Prowokująca książka singapurskiego politologa. Autor dowodzi, że dwustuletnia epoka dominacji Zachodu jako globalnej potęgi dobiega końca, zaczyna się nowy porządek świata, z Chinami i Indiami jako najsilniejszymi gospodarkami. Mahbubani z pasją argumentuje, że Zachód nie może już dłużej narzucać światu swojej ideologii, musi przestać próbować interweniować, politycznie i militarnie, w sprawy innych narodów. Tylko uznając swój zmieniający się status i dążąc do wpływu, a nie dominacji, świat Zachodu może nadal odgrywać kluczową rolę geopolityczną.
Kishore Mahbubani (born 24 October 1948) is a Singaporean academic and former diplomat. He is currently Professor in the Practice of Public Policy at Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore.
From 1971 to 2004 he served in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was Singapore's Permanent Representative to the United Nations. In that role, he served as President of the United Nations Security Council in January 2001 and May 2002.
On 6 November 2017, Mahbubani announced that he would retire from the position as Dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School at the end of 2017.
“Has the West Lost It?” is definitely the worst written book I read this year. The simplistic, narrow view of the author made me shake my head in disbelief that a respectable publisher decided to waste money and paper to print this collection of delusions, incoherent ramblings and unfounded statements the author presents as facts (e.g. writing about Americans as the ‘best-educated society on Earth’, whereas in fact Americans rank 27th in general education and 38th in math, according to the latest Pew Research Center, or presenting the supposed increased religiosity of Muslims all over the world - here too the author treats Islam as a strong uniformed religion without understanding and acknowledgment of its numerous schisms).
I agree with the author when it comes to American arrogance, messianic impulse to change the world and excessive interventionism and the need for greater humility, however the author extends it to the whole of the West, which he most of the time wrongly sees as a cultural and political monolith. He has no appreciation for cultural subtleties and differences when it comes to values. He patronisingly advises the West over and over again to employ more self-reflection and discuss and study the changes in the global socio-economic arena, being oblivious to the fact that this is precisely what at least Western European countries have been doing for two recent decades, if not longer.
Mahbubani, as well educated and experienced as he is, seems to see human development only from the perspective of GDP, ignorant that most economists, sociologists and politicians acknowledge these days that this is a faulty way of measuring progress and development. He idealistically oversimplifies the implications of continuous economic growth claiming it would bring better education for everyone, longer life expectancy, decrease the number of wars and the crime rate, eradicate poverty and bring happiness. He mentions Bangladesh as a beacon of hope in that respect, failing to see the impact economic growth will have on the environment. Bangladesh already suffers from terrible floods; any greater burden on the environment with increased consumption and the resulting worsening of the global warming will make the country less and less inhabitable. As with any other country, increased consumption worldwide and the unsustainable growth of emerging economies, in which the author seems to believe and be in favour of, will likely lead to further destabilisation of the world’s economies, an influx of climate refugees, corruption and the rise of domestic and international conflicts, as we are already seeing in some parts of the world.
Mahbubani’s outlook on the world is equally myopic in other respects too. He is proud to see many Asians expressing hope about the future (in contrast with many Westerners who are less optimistic) and trust in the government, but he fails to realise the following: 1) Many Asians can afford to be optimistic because their starting point, the reality they remember from childhood, was if not abysmal poverty then a very modest life compared with that of many Westerners; 2) Many Asians may not be honest and trust that the criticism they express wouldn’t be used against them. With the increase of monitoring of Chinese citizens’ behaviour and habits the risk it could be done and people’s fear of it are genuine. 3) A lot of Asians are not educated well enough and are not familiar with the democratic mechanisms to know what they should expect from the government, and are therefore are less critical.
Mahbubani constant lack of acknowledgment of the significance of human rights and striving for the equality among citizens reflects an Asian bias. He belittles the tragedy of Rohingya Muslims, ignores low position of women in many Asian societies (seeing lifting the ban on driving for women in Saudi Arabia as a milestone on the way to progress and modernity as if progress was a linear phenomenon), discrimination of Indians from ethnic minorities and humiliations many religious minorities in China must endure every day. Instead, he calls Xi Jinping, Narendra Modi and Jokowi “exceptionally honest and competent”, which makes me see in him another Asian social commentator willing to sacrifice happiness and rights of an individual for an economic growth for the wealthy elite and an increasing middle class as long as they don’t complain and show gratitude.
