to perform them; (2) that one aim of education should be to cure people of the habit of believing propositions for which there is no evidence---I can only say that it must be done by generating an enlightened public opinion… [and] by the efforts of those who desire that it should exist.” (Pg. 36)
In “On the Value of Scepticism,” he says, “The ordinary methods of education have practically no effect upon the unconscious, so that shrewdness cannot be taught by our present technique. Morality, also, except where it exists by mere habit, seems incapable of being taught by present methods; at any rate, I have never noticed any beneficent effect upon those who are exposed to frequent exhortation. Therefore on our present lines any deliberate improvement must be brought about by intellectual means.” (Pg. 48)
In “On Youthful Cynicism,” he asserts, “Even [religious] believers are concerned much more with the effects of religion in this world than with that other world that they profess to believe in; they are not nearly so sure that this world was created for the glory of God as they are that God is a useful hypothesis for improving this world. By subordinating God to the needs of sublunary life, they cast suspicion upon the genuineness of their faith. They seem to think that God, like the Sabbath, was made for man.” (Pg. 53)
He argues in “The Ancestry of Fascism,” that “Kant was determined to believe in causality, God, immortality, the moral law, and so on, but perceived that Hume’s philosophy made all this difficult. He therefore invented a distinction between ‘pure’ reason and ‘practical’ reason… It is, of course, obvious that ‘pure’ reason was simply reason, while ‘practical’ reason was prejudice. Thus Kant brought back into philosophy the appeal to something recognized as outside the sphere of theoretical rationality, which had been banished from the schools ever since the rise of scholasticism.” (Pg. 88-89)
These essays are perhaps a bit more “dated” than some other collections of Russell’s essays, but his brilliant mind and clear writing style are always a refreshing read.
"I do not wish to minimize the importance of free thought in the this sense. I am myself a dissenter from all known religions, and I hope that every kind of religious belief will die out. I do not believe that, on the balance, religious belief has been a force for good. Although I am prepared to admit that in certain times and places it has had some good effects, I regard it as belonging to the infancy of human reason, and to a stage of development which we are now outgrowing." [17:]
"knowledge, everywhere, is coming to be regarded not as a good in itself, or as a means of creating a broad and humane outlook on like in general, but as merely an ingredient in technical skill. This is part of the greater integration of society which has been brought about by scientific technique and military necessity. There is more economic and political interdependence than there was in former times, and therefore there is more social pressure to compel a man to live in a way that his neighbors think useful...we have not leisure of mind, therefore, to acquire any knowledge except as such as will help us in the fight for whatever it may happen to be that we think important...education should have aims other than direct utility, without defending the traditional...It has been too readily assumed that, when a man has acquired certain capacities by means of knowledge, he will use them in ways that are socially beneficial. The narrowly utilitarian conception of education ignores the necessity of training a man's purposes as well as his skill." [72-76:]
"Curious learning not only makes unpleasant things less unpleasant, but also makes pleasant things more pleasant." [78:]
"The founders of the school of thought out of which Fascism has grown all have certain common characterisities. They seek the good in will rather than in feeling or cognition; they value power more than happiness; they prefer force to argument, war to peace, aristocracy to democracy, propaganda, to scientific impartiality... they view austerity as a means of obtaining mastery over others, not as a self-discipline which helped them produce virtue, and happiness only in the next world...imbued with the popular Darwinism, and regard for the struggle for existence as the source of a higher species... Pleasure and knowledge, conceived as ends, appear to them unduly passive. For pleasure they substitute glory, and, for knowledge, the pragmatic assertion that what they desire is true." [92:]
"once the objective truth is abandoned, it is clear the question "what shall I believe?" is one to be settles... by "the appeal to force and arbitrament of the big battalions," not by the methods of either theology of science." [102:]
"The reason for the apparent inconsistency is, of course, that religious belief, in most people, exists only in the region of conscious thought, and has not succeeded in modifying unconscious mechanisms. If the fear of death is to be coped with successfully, it must be by some method which affects behavior that is commonly called conscious thought. In a few instances, religious belief can effect this, but not in the majority of mankind." [107:]
The Will to Doubt by Bertrand Russell is a collection of his choicest essays on the value of skepticism in our lives. The title itself is a play on psychologist and philosopher William James’s classic essay, “The Will to Believe.” Although an admirer of James, Russell spends some of the book criticizing his concept of the will of believe, arguing instead that our baseline of investigation should be centered around a will to doubt. He also goes into the role skepticism plays in evaluating political issues, propaganda, and philosophical problems. Russell writes in this technical, yet dynamic voice that leaves a reader engaged as well as inspired. Russell was one of the greatest philosophers of his age, or any age, and this book should be read by any interested in his unique point of view.
Bertrand Russell was an important celeb/philosopher/rationalist when I was a child. The essays in this volume are uneven. "The Ancestry of Fascism" was the best. It put the modern political (1930's, I would say) philosophies of the time and through historical study, ran them through the hoops. Nicely done.