Lyndon Baines Johnson (often referred to as LBJ), was the thirty-sixth President of the United States (1963–1969). Johnson served a long career in the U.S. Congress, and in 1960 was selected by then-Presidential candidate John F. Kennedy to be his running-mate. Johnson became the thirty-seventh Vice President, and in 1963, he succeeded to the presidency following Kennedy's assassination. He was a major leader of the Democratic Party and as President was responsible for designing the Great Society, comprising liberal legislation including civil rights laws, Medicare (health care for the elderly), Medicaid (health care for the poor), aid to education, and a "War on Poverty." Simultaneously, he escalated the American involvement in the Vietnam War, from 16,000 American soldiers in 1963 to 550,000 in early 1968.
A few days ago, my uncle asked me whether I like Lyndon Johnson as a person or as a chief executive. After some deliberation, I came to the conclusion that I liked him as neither.
What was Lyndon B. Johnson the man like? Well, throughout his political career, he was an outsized character who went to great lengths in his attempts to hide his intentions from everyone because he believed that unpredictability was a powerful political tool. Occasionally, when reporters got advanced word on a presidential appointment, Johnson would name someone else to throw the press off-balance. He kept trip itineraries from journalists until the last possible minute, and changes along the way were commonplace. Task force reports describing domestic problems and remedies he considered "state secrets". Premature revelations of presidential intentions were "impediments" to the Great Society.
His bizarre behavior and remarks were also part of his political calculations. Urinating in a sink, inviting people into the bathroom, showing off a scar, exposing his private parts – for Johnson, all this vulgarity was a way to shock and confuse others and thus leave him in power. He was an actor, who could be courtly and crude, gentle and overbearing, benevolent and vindictive. According to members of Johnson's White House, one could not trust anything he said or did on a given day.
Furthermore, President Johnson firmly believed that intimidation was indispensable in bending people to his will. For him, it was gratifying to have people love you, but it was essential to overpower them if you were to win on controversial public issues. His more than thirty years in politics taught him that people did not act out of affection for others but rather out of concern that you had the capacity and will to help or hurt them.
All in all, as a person, Lyndon Johnson is someone I consider to have been deeply troubled. According to Johnson biographers, at times he came frighteningly close to clinical paranoia. For instance, after President John F. Kennedy's assassination, he was engulfed by paranoid thoughts that he would be assassinated too. As biographer Robert Dalleck pointed out, "[h]is [Johnson's] presidency raises questions about executive incapacity that can neither be ignored nor easily addressed."
What was Lyndon Johnson the American president like? First of all, he wished to be the greatest presidential reformer in the country's history. In his first State of the Union message in January 1964, he asked Congress to do "more for civil rights than the last hundred sessions combined," and "to build more homes, more schools, more libraries, and more hospitals than any single session of Congress in the history of the Republic." The war on poverty and the Great Society flowed from Johnson's desire to transform the nation's domestic life. How Johnson intended to reach "the promised land," as he called it, is still a subject of debate among historians, though. The many laws passed in 1964 and 1965 were works in progress – sometimes unsuccessful – not finished acts of calculation defining his welfare state. It is true that Johnson had a keen sense of identification with the needy. He genuinely wanted, and did a lot, to improve the lives of the ordinary Americans, so I do consider him a good domestic president. Whether he could have been a great domestic president is questionable, for after he became occupied with Vietnam in 1965, he could not devote as much thought and energy to the Great Society as he no doubt would have otherwise. Whatever his public rhetoric about having both guns and butter, the war decisively shifted his focus and energies from altering America to shaping events overseas. After all, in Johnson's own words, the Great Society was the woman he loved, but he left it for "that bitch" the war.
The Vietnam War slowed and sidetracked Lyndon Johnson from implementing and adding to the domestic changes of his first two years in office. From the beginning, he knew that the American involvement in the Vietnam conflict was a potential disaster for the country and his administration – he had even opposed continued American commitment to the defense of South Vietnam when he was serving as John Kennedy's Vice President. He was far more anguished by the conflict and much less certain about how to proceed than he let on. And yet he pursued the war with persistence that defies common sense.
All in all, I do not rank Lyndon Johnson among America's best presidents. That is why I did not enjoy THE VANTAGE POINT and would recommend it only to admirers of the President. This book is not an autobiography. It is a presentation of Johnson's outlook on his own presidency. It is important to keep in mind that Johnson wanted to be remembered by the people, to be cast in a positive light by history textbooks. Therefore, in his account of events, he tends to gloss over his mistakes and embellish his accomplishments. While it is interesting to read a work Johnson himself wrote, it should not be a substitute for the much more objective political biographies available now.
