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ISRAEL'S DIVINE MISSION AGAINST IRAN: How Meticulously Israel Plans To Break Iran's Ayatollah's Neck
Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel's longest-serving prime minister, emerged from the ashes of the October 7 Hamas massacre with a singular, unyielding to reshape the Middle East's geopolitical landscape by eradicating the Iranian axis of terror and ensuring Israel's unchallenged security dominance. The catastrophic intelligence and military failures of that day, which saw over 1,200 Israelis slaughtered and hundreds taken hostage, became a catalyst for Netanyahu to recalibrate his strategy, pivoting from containment to annihilation of threats. Central to his post-October 7 doctrine is the belief that Israel cannot coexist with a nuclear-capable Iran or its proxies - Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis - and that the Jewish state must act unilaterally, if necessary, to dismantle Tehran's ring of fire. Netanyahu's plan hinges on a three-pronged decimating Hamas in Gaza to restore deterrence, forging unprecedented regional alliances with Sunni Arab states under the banner of countering Iran, and preparing for a potential preemptive strike against Iran's nuclear infrastructure. His government has accelerated defense partnerships, including integrating a U.S.-led Middle East NATO-style air defense network into Israel's defense structure and expanding covert operations targeting Iranian nuclear scientists, missile engineers, and Revolutionary Guard commanders.
Netanyahu's historical obsession with Iran, from his 2012 UN speech brandishing a cartoon bomb to his vehement opposition to the 2015 JCPOA nuclear deal, has crystallized into an existential imperative. Post-October 7, he frames Iran not merely as a sponsor of terrorism but as the architect of a genocidal coalition, leveraging proxies to encircle Israel while advancing toward weapons-grade uranium enrichment. To fracture this axis, Israel has intensified "shadow war" cyberattacks crippling Iranian fuel stations and nuclear facilities, drone strikes on IRGC convoys in Syria, and assassinations like the 2023 takedown of Seyed Razi Mousavi, a senior IRGC logistical intermediary in Damascus. Netanyahu's ultimate objective, however, transcends tactical victories. He seeks to realign the region by normalizing ties with Saudi Arabia, a process frozen on October 7 but quietly revived through U.S.-brokered talks, conditioned on Riyadh joining an anti-Iran coalition and accepting Israeli military supremacy.
Fordow's mountain-shielded centrifuges and Natanz's fortified halls would require a complex aerial campaign, likely involving hundreds of sorties, mid-air refueling, and bunker-buster bombs to penetrate granite and concrete. Yet Netanyahu, emboldened by Israel's growing self-reliance in defense tech and Mossad's global reach, appears undeterred. His rhetoric echoes Menachem Begin's 1981 Osirak strike, framing preemption as a moral duty. Domestically, he leverages the trauma of October 7 to silence opposition, portraying critics as naive to Iran's apocalyptic ambitions. Internationally, he capitalizes on Arab states fatigue with Tehran's destabilization—from Houthi Red Sea attacks to Iraqi militia rocket barrages—to position Israel as the region's indispensable guardian.
Netanyahu's endgame is a Middle East where Iran's nuclear program lies in ruins, its proxies disarmed, and Sunni states integrated into an Israeli-led security architecture. But his legacy—and Israel's survival—hinge on eliminating the Iranian threat. Until then, he warns, the October 7 horrors will repeat, metastasizing into a nuclear nightmare. Whether through diplomacy, sabotage, or war, Netanyahu's unfinished revolution seeks to ensure that Iran's "empire of terror" never darkens the region again.
