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Putinism: Russia and Its Future with the West
There is no question that tensions between Russia and America are on the rise. The forced annexation of Crimea, the downing of Malaysia Airlines flight 17, and the Russian government's treatment of homosexuals have created diplomatic standoffs and led to a volley of economic sanctions. In America, much of the blame for Russia's recent hostility has fallen on steely-eyed President Vladimir Putin and many have begun to wonder if they we are witnessing the rebirth of Cold War-style dictatorship.
Not so fast, argues veteran historian Walter Laqueur.
For two decades, Laqueur has been ahead of the curve, predicting events in post-Soviet Russia with uncanny accuracy. In Putinism, he deftly demonstrates how three long-standing pillars of Russian ideology-a strong belief in the Orthodox Church, a sense of Eurasian "manifest destiny," and a fear of foreign enemies-continue to exert a powerful influence on the Russian populous. In fact, today's Russians have more in common with their counterparts from 1904 than 1954 and Putin is much more a servant of his people than we might think.
Topical and provocative, Putinism contains much more than historical analysis. Looking to the future, Laqueur explains how America's tendency to see Russia as a Cold War relic is dangerous and premature. Russia can and will challenge the West and it is in our best interest to figure out exactly who we are facing-and what they want-before it is too late.
Not so fast, argues veteran historian Walter Laqueur.
For two decades, Laqueur has been ahead of the curve, predicting events in post-Soviet Russia with uncanny accuracy. In Putinism, he deftly demonstrates how three long-standing pillars of Russian ideology-a strong belief in the Orthodox Church, a sense of Eurasian "manifest destiny," and a fear of foreign enemies-continue to exert a powerful influence on the Russian populous. In fact, today's Russians have more in common with their counterparts from 1904 than 1954 and Putin is much more a servant of his people than we might think.
Topical and provocative, Putinism contains much more than historical analysis. Looking to the future, Laqueur explains how America's tendency to see Russia as a Cold War relic is dangerous and premature. Russia can and will challenge the West and it is in our best interest to figure out exactly who we are facing-and what they want-before it is too late.
288 pages, Hardcover
First published April 8, 2015
37 people are currently reading
685 people want to read
About the author
Walter Laqueur
145 books46 followersWalter Ze'ev Laqueur was an American historian, journalist and political commentator. Laqueur was born in Breslau, Lower Silesia, Prussia (modern Wrocław, Poland), into a Jewish family. In 1938, he left Germany for the British Mandate of Palestine. His parents, who were unable to leave, became victims of the Holocaust.
Laqueur lived in Israel from 1938 to 1953. After one year at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, he joined a Kibbutz and worked as an agricultural laborer from 1939 to 1944. In 1944, he moved to Jerusalem, where he worked as a journalist until 1953, covering Palestine and other countries in the Middle East.
Since 1955 Laqueur has lived in London. He was founder and editor, with George Mosse, of the Journal of Contemporary History and of Survey from 1956 to 1964. He was also founding editor of The Washington Papers. He was Director of the Institute of Contemporary History and the Wiener Library in London from 1965 to 1994. From 1969 he was a member, and later Chairman (until 2000), of the International Research Council of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington. He was Professor of the History of Ideas at Brandeis University from 1968 to 1972, and University Professor at Georgetown University from 1976 to 1988. He has also been a visiting professor of history and government at Harvard, the University of Chicago, Tel Aviv University and Johns Hopkins University.
Laqueur's main works deal with European history in the 19th and 20th centuries, especially Russian history and German history, as well as the history of the Middle East. The topics he has written about include the German Youth Movement, Zionism, Israeli history, the cultural history of the Weimar Republic and Russia, Communism, the Holocaust, fascism, and the diplomatic history of the Cold War. His books have been translated into many languages, and he was one of the founders of the study of political violence, guerrilla warfare and terrorism. His comments on international affairs have appeared in many American and European newspapers and periodicals.
(Wikipedia)
Laqueur lived in Israel from 1938 to 1953. After one year at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, he joined a Kibbutz and worked as an agricultural laborer from 1939 to 1944. In 1944, he moved to Jerusalem, where he worked as a journalist until 1953, covering Palestine and other countries in the Middle East.
Since 1955 Laqueur has lived in London. He was founder and editor, with George Mosse, of the Journal of Contemporary History and of Survey from 1956 to 1964. He was also founding editor of The Washington Papers. He was Director of the Institute of Contemporary History and the Wiener Library in London from 1965 to 1994. From 1969 he was a member, and later Chairman (until 2000), of the International Research Council of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington. He was Professor of the History of Ideas at Brandeis University from 1968 to 1972, and University Professor at Georgetown University from 1976 to 1988. He has also been a visiting professor of history and government at Harvard, the University of Chicago, Tel Aviv University and Johns Hopkins University.
Laqueur's main works deal with European history in the 19th and 20th centuries, especially Russian history and German history, as well as the history of the Middle East. The topics he has written about include the German Youth Movement, Zionism, Israeli history, the cultural history of the Weimar Republic and Russia, Communism, the Holocaust, fascism, and the diplomatic history of the Cold War. His books have been translated into many languages, and he was one of the founders of the study of political violence, guerrilla warfare and terrorism. His comments on international affairs have appeared in many American and European newspapers and periodicals.
(Wikipedia)
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 46 reviews
April 25, 2023
Laqueur writes with a kind of relaxed expertise, sharing his well-seasoned realism on all things Russian. He finds the rise of ultra-nationalism and paranoid conspiracy theories quite predictable, and his explanations are often deadpan entertaining:
“After the breakdown of the Soviet Union, geopolitics found a new home in Russia. According to present-day geopolitical colleagues from the European Far Right, ‘It is the merit of the gifted [Alexander] Dugin, something like a one-man think tank …’ He is conversant in all the major European languages, erudite in the antiliberal and esoteric heritage rescued by the New Right from the postwar memory hole, and above all an uncompromising, metapolitically prolific opponent of the United States, the citadel of world liberalism and thus the principal source of evil in our time.”