Lyndon Johnson pleasantly surprised me with his well-written and for the most part nicely-organized memoir of his years in the White House. Johnson does not strike me as someone who was much of a book reader or a writer (unlike TR, Nixon, or Clinton). And while certainly he must have had a lot of assistance in writing this, and despite certain parts being somewhat sterile, it still came across heartfelt and genuine in most areas. Throughout, one gets the sense of the overwhelming burden and responsibilities are of the office. I say just a sense, because nobody could really know unless you sit in that chair.
I found this book very similar to George W. Bush's memoir in how it was structured: topically, but also somewhat chronologically. I found the most poignant chapter to be the opening one, dealing with the assassination of JFK and Johnson's ascension to the presidency. Hardly anyone (notable exception of Robert Caro) has written about the assassination from Johnson's viewpoint. Can one even imagine how that day was for him to live through? The horror of it all? Waiting in the hospital room? Taking the oath on Air Force One? I cannot even fathom what that must have been like. Though I found that to be the most heart-wrenching chapter, it definitely got me hooked on the book.
Johnson does not devote an entire section to Vietnam, but instead divides it up into periodic chronological chapters. I like this approach as I did not get tired out of reading about the endless meetings and decisions on Vietnam. Interspersed in between are chapters on the Great Society, and issues that he faced in other parts of the world. His chapter on his decision not to seek reelection in 1968 was interesting: I had always assumed that he wanted to run again but decided to get out as he may have thought that he could not win due to Vietnam. It appears that was an erroneous assumption on my part, although I have to wonder if perhaps he really had wanted to stay a little more than he let on. Towards the end, he talks at length about the transition period with Richard Nixon. I actually found this very interesting as it really does take a lot of coordination to transfer the government from one administration onto the next.
One of the book's strengths is the emphasis (like Bush 43) on making decisions, and the processes that went into those decisions. I would have liked to have seen him talk more about his relationships with people such as Robert McNamara (he really sidesteps his resignation as Secretary of Defense, dismissing it very early in the book, and not in a convincing fashion). Also, he talks about Martin Luther King's assassination fairly early in the book - that is the only part that seemed out of time with the rest of the events. Overall, I enjoyed this look at the Johnson years.
The first chapter alone makes this book worth buying. Reading about the murder of JFK from LBJ's perspective was interesting. Book is very good and I was blessed in 1994 to buy an autographed copy from the LBJ library. A must read for historians.
Having read all of the Caro LBJ books I was eager to read LBJ’s perspective on his Presidency. I grabbed this book at my library, and it was well worth the read. It was set up to deal with issues of the Presidency in a chronological way. LBJ reviews the awful day in Dallas and in so doing tried to refute some of the legend surrounding the trip, including some of the details on Democratic infighting that supposedly brought JFK to Dallas. LBJ’s point of view on the Johnson/Yarborough feud, and JFK’s supposed role in it, rings true, as his political logic was unassailable. The events following the assassination are covered, but with no reference to the tension that existed between him and RFK, especially over the issue of the swearing in at Love Field. LBJ expressed his views on the need for strong action immediately following the death of JFK, and he does deal with the legislative logjam that existed. How he broke that logjam is lightly touched upon by Johnson, but for real details the Caro book “The Passage of Power” tells the detailed story. LBJ highlights the two immediate bills he wanted to move, the Tax Cut bill and the Civil Rights bill, and talks of the important role of Senator Harry Byrd on the tax cuts. LBJ’s legislative mastery is left to Caro, but his discussion of those items is illuminating nonetheless.
LBJ talks early on about the war on poverty, truly one of the most important aspects of his Presidency. Again, his commitment seems real, driven by genuine concern for the plight of the poorest amongst us. In discussing whether to begin the program that Jack Kennedy had on the drawing board LBJ had a prescient observation on the political risks involved. His aide Horace Busby articulated the political risk inherent in a large anti-poverty effort, and LBJ cited that Busby warning in the book:
“America’s real majority is suffering a minority complex of neglect. They have become the real foes of Negro rights, foreign aid, etc., because, as much as anything, they feel forgotten, at the second table behind the tightly organized, smaller groups at either end of the U.S. spectrum.”