Mahbubani’s belief that better education will solve all problems is extremely naïve. One doesn’t need to look far to see the problems resulting from minting one college degree after another, which nullifies their value. In India less than 17% of university graduates are immediately employable and only 2.3% of the Indian workforce has undergone formal skills training, according to Snigdha Poonam, the author of the book “Dreamers: How Young Indians are Changing the World”. There are four jobs in the organised sector for every 100 college graduates in India, according to the Ministry of Human Resource Development in India. The situation in many other Asian countries is equally grim, with tens of thousands (and in the case of China - millions) of Chinese, Vietnamese and South Korean university graduates fighting for few good jobs available for them. Education needs to go in par with the provision of workplaces people deserve and which would utilise graduates’ skills and potentials, otherwise erupting frustration and desperation lead to social problems threatening the stability of the country. The author, having swallowed the propaganda of the rosy future for Asia, fails to see the correlation.
His again simplistic ideas for ‘solving’ Western problems and claims regarding the development of the world are nothing short of pathetic and show shocking lack of knowledge and understanding of the complexity of various factors that constitute cultures: “The Nordic countries continue to excel in providing a good balance between economic growth and social harmony. This Nordic model will gradually become universalized. The United States continues to excel in higher education and entrepreneurship. The world will copy American best practices”, or “What Indonesia and Malaysia have accomplished today, Algeria and Tunisia can accomplish tomorrow. Young Algerians and Tunisians should be sent to East Asia to study”. Arrogance, as well as the smug and patronising tone of the author, who often mentions that no one else has seen what he sees, make the whole book a truly uncomfortable read, considering especially how ill-informed and narrow-minded he is in many of his views. The most surprising are probably his complaints that no Westerners write about and discuss the loss of Western supremacy on the international arena. In fact, every bookshop’s shelves are laden with publications on that very topic, analysing it from various angles. The author does not seem up to date with any influential and highly acclaimed publications from the 21st century on topics he is trying to discuss. If Mahbubani bothered to read more than a limited number of American and British newspapers he would see that European ones constantly, at least in the recent decade, have been writing about the topics he claims no one sees and talks about: threat coming from islamisation of Western countries, Chinese economic boom, Chinese investments in Africa, to name a few.
“Has the West Lost It?” is not a refreshing polemic offering new insights into the current state of international affairs. Its subtitle “A Provocation” sounds like a joke, since what I found provocative was the realisation that the author is one of the leading Singaporean academics, a former diplomat and a public policy advisor. If this is the best level of education Singaporean universities offer then I am very sorry for the country’s youth. This is the level of writing of a European high school student. I find it a provocation from the author’s side to sound like an Eastern prophet predicting West’s doom and not realising his shortcomings.
Answering the question asked in the title of the book: No, the West has not lost it, nor is it going to lose it in the foreseeable future. There is a reason why millions of people from Asia, Africa and South America are trying to come and settle in Europe, North America and Australia every year. I do not see mass immigration of Westerners to these continents. It is a no-brainer that given the choice, people opt for safety, economic and political stability, respect for human rights and a high standard of living for an average citizen. Western countries, albeit flawed in many respects, have proven they can offer that, whereas even the fastest growing economies in Asia or Africa cannot offer even an illusion.
A strange book by one of our local public intellect. It mocks the West's myopic vision while at the same time fails to see that Singapore is in an equally precarious position due to the leadership's inability to extricate itself from its Neo-liberal group think mentality. To borrow a Chinese proverb, the author sounds like a person who's fallen back fifty steps laughing at some one who has fallen back a hundred.
Amiúde ultra enviesado, quer quanto à sobrevalorização da economia sobre todos os demais factores, quer no branqueamento de pessoas (líderes) e pertinente acção do "Ocidente" quanto às mesmas. Mas sumariamente interessante pelo muito que faz reflectir.