Concerning Russia’s need for workers, Putin holds that Russia needs migrants, but insists he only wants "law-abiding migrants with desirable characteristics." He rejects the notion of integrating people of diverse cultures, claiming that social diversity has "failed" in the West, resulting in whole communities that don't learn the national language and live off welfare. As he explained, "There can be just one outcome for such a social model -- xenophobia on the part of the indigenous population which understandably seeks to protect its interests, jobs, and social benefits from foreign competition."
“After the breakdown of the Soviet Union, geopolitics found a new home in Russia. According to present-day geopolitical colleagues from the European Far Right, ‘It is the merit of the gifted [Alexander] Dugin, something like a one-man think tank …’ He is conversant in all the major European languages, erudite in the antiliberal and esoteric heritage rescued by the New Right from the postwar memory hole, and above all an uncompromising, metapolitically prolific opponent of the United States, the citadel of world liberalism and thus the principal source of evil in our time.”
Concerning Russia’s need for workers, Putin holds that Russia needs migrants, but insists he only wants "law-abiding migrants with desirable characteristics." He rejects the notion of integrating people of diverse cultures, claiming that social diversity has "failed" in the West, resulting in whole communities that don't learn the national language and live off welfare. As he explained, "There can be just one outcome for such a social model -- xenophobia on the part of the indigenous population which understandably seeks to protect its interests, jobs, and social benefits from foreign competition."
August 23, 2016
This is a short, but outstaningly intelligent analysis, undogmatic and informed, of the intellectual and ideological trends informing Putin and Russian geopolitical behavior today. Laqueur wrote this book last yeat, at the age of 94. But this mental vigor is as sharp as ever. Highly recommended.
November 3, 2015
Despite the title, Putin is only a minor character in this book about contemporary Russia. Influences described include the Orthodox church, the Russian right, the economy and the price of oil, confabulation, geopolitics, demographics and a few others. Replacing Marxism & Leninism are nationalism and religion. Above all is domestic preference for a strong hand: "Chaos is much more feared in Russia than authoritarian rule and dictatorship."
Regarding Russia's view of the world: "Russian government strategy is dominated by the American shadow and the conviction that what helps the US must be bad for Russia. It may take a long time for Russia to unlearn its obsession with the western danger. It has been Russia’s destiny to see dangers and enemies in the wrong places and overlook the real ones."
Zapadophobia (western-phobia): T"he belief that Russia is not Europe and there is a giant conspiracy to destroy Russia. Whatever went wrong with Russia was the fault of foreigners."
Regarding Russia's view of the world: "Russian government strategy is dominated by the American shadow and the conviction that what helps the US must be bad for Russia. It may take a long time for Russia to unlearn its obsession with the western danger. It has been Russia’s destiny to see dangers and enemies in the wrong places and overlook the real ones."
Zapadophobia (western-phobia): T"he belief that Russia is not Europe and there is a giant conspiracy to destroy Russia. Whatever went wrong with Russia was the fault of foreigners."
May 22, 2022
Újabb recenzióm az Azonnalin, a változatossag kedvéért egy kis kremlinológia.
https://azonnali.hu/cikk/2022052_mive...
https://azonnali.hu/cikk/2022052_mive...
October 20, 2015
This one needed another edit before being published. There is a lot of repetition here and some sentence fragments.
Despite these problems, Laqueur provides some common-sense insight into the Russian situation. Beneath the Communist veneer of the Brezhnev era, nationalist tendencies were taking shape and gaining in influence. The collapse of the USSR ultimately benefitted these tendencies, but the Communist interlude seems to have done enormous damage to Russian culture, which seems (in Laqueur's view) strangely addicted to conspiracy theories.
Laqueur makes several good points. While the current government is opposed to criticism of Stalin, it has not entirely rehabilitated the former dictator either, and he sees Russia's current desire to ally with China against Europe and the US as enormously dangerous for Russia a decade or so down the road.
Not the best book on the Putin era, but neither is it a hysterical book. Laqueur always reminds his readers to take the long view of things.
Despite these problems, Laqueur provides some common-sense insight into the Russian situation. Beneath the Communist veneer of the Brezhnev era, nationalist tendencies were taking shape and gaining in influence. The collapse of the USSR ultimately benefitted these tendencies, but the Communist interlude seems to have done enormous damage to Russian culture, which seems (in Laqueur's view) strangely addicted to conspiracy theories.
Laqueur makes several good points. While the current government is opposed to criticism of Stalin, it has not entirely rehabilitated the former dictator either, and he sees Russia's current desire to ally with China against Europe and the US as enormously dangerous for Russia a decade or so down the road.
Not the best book on the Putin era, but neither is it a hysterical book. Laqueur always reminds his readers to take the long view of things.
August 16, 2015
I would highly recommend this book to anyone with any interest in world history and the tide of current events. Russia continues to be a wild card in the world and a very dangerous one. Mr. Laqueur's question of Quo Vadis Russia is very valid and it seems no one including Putin can answer that. Certainly not the US. However, the continuous paranoia and view that the Russians have of themselves as a Super Power to be feared is very disconcerting - they are perpetually spoiling for a fight like the playground bullies in school. Few are rallying to their aid and they are left to their own devices. I would love to hear what others think of this work as well.