LBJ foresaw the backlash before it happened, always referring to a diminishing pile of political capital that he intended to use. The Busby warning, given in 1964, seems topical, even in 2017.
LBJ covers Vietnam, defending the policy that arguably destroyed his presidency. He moves the subject to separate chapters covering different time frames, initially attempting to show that his decisions were a natural outgrowth of the policies of JFK, and taking pains to show early RFK support for the war effort as well. When President Kennedy dispatched Vice President Johnson to South Vietnam in 1961 LBJ brought back a report urging a strong U.S. response to “communist aggression.” His description of the JFK response:
“President Kennedy shared this estimate. He regarded our commitment to Southeast Asia as a serious expression of our nations determination to resist aggression. As President, he was determined to keep the promises we had made. He understood what they meant, and what they might mean in the future.”
LBJ, eventually embittered by the “Kennedy” people abandoning him on the war, (although never in this book) went out of his way to associate those “people” with the Johnson policy. Without question they were initially supportive, but many became disillusioned about the policy, and became opponents of the war. LBJ never gave up the initial policy, upping the military ante right until the end of his Presidency. LBJ appears somewhat astonished that there was never any real movement from North Vietnam on his many peace overtures, never truly understanding what was driving the psyche of the North. While LBJ recognized the political implications of the Tet offensive he stubbornly clung to the idea that the North had suffered a major military defeat, with the stunned American public’s response a result of a “false” narrative on Tet being propagated by the anti-war media and movement. LBJ had terrific political instincts, but they failed him completely on Vietnam. As a person who grew of political age during the “who lost China” and Joseph McCarthy era LBJ was a political captive to the fear of being charged with losing Southeast Asia to the communists. LBJ’s instincts told him that he should not allow the GOP to flank him from the right on anti-communism, but he failed to discern the shifts coming in the country until it was too late. It was an American tragedy, and a personal one for the Johnson presidency. Fascinating all of these years later to see the rationales used to justify the effort.
The LBJ Presidency is certainly remembered for the Great Society, and for Vietnam, but there was so much more. He covers, in no order, the seizing of the Pueblo by the North Koreans, the Six Day War between Israel and the Arab states that still impacts us today, the Dominican crisis, shoring up the NATO Alliance, the efforts to achieve agreement with the Soviets on arms control, the NASA effort to land a man on the moon, the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, the income tax surcharge driven by the financial strains of guns and butter, the passing of Medicare and Medicaid, the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965, the assassinations of RFK, and Martin Luther King and the turmoil in our cities. LBJ, whether you like him or not, had a monumental set of issues, and deep rooted shocks to the system that occurred during his Presidency. He handled most of them, leaving Vietnam aside, in a way that that earned him respect, if not love.
LBJ covers his decision not to seek re-election in a way that does not quite ring true to me, but who really knows. He does acknowledge, as any good politician would, that he kept his options open until the very last minute. He truly did try to get something going with the North Vietnamese, who came to the Paris peace conference on LBJ’s watch, and as a result of his initiative to call a bombing halt. While LBJ was quite diplomatic in the book in dealing with people and controversies he was fairly explicit in accusing the “Nixon people” of going behind his back to the South Vietnamese leadership and successfully urging them to sabotage the 1968 peace push. LBJ felt that the Nixon effort severely hurt what chance there was of securing some sort of agreement with the North Vietnamese. A book of interest on this subject is the Ken Hughes effort “Chasing Shadows,” which sheds further light on the Nixon subterfuge.
Finally I was looking for some LBJ perspective on the RFK relationship, one of the most fascinating blood feuds in American history. We get some “readouts” from LBJ about the meeting with RFK on the 1964 Democratic Vice Presidential nomination, where Johnson slammed the door in Bobby’s face, as well as his last meeting with RFK after Bobby had declared for the 1968 Democratic nomination, where RFK was trying to divine LBJ’s true political intentions after his withdrawal. As RFK displayed his distrust of Johnson political intentions, albeit diplomatically, LBJ told him, “if I move you will know it.” Soon thereafter RFK was dead. In this book Johnson does not betray the depth of the dislike, and distrust, that existed between him and RFK.
The book closes with some transition boilerplate, but how can that not be a little fascinating when the transition is from LBJ to Richard Nixon, two giants of American politics in the 20th century. The book is hard to find, but good reading for those who are fascinated by LBJ, and the explosive period that he led our country through.
