Ashley D. Farmer’s “Queen Mother: Audley Moore, Black Nationalist, and Mother of the Reparation Movement” opens with a problem that is also a provocation: how can someone so omnipresent in twentieth-century Black radical politics have been so thoroughly sidelined in public memory? Farmer’s answer is not only to recover Audley “Queen Mother” Moore’s story but to use her as a throughline connecting Garveyism, Black communism, anti-lynching campaigns, welfare rights struggles, Black Power, Pan-Africanism, and the modern reparations movement. What emerges is both a biography and a counter-history, a book that insists that a century of Black radicalism looks different if you start from the vantage point of a working-class woman who never stopped calling herself an African.
Farmer structures “Queen Mother” as a mostly chronological narrative, but she keeps circling back to a single image: Moore in her Harlem apartment, surrounded by stacks of papers and young men in thrift-store chairs, lecturing about history as if she is holding court in an improvised university. The book shows us how a girl born in Jim Crow New Orleans in 1898 became that woman – an elder whose titles (queen mother, abbess, minister, mother of New Afrika) are at once ceremonial and earned. The movement rooms change – Garvey halls, Communist Party meetings, Danneel Street living rooms, Newark church basements, Tanzania conference centers – but Moore’s presence is remarkably consistent. Farmer’s narrative never lets us forget that for three-quarters of a century, wherever Black radicals gathered, there was a serious chance Moore was in the room.
The early chapters are particularly strong in showing how a foundation laid in the Garvey movement continues to shape Moore’s politics long after Marcus Garvey himself is gone. Farmer traces Moore through tobacco factories, domestic work, and the crowded tenements of New Orleans and New York, into the Universal Negro Improvement Association and later into Communist organizing. She is attentive to the material conditions that produced Moore’s radicalism – the precarity of Black working-class life, the routine violence against Black women and girls, the constant experience of white contempt – without reducing her to a sociological type. The portrait that emerges is of a woman drawn to organizations that offer both a language of Black pride and concrete tools for confronting exploitation, and quick to break with those that treat race as an afterthought.
One of Farmer’s central arguments is that Moore’s life forces us to collapse some of the neat divides historians have drawn between “integrationist” and “nationalist,” civil rights and Black Power, domestic politics and foreign policy. In the Louisiana chapters, Moore is a Garveyite turned abbess entering Angola prison under the auspices of the Ethiopian Coptic Church, working alongside her sisters and a handful of comrades to investigate death-row cases and challenge racist rape laws. That work grows into the Universal Association of Ethiopian Women, a women-led organization headquartered in the reclaimed Danneel Street house. Farmer handles these scenes with care, showing how Moore builds an analysis of the state – its prisons, its welfare departments, its courts – from the perspective of women whose daily lives are entangled with those institutions.
It is from that vantage point that Moore arrives at reparations. Farmer is at her best when she recreates the painstaking intellectual labor behind what can sound like a simple demand: somebody has to pay. She shows Moore and her sisters spending late nights poring over reference books, church encyclopedias, and government documents, comparing ex-slave pension campaigns, postwar German reparations, Native land claims, and the limited property compensation granted to Japanese Americans after internment. Reparations, in Farmer’s telling, is not a slogan Moore plucks from the air but the product of years of study and comparison, a legal and moral argument that grows sharper as she digs.
Those chapters in which Moore confronts the United Nations and later builds the Reparations Committee in Los Angeles give the book much of its intellectual heft. Farmer allows us to see the conceptual leaps – from the language of genocide in petitions to the UN, to the insistence that the United States has violated its own constitutional promises, to the idea that Black Americans are an African people whose grievances ought to be understood in the same frame as colonialism in Kenya or apartheid in South Africa. It is in these pages that the subtitle’s claim – mother of the reparation movement – feels least like publisher’s shorthand and most like a precise description.
“Queen Mother” is also, crucially, a book about the politics of form: how Moore comes to inhabit the persona of “Queen Mother” and why it matters. Farmer lingers on clothes and gesture – the bright printed robes, the stacked bangles, the towering headwraps – without treating them as mere costume. In a movement world that increasingly valorized young, male, often armed militancy, Moore’s decision to appear as an African elder is a kind of theory in practice. It allows her to be simultaneously above and inside the fray, to chastise, bless, and instruct without vying for the same authority as the men around her. Farmer is particularly sensitive to how Moore’s care work – feeding African students from her storefront kitchen, housing activists, listening – is bound up with that persona; “queen mother” is a job description as much as a title.