September 20, 2015
An insightful and unsettling but convincing argument that the new Russia is a dictatorship “approved by the majority as long as the going is good,” and if Putin were to vanish today, his successor would make few changes. An important read that takes a deep look at Russia's soul and why we should try to understand them better to develop a more mature and understanding relationship.
March 3, 2016
Really interesting book. Worth reading if you want to know more about the current Russia.
December 15, 2017
Recently I didn’t have enough time to read. But to know about Russian President Putin, I watched many movies and collected his informations. He is really wise in fact. And he ruled economics, new-riches, oil, gas, mains, even religion, and he is sitting on the throne now. Maybe he doesn’t choose methods to keep his hegemony. However, we can’t live in his kingdom. He will make new rules, patriotism, and control informations. As governor, he is very good governor, however, he never thinks about people under his rules. Very scary, and we have to know about him. He has 2 faces, gently and cruel.
January 26, 2020
كتاب ليس عن بوتين فقط بل عن مجمل روسيا الحديثة، روسيا ما قبل تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي، تحدث عن أسباب تفكك الاتحاد السوفيتي وتفاصيل تصعيد بوتين وكيفية بناء بوتين لروسيا الحديثة والتي بدأت في صعود حقيقي لمرتبة التحاد السوفيتي القديم.
March 18, 2016
Walter Laquer tries to analyse the so-called Putinism: ideology, priorities en (future) politics of Vladimir Putin and his government in a historical context
What are the prospects for Russia's future? What is the Russian ideology that has replaced communism? In this book, Walter Laquer combines the influences of the Orthodox church, the Russian right, the economy and the price of oil, geopolitics and demographics to discuss Russia's future. The book - written in 2015 - is not already outdated. For example, it takes into account the lowering oil prices, on which Russia is greatly depending (which was on the time of writing $57) and predict the dire straits the Russian economy will face once the oil prices further drop. Which is exactly happening now.
Although the book goes not in depth, I still learned a few bits here and there, and in general this books is an easy read. However, whilst reading, I notices the unstructured way in which the author is telling his tale. For example, there's a chapter about demography, which starts of with exactly that subject, and ends with some unrelated demographic topics, such as the rise of Poetins current party, the current opposition and the position of the youth. Which are in my eyes completely off-topic chapters which would better be placed elsewhere. This happens a few times in other parts of the book, which makes it sometimes a comfusing read.
Besides that, it's a nice book with a few learning points. All in all, maybe not the best book about Putin, but worth to pick it up.
What are the prospects for Russia's future? What is the Russian ideology that has replaced communism? In this book, Walter Laquer combines the influences of the Orthodox church, the Russian right, the economy and the price of oil, geopolitics and demographics to discuss Russia's future. The book - written in 2015 - is not already outdated. For example, it takes into account the lowering oil prices, on which Russia is greatly depending (which was on the time of writing $57) and predict the dire straits the Russian economy will face once the oil prices further drop. Which is exactly happening now.
Although the book goes not in depth, I still learned a few bits here and there, and in general this books is an easy read. However, whilst reading, I notices the unstructured way in which the author is telling his tale. For example, there's a chapter about demography, which starts of with exactly that subject, and ends with some unrelated demographic topics, such as the rise of Poetins current party, the current opposition and the position of the youth. Which are in my eyes completely off-topic chapters which would better be placed elsewhere. This happens a few times in other parts of the book, which makes it sometimes a comfusing read.
Besides that, it's a nice book with a few learning points. All in all, maybe not the best book about Putin, but worth to pick it up.
February 5, 2016
Laqueurs analysis of contemporary Russian politics and ideology is the best I have read so far. Without spending too much time on the well known events of Putins life (covered well by Steven Lee Myers in "The New Tsar") he instead delves into the modern history of Russia including its culture, religion and philosophy and uses this to explain the machinations that drive the social, economic and geopolitical policies of the Kremlin.
September 29, 2015
I felt the writer had an agenda I didn't agree with. However, I did learn some things and it certainly wasn't the worst book I ever read about President Putin or Russia.
January 19, 2016
This book gave me a much clearer understanding of what is going on in Russia and why. A tad difficult to read.
December 25, 2022
The 3 star rating is for the entire design of the book, not just the text itself. I would give 3 1/2 stars to the main text of the book. Points are deducted due to the fact that there are no maps of Russia nor illustrations of some of themes he is discussing. In addition, there is no glossary or appendix of key Russian terms or short biographies (in a book listing at least 50 different Russian names).
Overall, Laqueur, does a solid job generalizing and summarizing the main issues plaguing contemporary Russia (the book was written in 2015). Russia’s relations with its neighbors take up a significant role in this analysis. What will Russia’s relationship be vis-a-vis China? If the Russian government feels the West has treated them unfairly, will they accept playing a junior partner in a relationship with China?
Additional key factors and issues include the rise of the Russian Far Right, fringe sectors of the inteligencia; Demography, Muslims in Russia, Geopolitics and the idea of Eurasianism; as well as the search for the Great Russian Ideal that will give the society purpose in the 21st century.
Another key theme running throughout the book is the role of the siloviki (security services) in the current Russian administration. Laqueur is unsure what the future will bring Russia, given that a post-Putin leader will (in his opinion) continue many of the same policies that his predecessor followed. One of the dangers which may affect Russia is the rise of separatism, whereby various rural areas (particularly in the Far East/Siberia) decide to asset their independence. In the end for Laqueur, everything depends on the economy. If the price of oil and gas remain high, the Russian economy will be strong, if not, there could be rumblings from below. According to surveys conducted, the younger generation wants to have a high standard of living as well as be a great power or Superpower on the world stage today. Is it possible to have both guns and butter? Only time will tell.