Netanyahu's historical obsession with Iran, from his 2012 UN speech brandishing a cartoon bomb to his vehement opposition to the 2015 JCPOA nuclear deal, has crystallized into an existential imperative. Post-October 7, he frames Iran not merely as a sponsor of terrorism but as the architect of a genocidal coalition, leveraging proxies to encircle Israel while advancing toward weapons-grade uranium enrichment. To fracture this axis, Israel has intensified "shadow war" cyberattacks crippling Iranian fuel stations and nuclear facilities, drone strikes on IRGC convoys in Syria, and assassinations like the 2023 takedown of Seyed Razi Mousavi, a senior IRGC logistical intermediary in Damascus. Netanyahu's ultimate objective, however, transcends tactical victories. He seeks to realign the region by normalizing ties with Saudi Arabia, a process frozen on October 7 but quietly revived through U.S.-brokered talks, conditioned on Riyadh joining an anti-Iran coalition and accepting Israeli military supremacy.
Fordow's mountain-shielded centrifuges and Natanz's fortified halls would require a complex aerial campaign, likely involving hundreds of sorties, mid-air refueling, and bunker-buster bombs to penetrate granite and concrete. Yet Netanyahu, emboldened by Israel's growing self-reliance in defense tech and Mossad's global reach, appears undeterred. His rhetoric echoes Menachem Begin's 1981 Osirak strike, framing preemption as a moral duty. Domestically, he leverages the trauma of October 7 to silence opposition, portraying critics as naive to Iran's apocalyptic ambitions. Internationally, he capitalizes on Arab states fatigue with Tehran's destabilization—from Houthi Red Sea attacks to Iraqi militia rocket barrages—to position Israel as the region's indispensable guardian.
Netanyahu's endgame is a Middle East where Iran's nuclear program lies in ruins, its proxies disarmed, and Sunni states integrated into an Israeli-led security architecture. But his legacy—and Israel's survival—hinge on eliminating the Iranian threat. Until then, he warns, the October 7 horrors will repeat, metastasizing into a nuclear nightmare. Whether through diplomacy, sabotage, or war, Netanyahu's unfinished revolution seeks to ensure that Iran's "empire of terror" never darkens the region again.
216 pages, Kindle Edition
Published March 7, 2025
2 people want to read
About the author
Aaron Bernstein
59 booksAaron David Bernstein (6 April 1812, Danzig – 12 February 1884, Berlin) was a German Jewish author, reformer and scientist.
His translation of the Song of Songs (published under the pseudonym of A. Bernstein, 1834) and his publication of Young Germany (German: Das junge Deutschland) established his reputation as a writer among the literary critics of Berlin. He was the author of two Ghetto stories, Vögele der Maggid and Mendel Gibbor, being one of the originators of this genre of modern fiction.
He was also a publicist. In 1849 he founded the Urwählerzeitung, in which (in 1851) he published some ultra-democratic articles which brought about his imprisonment. The paper was finally suppressed in 1853, and Bernstein established the Volkszeitung, a journal devoted, like its predecessor, largely to the dissemination of democratic views.
His History of Revolution and Reaction in Prussia and Germany from the Revolution of 1848 up to the present (German: Revolutions- und Reaktionsgeschichte Preussens und Deutschlands von den Märztagen bis zur neuesten Zeit; 3 vols., 1883–1884) was a collection of important political essays. In the middle of the 19th century Bernstein took an active share in the movement for synagogue reform in Germany.
His translation of the Song of Songs (published under the pseudonym of A. Bernstein, 1834) and his publication of Young Germany (German: Das junge Deutschland) established his reputation as a writer among the literary critics of Berlin. He was the author of two Ghetto stories, Vögele der Maggid and Mendel Gibbor, being one of the originators of this genre of modern fiction.
He was also a publicist. In 1849 he founded the Urwählerzeitung, in which (in 1851) he published some ultra-democratic articles which brought about his imprisonment. The paper was finally suppressed in 1853, and Bernstein established the Volkszeitung, a journal devoted, like its predecessor, largely to the dissemination of democratic views.
His History of Revolution and Reaction in Prussia and Germany from the Revolution of 1848 up to the present (German: Revolutions- und Reaktionsgeschichte Preussens und Deutschlands von den Märztagen bis zur neuesten Zeit; 3 vols., 1883–1884) was a collection of important political essays. In the middle of the 19th century Bernstein took an active share in the movement for synagogue reform in Germany.
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