A refreshing and enlightening view of recent history and the fraught relationship between the West and the Rest, by Mr. Mahbubani, a Singaporean diplomat. This is exactly the sort of book that's needed today as a counterbalance to the crazy right wing nationalism that's sweeping Europe and the US - verging on fascism, along with xenophobia. Unfortunately, the author is correct: Western elites benefited richly from globalization but didn't bother to explain to the masses what the effects of globalization would be nor did they have a rational plan in place to enable the masses in the US and Europe to transition to their new position peacefully and with a minimum of disruption. Instead, they allowed huge swathes of the population to simply become jobless with no thought whatsoever as to what that might mean. The rise of Trump and other demagogues and even wannabe dictators in Europe was the inevitable result - taking advantage of the dislocation and anguish caused by globalization, because Western elites never prepared the masses in the West nor adequately planned or allocated funds to enable a peaceful transition in America and Europe, such as paying for the creation of a much expanded educational infrastructure so that workers could receive constant educational/training updates every time they transitioned from one job to another. This could have been financed by tax revenues had there been a more just tax structure in place, and less allocation of funds to pay for the Iraq war (for example); yet the "panacea" of tax cuts for the wealthy is "prescribed" (short-term stimulus) with no thought as to the eventual (long-term) result of simply letting millions of workers go with no planning nor thought as to how they will fit into a future which may not include their prior industrial occupations.
Trump also doesn't think strategically, he is not keeping Americans' welfare and skills front and center. That is, their development as human beings - education and health and skills training - so that they can climb into the middle class. Instead many Americans have given up on ever finding work, while Trump seeks to slash spending on education and health, just when he should be pouring money into these areas! Americans are trapped in low-wage jobs, often without benefits, and barred from higher education from its excessive cost - while also squeezed by ever-increasing rents, brought on by Trump's buddies in the real-estate/financial establishment who perennially look to make a quick buck on the the rising real estate market, despite the grim reality of the 2008 economic collapse. No wonder some turned to a brazen phony and conman as if he were a "Messiah" - believing his bigoted lies since they had nothing else left to believe. The seeds of Trump's victory were planted way back in the prior century, when President Clinton signed NAFTA, a deal that had been initiated by the Republicans, a deal that did not include massive funding to assist displaced industrial workers adjust to the coming transition and make a living in the new economy.
The author makes a compelling case for the need for new thinking and new leadership in the West - although the world has never been better off than it is today, it is world is rapidly becoming a world that will no longer be dominated economically by the West. Although the West needs to adjust to its new position, the current trend in Europe and the USA toward demagogic and xenophobic leadership which tends to ignore the handwriting on the wall and the need to adjust, doesn't bode well.
The quotes:
"[R.W. Johnson:] [In America] Between 1948 and 1973, productivity rose by 96.7 per cent and real wages by 91.3 per cent, almost exactly in step. Those were the days of plentiful hard-hat jobs in steel and the auto industry when workers could afford to send their children to college and see them rise into the middle class. But from 1973 to 2015 - the era of globalization, when many of these jobs vanished abroad - productivity rose 73.4 per cent while wages rose by only 11.1 percent."
"[R.W. Johnson:] On average in 1965 an American CEO earned 20 times what a worker did. By 2013, on average, the number was 296 times."
"In the last thirty years, we have carried more people over the threshold of university education than we have in the previous 3,000 years."
"...the most historically consequential event in 2001 was not 9/11. It was China's entry into the WTO."
"...ignorance about the extraordinary progress made by billions on our planet is aggravated by the global supremacy of Western media, which dominate global news and infect the world with the prevailing Western pessimism."
"Southeast Asia was a hotbed of conflict and strife from 1945 to 1985. Now....all ten ASEAN governments are functional and thrusting Southeast Asia forward to become the fourth-largest economic area in the world by 2050."
"The inability to see the explosion of new personal freedoms that the Chinese people are enjoying [such as mass tourism, i.e. 100,000,000 Chinese tourists abroad in 2015] means that the West is also unable to see that Chinese civilization is beginning to experience the most glorious period ever in it 3,000-year history."
"For most of human history, access to education and information was limited to small groups of elites. Now it has become almost universalized, as primary education is reaching each child. All this is also spreading the culture of modern reasoning gifted by the West."
"...few in the West will openly acknowledge that one key word explains why the West lost its way at the end of the Cold War: hubris."
"Through the 1970s and 1980s, as the Soviet threat gained pace, with Soviet-supported invasions in Cambodia and Afghanistan, the West remained alert."