All in all, this seemed like a collection of essays without a strong narrative drive connecting the disparate themes mentioned previously. A strong editor may have produced a more cohesive and structured book, however it does have its merits in attempting to understand contemporary Russia by an academic who can read sources in Russian.
Overall, Laqueur, does a solid job generalizing and summarizing the main issues plaguing contemporary Russia (the book was written in 2015). Russia’s relations with its neighbors take up a significant role in this analysis. What will Russia’s relationship be vis-a-vis China? If the Russian government feels the West has treated them unfairly, will they accept playing a junior partner in a relationship with China?
Additional key factors and issues include the rise of the Russian Far Right, fringe sectors of the inteligencia; Demography, Muslims in Russia, Geopolitics and the idea of Eurasianism; as well as the search for the Great Russian Ideal that will give the society purpose in the 21st century.
Another key theme running throughout the book is the role of the siloviki (security services) in the current Russian administration. Laqueur is unsure what the future will bring Russia, given that a post-Putin leader will (in his opinion) continue many of the same policies that his predecessor followed. One of the dangers which may affect Russia is the rise of separatism, whereby various rural areas (particularly in the Far East/Siberia) decide to asset their independence. In the end for Laqueur, everything depends on the economy. If the price of oil and gas remain high, the Russian economy will be strong, if not, there could be rumblings from below. According to surveys conducted, the younger generation wants to have a high standard of living as well as be a great power or Superpower on the world stage today. Is it possible to have both guns and butter? Only time will tell.
All in all, this seemed like a collection of essays without a strong narrative drive connecting the disparate themes mentioned previously. A strong editor may have produced a more cohesive and structured book, however it does have its merits in attempting to understand contemporary Russia by an academic who can read sources in Russian.
November 28, 2019
Putinism: Russia and Its Future with the West, by Walter Laqueur is a fascinating exploration of the reasons that Russia, whether under the Czars, the former Soviet Union or post-Soviet iterations has never been “able to get its act together.” Russia default mode is towards entropy of one kind or another, with a rich history of alcohol abuse, xenophobia, and zapadophobia (fear of the West). This has resulted in an ability to form alliances or relationships with other countries that are not contentious; unless they are in a dominating or controlling mode.
This malevolent history harks back at least to such Czarist era author and poets as Nikolay Danilevsky (1822-1885), Alexander Pushkin (author of, among other poems, To the Slanderers of Russia) and Georgy Fedotov. The core belief is of Russia being a “great” country, an empire. Russia is not content to be a country with a comfortable standard of living, but not much dominant power.
Around 1990-1, there was great expectation for Russia to democratize, to become a “normal” country, a member of the community of nations. Laquer makes a great case that this was a triumph of hope over experience, much like a third marriage after a succession of divorces.
Among other shortcomings, Russia lacks a real economy. Instead it is a gas station, a petrostate. Laquer expresses little hope for its economy if oil prices remained in the $50 per barrel area. The book was written in 2015; oil has fluctuated around $55-$60, far below the level of $90 - $140 which would be optimal for Russia.
Some international theorists have postulated that the West lost a historic opportunity by not integrating Russia into NATO, and expanding NATO’s reach to the Baltic states. Walter Laquer dismissing these as wishful thinking.
The book earns “four stars” on Goodreads from me. The book was excellent but could have used a proofread. The book has typographical errors. Even within the space of two pages, the book frequently diverges from chronological order; confusing in any book partially about history.
But recommended, even mandatory reading for those with a serious interest in Russia or international politics.
This malevolent history harks back at least to such Czarist era author and poets as Nikolay Danilevsky (1822-1885), Alexander Pushkin (author of, among other poems, To the Slanderers of Russia) and Georgy Fedotov. The core belief is of Russia being a “great” country, an empire. Russia is not content to be a country with a comfortable standard of living, but not much dominant power.
Around 1990-1, there was great expectation for Russia to democratize, to become a “normal” country, a member of the community of nations. Laquer makes a great case that this was a triumph of hope over experience, much like a third marriage after a succession of divorces.
Among other shortcomings, Russia lacks a real economy. Instead it is a gas station, a petrostate. Laquer expresses little hope for its economy if oil prices remained in the $50 per barrel area. The book was written in 2015; oil has fluctuated around $55-$60, far below the level of $90 - $140 which would be optimal for Russia.
Some international theorists have postulated that the West lost a historic opportunity by not integrating Russia into NATO, and expanding NATO’s reach to the Baltic states. Walter Laquer dismissing these as wishful thinking.
The book earns “four stars” on Goodreads from me. The book was excellent but could have used a proofread. The book has typographical errors. Even within the space of two pages, the book frequently diverges from chronological order; confusing in any book partially about history.
But recommended, even mandatory reading for those with a serious interest in Russia or international politics.