Farmer does not shy away from Moore’s contradictions. The book is clear about her suspicion of white feminism and her insistence that Black women’s horizons rise and fall with those of Black men. Her advocacy of polygamy, rooted in a belief that racism and violence have thinned the ranks of Black men, reads today as both startlingly radical and deeply patriarchal. Farmer neither sanitizes nor caricatures these positions. Instead, she shows how they emerge from Moore’s reading of history – a reading in which the central fact is the systematic destruction of Black families – and from her attempt to imagine communal arrangements she understood as African and therefore corrective to American individualism. The book’s nuance here is one of its great strengths: it asks readers to sit with Moore’s gender conservatism without casting her as an enemy of Black women’s liberation.
As the narrative moves into the late 1960s and 1970s, the book widens out into a kind of group portrait of Black Power and Pan-African currents with Moore as a persistent presence. The chapters on the National Conference on Black Power in Newark, the founding of the Republic of New Afrika, and the Gary convention are among the most vivid. Farmer gives us Moore cheering the most secessionist resolutions while younger delegates squirm, or watching thousands of people in a high school gym shout “Nationtime!” along with Jesse Jackson. These scenes are written with a tight, cinematic eye and carry the energy of the period without dissolving into nostalgia.
The Pan-African chapters – Moore’s trips to Guinea and Ghana for Kwame Nkrumah’s funeral, her ceremonious installation as a queen mother among Asante elders, her participation in conferences in Tanzania and her uneasy proximity to heads of state like Idi Amin – are more ambivalent by design. Farmer captures both the exhilaration of an African American elder finally touching African soil and the disorientation that follows as Moore confronts the distance between diasporic fantasy and postcolonial reality. Independence brings coups, party states, security services, and debt; the Organization of African Unity is as much club of presidents as revolutionary vanguard. Moore’s ideal of “Africa for the Africans” has to be revised to account for African citizens subject to their own leaders’ abuses. The book does not entirely resolve this tension, but it makes the reader feel the force of Moore’s disappointment and her refusal to abandon either reparations or Pan-Africanism because of it.
In the final chapters, Farmer walks a careful line between hagiography and indictment. She is unsparing about the material conditions of Moore’s old age: the fires that destroyed her belongings, the precarious housing, the reliance on small speaking fees and community donations, the strokes that left her dependent on others in a Harlem nursing home. It is hard not to read these pages as a critique of a country – and a movement – that could celebrate Moore on stages and at marches while leaving her poor and vulnerable at the end of her life. Yet Farmer also refuses to frame this as simple tragic irony. She shows us students and activists rallying to help, archivists and historians working to preserve Moore’s papers, younger organizers seeking her blessing at N’COBRA conventions. The “lasting resources” of the title are as much intellectual and affective as they are financial.
Stylistically, “Queen Mother” sits in a productive space between scholarly monograph and narrative nonfiction. Farmer writes with the authority of an historian who has lived in the archives – letters, FBI files, organizational minutes, oral histories – but she resists the temptation to flatten the story into argument alone. She is willing to stage scenes, to pause on gestures and textures, to reconstruct conversations when the sources allow. The prose is precise, often lyrical, but rarely showy. There are stretches, especially in the middle third of the book, where the density of context – the lists of organizations, conferences, committees – can feel overwhelming, and readers unfamiliar with the landscape may wish for a few more signposts. Occasionally Moore recedes into a crowded backdrop of acronyms and personalities just at the moment when one wants to know more about her interior life.
Those are, in the end, minor reservations. The constraints Farmer faced are real: Moore left behind no memoir, no neat cache of introspective diaries, no trove of love letters. Much of what the book reconstructs about her feelings must be inferred from speeches, interviews, and the testimony of those around her. There are moments when one wonders what a slightly looser narrative, more willing to speculate about emotional texture, might have revealed. Yet the discipline Farmer maintains – her refusal to overreach beyond what the record can bear – is part of what gives the book its power. It is an honest biography of a woman who spent most of her life pouring her energies into collective projects rather than personal confession.
What “Queen Mother” does, beyond rehabilitating Audley Moore as a central figure in Black freedom struggles, is reorient the reader’s sense of how those struggles unfolded. It asks us to see the twentieth century not only through charismatic male leaders and landmark legislation but through the work of a woman who organized from kitchen tables and living-room chairs, who studied legal precedents late into the night, who insisted that Black people in the United States were Africans and that the crime of slavery had never been settled. It links contemporary debates over reparations to a much longer genealogy and reminds us that arguments now circulating in policy circles were hammered out decades ago by people without institutional backing.
This is, in other words, a book that will likely shape how scholars write about Black nationalism and reparations for years to come, but it is also one that an engaged general reader can follow with profit. Farmer’s achievement is to make Moore’s long, complicated life feel both singular and representative, a lens through which to grasp a century’s worth of struggle. For all its occasional density, “Queen Mother” is a deeply absorbing, often moving account of a woman who refused to be quiet, to be reasonable, or to be programmed anymore. On balance, it is the kind of work that earns, in this reader’s view, a 92 out of 100.