"After the massive decolonization of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the middle of the twentieth century... Western diplomats dispensed advice with thinly disguised condescension to the 88 per cent of the global population outside the West."
"...in purchasing power parity terms (PPP) ....China emerged as the world's largest economy in 2014, even though it had been 10 per cent the size of the American economy in 1980."
"The West's second major strategic error was to further humiliate the already humiliated Russia. Gorbachev's unilateral dissolution of the Soviet empire was an unimaginable geopolitical gift to the West, especially America. The Russia that remained was a small shell of the Soviet Empire."
"Contrary to the implicit assurances given to Gorbachev and Soviet leaders in 1990, the West expanded NATO into previous Warsaw Pact countries, including the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania and Slovakia. The humiliation of Russia led to an inevitable blow-back. The Russian people elected a strongman ruler, Vladimir Putin, to defend Russian national interests strongly."
"Yet, even while Putin was in office in the 2000s, the West threatened to expand NATO into Ukraine..."
"America supported the demonstrations against President Viktor Yanukovych of Ukraine when his regime collapsed in 2014. Putin knew that the next Ukrainian government might push Ukraine into NATO."
"If the West had shown respect for Russia instead of humiliating it, Putin would not have happened."
"...the end of the Cold War saw a flurry of so-called 'color' revolutions... [including] Yugoslavia in 2000 (Bulldozer), Georgia in 2003 (Rose), Ukraine in 2005 (Orange), Iraq in 2005 (Purple), Kyrgyzstan in 2005 (Tulip), Tunisia in 1010 (Jasmine), Egypt in 2011 (Lotus)."
"...the West rushed to support [the color revolutions] ... because in the minds of Western policy-makers... the export of democracy was an inherent good."
"[But many in the Rest] ...see this as a last futile attempt to continue the two-century period of Western domination of world history through other means. They also notice the cynical promotion of democracy in adversarial countries like Iraq and Syria and not in friendly countries like Saudi Arabia. ...when the intervention turns sour, as in Iraq or in Libya, the West walks away and takes on no moral responsibility for the adverse consequences."
"If we screw up the only planet we have, we don't have a planet B to go to."
"Over the past thirty years, as Western power has waned, instead of listening to the majority opinions of humanity the West has regularly tried to justify its ignoring of majority worldviews by attacking the UN."
"...most serious philosophers regard [Machiavelli] ... as one of he wisest thinkers of all times."
"...it is in Europe's strategic interest to import the East Asian economic success stories into North Africa. Hence, Europe should work with China, not against China, to build up North Africa."
"Young Algerians and Tunisians should be sent to East Asia to study."
"Africa's population will become as large as Asia's by 2100. Then there will be 4.5 billion people in Africa. How will an aging population of 450 million Europeans deal with this demographic explosion?"
"...Americans have taken advantage of ...European strategic passivity to hijack European states and get them to support various American initiatives that are against long-term European interests. Geopolitics is, at the end of the day, about geography. The Americans have destabilized Europe's geographical neighborhood."
"One of Obama's biggest gifts to America was the nuclear deal with Iran."
"The Soviet Union saw America as a military competitor. In fact, America was its economic competitor, and it was the collapse of the Soviet economy that led to America's victory. Similarly, for America, China is an economic competitor, not a military competitor. The biggest mistake that America could make is to step up its military deployments in East Asia to balance a resurgent China."
"In theory, China will win in economic competition, because it has a much larger population: 1.37 billion, as opposed to America's 321 million. Yet, America has outperformed every other economy in the world by being able to attract the best and brightest of the 7 billion people on Earth."
"...the West is wrong in believing that democracy is a necessary condition for economic success. If it were, China could not and should not have succeeded. But it has. This is also why many in the West deeply resent China's success. It undermines many key pillars of Western ideology."
"...Europe lost its strategic common sense. By not exporting jobs to Africa, it designed policies [such as the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of 1962] that would inevitably import Africans into Europe."
"...in 1950, Europe's share of the world's population was 22 per cent, while Africa's was 9 per cent. By 2050, Europe's share will have shrunk to 7 per cent, while Africa's will have exploded to 39 percent."
"The biggest act of strategic folly that America could commit would be to make a futile attempt to derail China's successful development before China clearly emerges as number one in the world again."