March 10, 2017
This book makes a nice addition to other analyses of contemporary Russian society; it helps illuminate trends and facets highlighted by people like Masha Gessen, Anna Poitkovskaia, and Peter Pomarantsev. His economic analysis is spot-on--he buttresses the argument that Russia only makes money off items that come out of the ground or kill people, so if the oil market is good and there's instability in the world, Mr. Putin will have no trouble financing his geopolitical initiatives. When that petrochemical market is not-so-good--like it is right now--the Russian government is going to cut its citizens pensions and social programs; this is sort of a problem when the birthrate is down and the Russian male's life expectancy fluctuates between 59 and 64 by most estimates. It would appear there's not much investment in any economic feature besides petrochemicals and foreign real estate, while the oligarchs' money is flowing to foreign banks and the intellectuals are moving in the same direction. So in tandem with the implied question of sustainability Laqueur also describes a nation where the media have been nationalized and the government-sponsored message is increasingly part and parcel of a phenomenon he calls "confabulation" (in which "...confabulators present their stories in great detail, usually with absolute conviction, and will not be made to reconsider their narrative if faced with rational argument." Try and sit through five minutes of RT--you'll see what I mean). This, he says, has led to a society in which "deliberate falsehoods are often genuinely, sincerely believed"--it explains revisionist Russian historians writing flattering assessments on Stalin recently, the reappearance of the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion" at Russian news stands, and a passionate nostalgia for all things Soviet. The book does, in effect, attempt to explain the Russian mindset and the ways in which Mr. Putin has harnessed it toward what he perceives are Russia's national interests; and those interests have little to do with the rule set the West installed in Europe in 1945. The fact that the author repeatedly cites his own previous works and that the edition holds a number of typos implies that it was rushed to publication; a little more research and editing would be most welcome in the next edition. I assume there will be one, because its subject matter has evolved a bit since 2015.
January 16, 2022
Walter Laqueur (1921-1918) was a prolific historian focusing on a wide range of topics centered on Europe, the Cold War, the Middle East, and Terrorism. "Putinism" does a good job tracing the history of Russian political philosophy, how it sees itself compared to the West, Eurasia, and the East. I would recommend it for anyone who wants to understand how Russian's see themselves or want to see themselves in relation to their neighbors. The author lays out the history of Russia's views of itself and the West and how they view their place in the world. I highly recommend this book to anyone interested in Russia and why Russia is the way it is. It will help lead those interested in Russia into other topic areas and writers that may provide more context regarding how Russia and its people have found themselves in their current (the mid to late 2010s) international position.
February 14, 2022
This book was published in 2015, so in some ways it is outdated already. Still, it is a valuable primer on Russia's history, economy and culture, and the country's leader, Vladimir Putin, who is trying to make Russia great again.
As Laquer notes, many Russians believe the West is out to get them. And they are very aware that Germany, a loser in World War II, has prospered far more than Russia, a winner in the war. Europe is wary of Russia but craves its natural gas and oil. Much of Asia is lukewarm about doing business with Russia, and China has leapfrogged Russia in world importance.
Putin has been lucky. Russia's oil and natural gas exports rose dramatically after he took office 20-plus years ago, giving the economy a great boost. Now he is seeking steps to keep the economic good times rolling while keeping his autocratic government in control.
As Laquer notes, many Russians believe the West is out to get them. And they are very aware that Germany, a loser in World War II, has prospered far more than Russia, a winner in the war. Europe is wary of Russia but craves its natural gas and oil. Much of Asia is lukewarm about doing business with Russia, and China has leapfrogged Russia in world importance.
Putin has been lucky. Russia's oil and natural gas exports rose dramatically after he took office 20-plus years ago, giving the economy a great boost. Now he is seeking steps to keep the economic good times rolling while keeping his autocratic government in control.
October 24, 2015
تبوأ هذا الكتاب، لمؤلفه والتر لاكور، مركز الصدارة في الكتب الصادرة في الولايات المتحدة في نهاية هذا الصيف. وصُنف الكتاب باعتباره "كتاب الشهر" لأنه كان الأكثر قراءة وتحليلا وعرضا في الصحف الأميركية حين صدوره.
فقد جاء الكتاب في فترة ارتفع فيها منسوب التوتر بين روسيا والولايات المتحدة إلى أقصاه نتيجة عدة عوامل أهمها ضم روسيا القسري شبه جزيرة القرم، واتهامها بإسقاط الرحلة رقم 17 للخطوط الجوية الماليزية، مما أدى إلى مواجهات دبلوماسية قوية بين البلدين رافقها وابل من العقوبات الاقتصادية الشديدة.
وفي أميركا يلقي الرأي العام والرسمي في آن المسؤولية كاملة على الرئيس الروسي فلاديمير بوتين بنظرته الفولاذية الباردة للقضايا السياسية والدولية، وبدأ العديد يتساءل ما إذا كنا سنشهد عودة الحياة للدكتاتوريات التي رافقت حقبة الحرب الباردة؟
-العنوان: البوتينية.. روسيا وعلاقاتها المستقبلية مع الغرب
-اسم المؤلف: والتر لاكيور
-دار النشر: توماس ديون بوكز
-تاريخ النشر: 2015
-عدد الصفحات: 288
في كتابه "البوتينية" يحاول المؤرخ المخضرم والتر لاكيور -الذي أرخ لأهم الأحداث السياسية في الاتحاد السوفياتي قبل انهياره، واستشرف الكثير من الأحداث التي ضربت بالاتحاد وفرطت عقده- التقليل من احتمالية العودة إلى فترة الحرب الباردة وصراع العملاقين.
ويشير لاكيور في البوتينية إلى الأعمدة الثلاثة التي يجتمع عليها الحس الشعبي الروسي وتدور حولها الوحدة المجتمعية في البلاد وهي: الاعتقاد الراسخ والعميق بالكنيسة الأرثوذكسية، والحس القوي بالانتماء "الأوراسي" الذي يعتبره الروس قدرا يؤمنون به، والعامود الثالث هو الخوف والتحفز في مواجهة العدو الخارجي.
ويفيد الكاتب بأنه من منظور هذه الثوابت الثلاثة الراسخة يبدو الروس اليوم وكأنهم يحملون قواسم مشتركة مع نطرائهم في العام 1904، كما أن بوتين يبدو من المنطلق نفسه خادما لشعبه أكثر من أي يوم مضى.
