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249 pages, Kindle Edition
First published November 11, 2025
History has not “yet recorded an instance in which governments have been destroyed by attempts of the many to lay undue burdens of taxation on the few,” as one of the lawyers defending the federal income tax told the Supreme Court in 1895. “The teachings of history have all been in the other direction.”
“I don’t care how wealthy a man may be—if he gave half his fortune, if he gave it all—he couldn’t give a tenth as much as that boy of yours that gives himself to his country,” an assistant secretary of agriculture told farmers in Fargo, North Dakota.
A small number of Republican farmers saw the increases as simply a price worth paying. Edward E. Holman, a white farmer from Holly Springs, Mississippi, saw his taxes nearly double in a single year, yet remained a Republican stalwart: “I have said to people that I was perfectly willing to pay my taxes, as it was to educate the country; that education was what we wanted; that if we had had more of it before the war, we never would have had the war.”
Ad valorem taxation—that is, taxation based on a property’s value—requires a system of government assessors passing judgment on the worth of a taxpayer’s property. But a master’s plantation was supposed to be a private dominion where he held complete power. It was utterly unacceptable that a local tax assessor, potentially someone of distinctly lower social rank, should be allowed to come into a master’s home and insist he account for his property. There could be no oversight of the master’s house, no implication that his power was anything less than absolute, and therefore no meaningful property assessment for tax purposes.
A towering, bearded figure in a long black coat, with a Texan’s fondness for very large hats, the Populist orator James Harvey “Cyclone” Davis was every inch a white Southerner; his father had served in the Confederate Army and one of his eight brothers was named Jefferson Davis Davis. But Cyclone Davis wanted nothing more than to rein in the corporate elite, whom he called the “sweet-scented millionaire plutocrats,” the “lordly luxuriant looters,” the “gold-trimmed, diamond-bedecked masters of our country,” and the “malevolent minions and myrmidons of Mammon.” Davis helped write the People’s Party’s 1892 platform calling for a graduated income tax. But he was even more radical than his party, demanding a top income tax rate of 100 percent. “It is not right for any man or corporation to be allowed to have an income of over $1,000,000 a year,” Davis insisted.