"It is truly dangerous that there is a significant group of thinkers, policy-makers and activists in Washington DC who are quietly plotting and planning various ways of derailing China. Such activity can only give credence to the hawkish voices in the country and result in the emergence of an angry nationalist China."
"...it is almost taboo in America to speak of America becoming number two (although it will inevitably become number two)."
"...China, for its own reasons, is happy to live in a world dominated by multilateral rules and processes."
"[Xi Jinping, January 2017:] Economic globalization, a surging historical trend, has greatly facilitated trade, investment, flow of people and technological advances...1.1 billion people have been lifted out of poverty, 1.9 billion people now have access to safe drinking water, 3.5 billion people have gained access to the Internet, and the goal has been set to eradicate extreme poverty by 2030."
"Trump is clearly ignorant about the world."
"[American] ...elites clearly enjoyed the rich pickings they got from surfing on the globalization that America launched. They refused to see the pain that the same massive change had wrought upon the masses. There is one glaring statistic to sum this up: 63 per cent of Americans don't have enough savings to cover a $500 emergency. In short, while America is wasting trillions fighting unnecessary wars and deploying unnecessary aircraft carriers, 200 million Americans live on the edge. This defies common sense."
"There are 4.43 billion Asians out of a global population of 7.12 billion people..."
"The crux of the problem facing the West is that neither the conservatives nor the liberals, neither the right wing nor the left wing, understand that history changed direction at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The era of Western domination is coming to an end."
"[Although] ...it is not inevitable that China will lead the world, .... it is inevitable that China will have the world's largest economy."
"It is inevitable that the world will face a troubled future if the West can't shake its interventionist impulses, refuses to recognize its new position, or decides to become isolationist and protectionist."
I really wanted to like this book but I couldn't. With a title like Has the West Lost It? (I do think they did, look at Trump!) I thought that a book written by a diplomate from the South would give a view that is different from the Western view that one can benefit from. It doesn't, it is written with a tone that swings back and forth between advise and something that is a little too subdued for my taste.
More importantly, Mahbubani has made some arguments that are infuriating, and inaccurate: - According to him, the "Power of reasoning" is something the West invented and the Rest has taken ready made and benefitted from. I find it difficult to ignore history and common sense and think of us in the "Rest" as having been in the dark (ignore Chinese philosophy, Islamic science and medicine, Indian thought, and the many other cultures and traditions) and waited for Europe to get out of their dark ages to give us the power of reasoning. - He uses country level statistics to make sweeping judgement. I understand he is not an academic but that ignores inequities in such countries and to claim that Bangladesh and Pakistan are on a great route and have nearly got there ignores extreme poverty in both of them and other similar countries. - He praises some people as "exceptionally honest" and sing their praises, those include Jinping of China and Modi of Inida. I find it hard to take someone seriously when China is what it is and with the threats it is imposing on Hong Kong for example and when Modi is an ultra nationalist far right leader who celebrates this ignoring the inequities and injustices that happen in India. - Putin, apparently, "had no choice" but to take Crimea. Poor Putin. Maybe he also has no choice but to prosecute LGBTQ people, kill journalists, and bomb Syria. - The author has no criticism to make against dictators, he is pragmatic to the extent that all goes as long as it plays the political game. - He speaks about how the muslims are becoming more religious across the globe. I struggle with generalisations of this kind. We would never do such generalisations about Westerners but even for a person from the South it seems easy to generalise about hundreds of millions of people ignoring all variations.
I am disappointed, reading this gave me the same sense I had when I read Fukuyama's latest book, Identity, of tiredness and wanting someone to compensate me for my time.
I found this a powerful and challenging read and a welcome change of perspective from our own bubble of national concerns. He reminds his readers of how the world in general is improving, becoming more peaceful, safer and richer. Meanwhile the West's "flailing" (a very appropriate word, I'd say) is not furthering either world stability or the narrow interests of the US and Europe. Founding his ideas on the teachings of Niccolò Machiavelli, he advises America to focus on competing with China economically and Europe to focus on creating stability and prosperity at its borders instead of trying to impose democracy using the heavy-handed methods that have done so much to create the exact opposite. Like the other book I've read of his - "Can Asians Think?" - it's challenging. You're not going to find any platitudes here and he's absolutely willing to put prosperity ahead of democracy if necessary. That's not something I find easy to swallow, but he makes a powerful case for it: rising, dynamic Asian countries lifting millions out of poverty vs confused, angry Western countries distrusting their own political systems and voting for ridiculous bullshit like Brexit and Trump... There were a couple of weak points - such a seeming a little complacent about Putin. Some of the sources cited seem a bit shonky too - a Seamus Milne article more-or-less repeating a Trump talking point that Obama had founded ISIS for example. But on the whole, he brought a lot of expertise to the question and it's always refreshing to read the views of someone from a totally different mindset.