ما هي البوتينية؟
يفيد لاكيور بأن مصطلح البوتينية يعكس مفهوم النظام الاستبدادي الذي يمثل مصالح مجموعات بعينها في المجتمع الروسي. وهذا النظام يقوم على آليات السلطة الرأسية وهو ما يعني ببساطة مجموعة من الأوامر المطلقة تنطلق من الأعلى نحو الأسفل.
فروسيا تعرف عن نفسها بأنها "ديمقراطية سيادية" مع التأكيد على السيادة ووضع العديد من الخطوط تحت الكلمة، وهذا يعني على أقرب تقدير أن روسيا ليست مستعدة بأي حال من الأحوال لنهج نموذج الديمقراطية الغربية بكل تداعياتها، وأنها لن تكون قريبة منها أو شبيهة بها يوما.
"يخلص وولتر لاكيور في نهاية المطاف في قراءته لعقيدة القيصر الجديد -فلاديمر بوتين- إلى أنه ليس من المحتمل أن نرى تقاربا جديا بين روسيا وأميركا على المدى القريب، بل إن العلاقات لن تكون ودية أو سلسلة بينهما في أغلب الأحيان"
ويتابع لاكيور أن معظم الروس يعتقدون اعتقادا جازما أن نموذج الديمقراطية الغربية لا يتفق بالمطلق مع قيمهم وتقاليدهم المتوارثة. والأنكى من كل هذا ما يراه الروس بعين الجدية أن الممارسات الديمقراطية تجلت في ما حدث في بلادهم بعيد انهيار الاتحاد السوفياتي وقبيل صعود نجم بوتين، وبذلك هم يقرنون الممارسة الديمقراطية بالفوضى والانحطاط الثقافي، وبالنتيجة هم مستعدون للتضحية بالحريات والديمقراطية من أجل سيادة النظام وتثبيت الاستقرار.
وهكذا يرى الروس أن النأي عن مظاهر وتطبيقات الديمقراطية، كما رسم الغرب خطوطها العريضة وعاش فصولها، إنما هو حفاظ وحماية للبنية الاجتماعية والموروث التاريخي للشعب الروسي الذي يعتز به الروس أيما اعتزاز ويقدمونه على نظام سياسي منفتح على الاحتمالات والتقلبات التي تحملها رياح الممارسات الحرة.
نوستالجيا القوة
يمضي الكاتب في قراءة إستراتيجيات حكم بوتين وما اتسم به من مسحة النوستالجيا (الحنين للماضي) إلى الحقبة الزمنية التي سادت فيها روسيا كقوة عظمى في العالم. وهذا الإحساس العميق بالحنين إلى روسيا المتفوقة والقوية كان دائما ما يميز رؤية بوتين من خلال دفاعه المتواصل عن القيم الروسية والرموز التقليدية وحمايتها من هجمة الثقافة الغربية والعولمية. وبالمعنى الأدق للكلمة فإن بوتين قد انصرف إلى استرجاع الأيديولوجيات الغابرة وإنعاش الفكر القومي الروسي، هذا مرفقا مع حملات مناهضة للغرب ومعاداة لقيمه.
ويشير لاكيور في الفصل الأخير من الكتاب إلى أن معظم القوميين الشوفينيين الروس يعتقدون أن دولتهم وجدت لتكون إمبراطورية تضرب جذورها في التاريخ البعيد. وبالنسبة لهذه الطبقة السياسية والاجتماعية التي تؤمن بالعودة الحتمية للإمبراطورية الروسية تعتبر العديد من المناطق جزءا لا يتجزأ من أرض هذه الإمبراطورية، بل ويرون أن أوكرانيا هي جزء من هذا المفقود الذي يجب استعادته.
"البوتينية" كتاب يقرأ ما وراء سطور تجربة بوتين في زعامة روسيا الاتحادية لفترتين رئاسيتين مستمدا استمراره من قوة الدوغما التي يحاول أن يحقق إجماعا شعبيا عليها بهدف دعم سلطته واستمرار طبقته الحاكمة في إعادة إحياء الإمبراطورية "
وفي ضوء هذه الدوغماتية السائدة ف��ن مناقشة مستقبل روسيا لن تكتمل دون الإدراك أن روسيا تحمل تحت جناحيها مهمة "مسيحية" يجب اتمامها وحمايتها والدفاع عن بقائها. وهذه المهمة ستكون المرجعية والمستند العقائدي لتبرير السياسة الخارجية وسلطة الدولة، بل وتشكل أيضا جامعا قويا يلتف حوله أفراد الشعب بوصفها أيديولوجية تربطهم بقوة بدولتهم وتمنع الخروج عن صراطها.
يخلص وولتر لاكيور في نهاية المطاف في قراءته لعقيدة القيصر الجديد -فلاديمر بوتين- إلى أنه ليس من المحتمل أن نرى تقاربا جديا بين روسيا الاتحادية والولايات المتحدة على المدى القريب، بل إن العلاقات لن تكون ودية أو سلسلة بين الدولتين الكبريين في أغلب الأحيان.
فبوتين يرى في روسيا النموذج الأخير في العالم الذي يحمل القيم التقليدية ويدافع عنها من غزو الفساد القادم من أميركا والغرب بوجه عام. وهكذا، وبعد مرور ربع قرن على انهيار الاتحاد السوفياتي يبدو أن الصدام بين قيم الغرب وثوابت العقيدة الروسية يعود إلى الواجهة من جديد، أكثر سخونة والتهابا، ولا سيما في مواقع تضارب المصالح في القلب من الشرق الأوسط الذي يصب في غليانه السياسي الزيت على النار المستعرة أصلا.