I have long been a fan of presidential history and presidential autobiography has been part of that. In preparation for a class I was teaching on Lyndon Johnson I decided to consult his memoirs.
“The Vantage Point” is LBJ’s own perspectives on his Presidency. After a brief account of his road to the Vice-Presidency he relates his recollections of the tragic day in Dallas that propelled him into the White House. He recalls the noise that he later learned to have been a shot, the speeding away, the transition of power as President Kennedy lay dying in a room near him, the decision to return to Washington and those first few days during which he reassured the nation and the world that the United States government endured and that the Kennedy programs went on.
This work is organized by topics and chronologically. Vietnam is the subject of five chapters. Others focus on the War on Poverty, the 1964 campaign, Civil Rights, foreign challenges such as flareups in the Caribbean, the Six Day War in the Middle East NATO and Thawing the Cold War. Johnson provides an account of his last year in office and his return to his beloved Hill Country of Texas.
This is definitely LBJ’s defense of his administration. He explains that, contrary to popular belief, JFK did not come to Texas to settle internal feuds, but to shore up the Administration’s dipping popularity. He admits that he was never close to Robert Kennedy but claims that he always treated him well and felt that LBJ continued a Kennedy-Johnson Administration. He gives his account of his own doubts about running in 1964 and the selection of his running mate, Hubert Humphrey.
LBJ goes to great length to justify his plan to commit the necessary resources to prevent defeat in Vietnam while always sending out peace feelers, though to enemies who seemed determined to achieve the peace of victory, not compromise.
Johnson claims that he had always planned to retire after one term and that it was primarily a matter of timing of the announcement rather than a question of whether to run again or not.
I enjoyed this book for the perspective it brings to a study of history. It is a reminder of the multitude of challenges faced by the President from 1963-1969. It provides an insight into at least what Johnson wants history to believe were his motivations. Readers can decide what to believe and what to doubt, but his words are worth considering. “Vantage Point” is an edifying read for anyone interested in America of the 1960s.
Not so surprising that a President would write with pride about his accomplishments, but this memoir also describes the debates about policy decisions he made. In addition, reading this book, at this time, gave me some perspective on presidential decision making and how dealing with crises is so much harder when you have to make the decisions in the midst of the confusion rather than with hindsight.
For me, LBJ was one of the best Presidents that the US has had, mainly for his domestic policies. I remember the unrest and discontent due to the Vietnam War, but this narrative gives a sense of what we thought was at stake, and how the press corp directed public opinion based upon leaks of alternative actions that were not yet implemented.
I got a new appreciation of how secrecy is desirable while evaluating a course of action. You need time to make your own evaluation, and to ask your allies their opinion. When a possible course of action is leaked, the reaction to it can be so dire that your preferred action is no longer viable.
I found this book at the LBJ Presidential Library & Museum for $5.00. It was well worth the money, as LBJ's presidency is such an interesting one to study. From the that horrible day in Dallas, to the Civil Rights Act, to Vietnam-- this book presents history from LBJ's perception. My US History students read excerpts from this book and compared his own words concerning the Gulf of Tonkin incident to somewhat contradictory primary source documents and readings on the subject by contemporary historians. They also watched clips from *The Fog of War.* Presented in this context, this book provides for a glimpse into the vulnerable post-presidential side of LBJ, still concerned about appearances, still spinning the game. If he had lived another 20 or 30 years, I wonder what he would have said in future books or interviews once the documents (and those wonderful tapes) from his administration became more and more available.
President Lyndon Johnson's memoirs of his presidency. I've read the first 3 in a series of what will be a 4-part biography of President Johnson. He's an extremely interesting and complicated individual. And, his year's in office saw some monumental legislation passed thanks' to his guidance and perseverance (Voting Rights, Medicaid, Housing, etc...) and also some of our most tumultuous years with the Vietnam War.
This book is well written, and it keep you wanting to know more throughout the entire thing. It's long, but it's definitely worth the read. It's written how I imagine LBJ would speak, so it's very straight-forward, honest, and real. I appreciate the fact that there are times he admits that he wasn't 100% sure about everything, but he did his best to get it right.
This was a tough slog. Most of it read as a list of events with no emoition or personal commentaty..."on this date I met with these people to discuss this thing..." The chapters on Vietnam were especially like this. Even the final chapters were like this. The best chapters were on President Kennedy's death and civil rights where he injected emotions.
Overall, I liked it, I did get to learn more about Presiednt Johnson.