A Definitive Account of the Ultimate Terror Regime
The Middle East lies decimated by concurrent wars spanning four decades. The list is long: the Soviet-Afghan travesty, the Iran-Iraq War, civil war in Lebanon, the Gulf War, the US-led invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, Yemen, the Syrian crisis, and the ever-volatile Israeli-Palestinian conflict. All of these catastrophes combined to create a black hole in the region, sucking the life from villages, cities, nation-states, and economies. The result is a geopolitical quagmire spanning thousands of square miles. In this history of violence’s wake, the jihadi-terror group Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) rose and conquered on a scale not seen since World War II. Who are these people? Why are they wreaking such havoc? What happens next?
Political scholar Fawaz A. Gerges takes bold and timely maneuvers to dissect these and other questions in his 2016 ISIS: A History. The book documents the origins and motivations of nihilistic 21st-century crusaders. Gerges skillfully covers the complex strands of their roots, rise, ideology, leaders, and tireless quest for the blood of so-called infidels. The author knows that if we are to successfully counter this powerful dark force, our “challenge is to provide hope to the millions...who called for justice, freedom...while simultaneously convincing them that there are nonviolent options” delivering positive change. “Until we do,” Gerges concedes, “the menace...will remain a problem for the Arab-Islamic world and for the international community.” With ISIS: A History, Gerges is providing a vital step toward completing that challenge.
Indeed, and the motives of ISIS are unambiguous. Theirs is a world painted in black and white, where “you’re either with us, or you’re dead” is the unspoken battle cry. Fittingly, Gerges begins with two chapters detailing the birth of ISIS ideology and the growth of its leaders. He portrays the Salafi-jihadist movement as one that enforces a “narrow, strict, and obsolete textualist reading of Islamic doctrine.” Their guiding principles incorporate the belligerent rules of seventh-century Arabia into a 21st-century, geopolitical, and technological paradox.
Gerges writes with an urgency so sharp and driving, some readers may become numb by the fourth and fifth chapters.The numbness is not a yawning kind, but one wrought by shock and repulsion. The chapters diligently explain the intricacies of jihadi-leader infighting, culminating in what amounts to a civil war within civil wars. Leaders like Al Qaeda's Zarqawi give way to incrementally more brutal and extreme sociopaths, as found in ISIS’s current chief dictator Abu Bakar al-Baghdadi. The discussion of Al Qaeda Central and ISIS leadership evolution, and power-plays within ideological extremities, is so compellingly composed readers may forget they are being subjected to the analytics of the most terrifying humans in modern history.
An excellent example of the author’s deft writing style comes in chapter five, “Baathists and ISIS Jihadists,” where former Iraqi soldiers caution the author against hasty judgment and simplification of a complex ordeal: “The story is familiar: America’s invasion and occupation of Iraq and its swift disbanding of the military turned patriotic and proud army officers to armed resistance and underground subversion. Years of prolonged fighting and incarceration in US-run prisons radicalized some these officers” and led them to ISIS.
Building on this account, Gerges’ major theme begins to solidify, and it encompasses much more than disgruntled army officers. Al Qaeda Central, and soon to follow, ISIS, were able to capitalize on the utter despair of Sunni groups in war-torn Iraq and Syria. The dissolution of institutions and livelihoods, massive unemployment, large youth populations, and the near-shredding of social fabrics in the two nations created ripe conditions for ISIS recruitment. Gerges sees these conditions rooted in the morass of the 2003 US-led invasion and its aftermath; and the Assad regime’s horrific pursuit of its opposition. As Gerges summarizes later in the book, “ISIS offers these unemployed, alienated, disenfranchised, and religiously confused Muslims, a higher cause to fight for and a more promising life under the self-proclaimed caliphate.”
Gerges’ most invested argument comes in chapter seven, “Misappropriating the Arab Spring Uprisings.” The author’s lament of Arabia’s aborted collective demand for a life of deserved dignity is cast in disappointment with the liberal academic and political class’ failure to recognize the movement as a legitimate groundswell of peaceful revolution. Instead, “Arab commentators and civil society leaders, along with many in the West, now refer to the Arab Spring as the Arab Winter, comparing this moment in history to a virus and a curse.” Gerges goes on to note both the political left and right devised a conspiratorial view in framing the uprisings and their demise. These conspiracies, whether they be borne of Western or regional actors like Turkey and Saudi Arabia, relieve the autocrats of their responsibility of stoking sectarian divide and prolonging poverty among the people.
Chapter seven also provides a welcomed cooling-off point in a book that otherwise delivers a white-hot pitch of information about Earth’s most shocking human force. But it is all necessary information. Overall, ISIS: A History is a straightforward, moderate read for most university-level and popular nonfiction consumers. However, it is often difficult to keep tabs on the extensive and diverse Arabic names mentioned throughout the text. A listing and brief annotation of these players and places inserted before the endnotes section would assist readers. Another shortcoming is the complete absence of geographic maps. Gerges’ editors dropped the ball on these two deficiencies. Further, readers less-attuned to academic density might be squeamish with paragraphs spanning pages, but the writer’s composition is measured and focused.
ISIS: A History marks a fascinating turn in investigative journalism. The author’s citations rely heavily on internet sources, and he is not above crediting Twitter feeds as valuable insight. No doubt, these precarious attribution techniques will soon be common practice among scholars and established journalists alike. Gerges often inserts himself in the text, indicating a reflexivity all too absent from scholarly work. Cumulatively, these methods in no way diminish credibility. On the contrary, they prove necessary for a timely subject, and one that Gerges knows through first-hand experience. He was born in Lebanon during an early war there, and exiled during the bloody sectarian Civil War in the late-1970s. The scholar spent five years conducting field research on social movements and jihadist groups in the Middle East. He is currently Professor of International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science.