"البوتينية" كتاب يقرأ ما وراء سطور تجربة بوتين في زعامة روسيا الاتحادية لفترتين رئاسيتين مستمدا استمراره من قوة الدوغما التي يحاول أن يحقق إجماعا شعبيا عليها بهدف دعم سلطته واستمرار طبقته الحاكمة في إعادة إحياء الإمبراطورية والتسليم للإمبراطور الجديد بغير منازع أو معترض أو مجادل.
هذا وكتب المحرر في جريدة نيويورك تايمز، بيتر بيكر واصفا الكتاب "هذا عبارة عن قراءة غنية في توقيت أمثل حيث تشتد الحاجة إلى معرفة المزيد من خفايا نهج سيد الكرملين الزئبقي".
المصدر : الجزيرة
مروان البقاعي
فقد جاء الكتاب في فترة ارتفع فيها منسوب التوتر بين روسيا والولايات المتحدة إلى أقصاه نتيجة عدة عوامل أهمها ضم روسيا القسري شبه جزيرة القرم، واتهامها بإسقاط الرحلة رقم 17 للخطوط الجوية الماليزية، مما أدى إلى مواجهات دبلوماسية قوية بين البلدين رافقها وابل من العقوبات الاقتصادية الشديدة.
وفي أميركا يلقي الرأي العام والرسمي في آن المسؤولية كاملة على الرئيس الروسي فلاديمير بوتين بنظرته الفولاذية الباردة للقضايا السياسية والدولية، وبدأ العديد يتساءل ما إذا كنا سنشهد عودة الحياة للدكتاتوريات التي رافقت حقبة الحرب الباردة؟
-العنوان: البوتينية.. روسيا وعلاقاتها المستقبلية مع الغرب
-اسم المؤلف: والتر لاكيور
-دار النشر: توماس ديون بوكز
-تاريخ النشر: 2015
-عدد الصفحات: 288
في كتابه "البوتينية" يحاول المؤرخ المخضرم والتر لاكيور -الذي أرخ لأهم الأحداث السياسية في الاتحاد السوفياتي قبل انهياره، واستشرف الكثير من الأحداث التي ضربت بالاتحاد وفرطت عقده- التقليل من احتمالية العودة إلى فترة الحرب الباردة وصراع العملاقين.
ويشير لاكيور في البوتينية إلى الأعمدة الثلاثة التي يجتمع عليها الحس الشعبي الروسي وتدور حولها الوحدة المجتمعية في البلاد وهي: الاعتقاد الراسخ والعميق بالكنيسة الأرثوذكسية، والحس القوي بالانتماء "الأوراسي" الذي يعتبره الروس قدرا يؤمنون به، والعامود الثالث هو الخوف والتحفز في مواجهة العدو الخارجي.
ويفيد الكاتب بأنه من منظور هذه الثوابت الثلاثة الراسخة يبدو الروس اليوم وكأنهم يحملون قواسم مشتركة مع نطرائهم في العام 1904، كما أن بوتين يبدو من المنطلق نفسه خادما لشعبه أكثر من أي يوم مضى.
ما هي البوتينية؟
يفيد لاكيور بأن مصطلح البوتينية يعكس مفهوم النظام الاستبدادي الذي يمثل مصالح مجموعات بعينها في المجتمع الروسي. وهذا النظام يقوم على آليات السلطة الرأسية وهو ما يعني ببساطة مجموعة من الأوامر المطلقة تنطلق من الأعلى نحو الأسفل.
فروسيا تعرف عن نفسها بأنها "ديمقراطية سيادية" مع التأكيد على السيادة ووضع العديد من الخطوط تحت الكلمة، وهذا يعني على أقرب تقدير أن روسيا ليست مستعدة بأي حال من الأحوال لنهج نموذج الديمقراطية الغربية بكل تداعياتها، وأنها لن تكون قريبة منها أو شبيهة بها يوما.
"يخلص وولتر لاكيور في نهاية المطاف في قراءته لعقيدة القيصر الجديد -فلاديمر بوتين- إلى أنه ليس من المحتمل أن نرى تقاربا جديا بين روسيا وأميركا على المدى القريب، بل إن العلاقات لن تكون ودية أو سلسلة بينهما في أغلب الأحيان"
ويتابع لاكيور أن معظم الروس يعتقدون اعتقادا جازما أن نموذج الديمقراطية الغربية لا يتفق بالمطلق مع قيمهم وتقاليدهم المتوارثة. والأنكى من كل هذا ما يراه الروس بعين الجدية أن الممارسات الديمقراطية تجلت في ما حدث في بلادهم بعيد انهيار الاتحاد السوفياتي وقبيل صعود نجم بوتين، وبذلك هم يقرنون الممارسة الديمقراطية بالفوضى والانحطاط الثقافي، وبالنتيجة هم مستعدون للتضحية بالحريات والديمقراطية من أجل سيادة النظام وتثبيت الاستقرار.
وهكذا يرى الروس أن النأي عن مظاهر وتطبيقات الديمقراطية، كما رسم الغرب خطوطها العريضة وعاش فصولها، إنما هو حفاظ وحماية للبنية الاجتماعية والموروث التاريخي للشعب الروسي الذي يعتز به الروس أيما اعتزاز ويقدمونه على نظام سياسي منفتح على الاحتمالات والتقلبات التي تحملها رياح الممارسات الحرة.
نوستالجيا القوة
يمضي الكاتب في قراءة إستراتيجيات حكم بوتين وما اتسم به من مسحة النوستالجيا (الحنين للماضي) إلى الحقبة الزمنية التي سادت فيها روسيا كقوة عظمى في العالم. وهذا الإحساس العميق بالحنين إلى روسيا المتفوقة والقوية كان دائما ما يميز رؤية بوتين من خلال دفاعه المتواصل عن القيم الروسية والرموز التقليدية وحمايتها من هجمة الثقافة الغربية والعولمية. وبالمعنى الأدق للكلمة فإن بوتين قد انصرف إلى استرجاع الأيديولوجيات الغابرة وإنعاش الفكر القومي الروسي، هذا مرفقا مع حملات مناهضة للغرب ومعاداة لقيمه.
ويشير لاكيور في الفصل الأخير من الكتاب إلى أن معظم القوميين الشوفينيين الروس يعتقدون أن دولتهم وجدت لتكون إمبراطورية تضرب جذورها في التاريخ البعيد. وبالنسبة لهذه الطبقة السياسية والاجتماعية التي تؤمن بالعودة الحتمية للإمبراطورية الروسية تعتبر العديد من المناطق جزءا لا يتجزأ من أرض هذه الإمبراطورية، بل ويرون أن أوكرانيا هي جزء من هذا المفقود الذي يجب استعادته.
"البوتينية" كتاب يقرأ ما وراء سطور تجربة بوتين في زعامة روسيا الاتحادية لفترتين رئاسيتين مستمدا استمراره من قوة الدوغما التي يحاول أن يحقق إجماعا شعبيا عليها بهدف دعم سلطته واستمرار طبقته الحاكمة في إعادة إحياء الإمبراطورية "
وفي ضوء هذه الدوغماتية السائدة ف��ن مناقشة مستقبل روسيا لن تكتمل دون الإدراك أن روسيا تحمل تحت جناحيها مهمة "مسيحية" يجب اتمامها وحمايتها والدفاع عن بقائها. وهذه المهمة ستكون المرجعية والمستند العقائدي لتبرير السياسة الخارجية وسلطة الدولة، بل وتشكل أيضا جامعا قويا يلتف حوله أفراد الشعب بوصفها أيديولوجية تربطهم بقوة بدولتهم وتمنع الخروج عن صراطها.
يخلص وولتر لاكيور في نهاية المطاف في قراءته لعقيدة القيصر الجديد -فلاديمر بوتين- إلى أنه ليس من المحتمل أن نرى تقاربا جديا بين روسيا الاتحادية والولايات المتحدة على المدى القريب، بل إن العلاقات لن تكون ودية أو سلسلة بين الدولتين الكبريين في أغلب الأحيان.
فبوتين يرى في روسيا النموذج الأخير في العالم الذي يحمل القيم التقليدية ويدافع عنها من غزو الفساد القادم من أميركا والغرب بوجه عام. وهكذا، وبعد مرور ربع قرن على انهيار الاتحاد السوفياتي يبدو أن الصدام بين قيم الغرب وثوابت العقيدة الروسية يعود إلى الواجهة من جديد، أكثر سخونة والتهابا، ولا سيما في مواقع تضارب المصالح في القلب من الشرق الأوسط الذي يصب في غليانه السياسي الزيت على النار المستعرة أصلا.
"البوتينية" كتاب يقرأ ما وراء سطور تجربة بوتين في زعامة روسيا الاتحادية لفترتين رئاسيتين مستمدا استمراره من قوة الدوغما التي يحاول أن يحقق إجماعا شعبيا عليها بهدف دعم سلطته واستمرار طبقته الحاكمة في إعادة إحياء الإمبراطورية والتسليم للإمبراطور الجديد بغير منازع أو معترض أو مجادل.
هذا وكتب المحرر في جريدة نيويورك تايمز، بيتر بيكر واصفا الكتاب "هذا عبارة عن قراءة غنية في توقيت أمثل حيث تشتد الحاجة إلى معرفة المزيد من خفايا نهج سيد الكرملين الزئبقي".
المصدر : الجزيرة
مروان البقاعي
June 21, 2017
I couldn't finish this book. It started out interesting and full of what I thought was good information. Then I got to a part of the book that said Putin was married to Alla Kabayeva. For a man with the experience that Laqueur has this book is filled with assumptions that he is trying to pass off as fact.
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March 30, 2022This book is certainly interesting and its author knows what he is talking about, but I couldn’t help but feel that he does not bother to even pretend to be impartial or objective. It would also help if the text received better editorial care – there are many passages where it is bogged down in unnecessary details.
August 22, 2022
Liqueur presents an invaluable guide to understanding Russian politics and modern culture so that Putin’s rise to power and recent actions finally make sense. The book also provides keen insights into how actions of NATO and the West impacted Russia today (as well as what was probably inevitable).
If you want to understand the invasion of Ukraine you should read this book!
If you want to understand the invasion of Ukraine you should read this book!
October 25, 2017
Excellent historical overview of Russia and astute analysis of where it stands now. The author’s forecast may look bleak, but it helps understand Putin’s role and vision in a national and global context.,
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September 18, 2024He hates Russia cuz ethnic Russians hate jews. It's like reading Foreign Affairs or listening to our State Department, but more obvious about the reason why. Scary, really.These people can't wait to kill Russians.
July 3, 2017
This is a quite good study on Putin and the way he leads Russia. With everything thatis occcuring today I want to know as much about Putin and Russia as I can
February 16, 2017
A good start in trying to understand modern Russia.
July 12, 2018
I made the mistake of reading a very well argued and negative review of this book when I was already part way through it and since the I have just not been able to get back into it. So I'm giving up.
August 13, 2018
كتاب ممتاز لمن يريد ان يعرف الحكم الروسي الحالي
يعيب الكتاب صعوبة المفردة والتعقيد في السرد
كتاب ليس للعامة
يعيب الكتاب صعوبة المفردة والتعقيد في السرد
كتاب ليس للعامة
April 20, 2020
A good overview of modern Russia under Putin and where he wants to take his country.
Displaying 1 - 30 of 46 reviews