Some interesting ideas here, but largely a very shallow analysis unworthy of a senior diplomat and commentator.
Some of the bits I found worth quoting:
The reality that the West has to deal with is that the primary strategic challenge for America is not the same as the primary strategic challenge for Europe. For America, it is China. For Europe, it is the Islamic world at its doorstep in North Africa. Facts are facts. Yet each year, when the best Western strategic thinkers converge at the Munich Security Conference in February, not one Western strategic thinker can state the most obvious and important thing: American and European interests have diverged. The election of Trump has brought this divergence out into the open. It may well go down as one of Trump’s biggest contributions to world history...
Europe’s primary threat is spillover instability from the Islamic world. As long as North Africa and the Middle East are populated with struggling states, migrants will come into Europe, stirring populist parties. However, if Europe helps North Africa to replicate the successful economic development stories of Malaysia (described earlier) and Indonesia, Europe will have built a strategic bulwark against unmanageable migrant flows. In short, it is in Europe’s strategic interest to import the East Asian economic success stories into North Africa. Hence, Europe should work with China, not against China, to build up North Africa.
"In the future, historians will lament that America’s long-term policy toward China was not a result of calm calculation. Instead, they are likely to focus on how America’s political polarization and simplistic ideology – shared by many who should know better – drove it into a highly damaging and utterly pointless conflict." Kishore, May 2018
Um livro que podia ser muito melhor do que é. Extremamente enviesado no leque político, com mensagens claramente de campanha. Não é o melhor sobre o assunto. Não recomendo
“Provocative & thought provoking. Bracing like a cold shower.” - Prof Danny Quah, who succeeded Kishore Mahbubani as Dean LKY School of Public Policy
A love letter to the West. 1. Why does the West matter? 2. Why the West has lost its way? 3. What can be done?
West as role model & inspiration for the human condition. Re: Steven Pinker - global violence has declined
3 critical strategic mistakes committed by the West: 1. 1990 end of Cold War. Francis Fukuyama’s essay “The End of History” => complacency vs China & India waking up. Was the West caught sleeping? 2. 9/11 war in Afghanistan, in Iraq vs. China’s ascension to WTO. Rise of populism in USA and the rise of Trump. 3. Not adjusting with the times. Arrogance. Lost the art of listening. Lost the art of thinking strategically.
The 3M strategy: 1. Minimalist. 2. Multi-lateralism 3. Machiavellian. Realpolitik If EU doesn’t export development to Africa then Africa will export Afrikans to EU. So while protest when China is bringing development in Africa? The world has changed, has became a better place. If the West doesn’t change course, there will be problems for the rest of the World. What created IS & Al Qaeda (CIA’s bulwark vs Soviet Union).
An anti-American, anti-Trump pamphlet (equals The West = United States) reminiscent of the not-aligned movement of the seventies. It lacks depth of thoughts and only scratches the surface of the issue. Expected more insights on economic, cultural, political and managerial differences between two (or more) different world views.
This is a somewhat disorganised text, but it hits on a lot of good points. The fundamental thesis that Mahbubani puts forward is that Western power has reached its zenith, and that the following decades will be characterised by the extent to which Western countries are able to align themselves around this new reality.
The waves of decolonisation in the twentieth century, have created a world in which non-Western countries are no longer artificially economically inhibited. For example, India, which was systematically prevented from industrialising during British occupation, is now able to industrialise freely. Further to that, India is also able to freely define its relationship with its neighbours, and with the world: choosing who to trade with, and on what terms.
That the West is richer and more powerful because the populations or industries located there are simply, in some way, 'better' (be that: more efficient, less corrupt, better educated, or something else), is increasingly being revealed as a fallacy. And yet, Western powers are still struggling to look beyond a world in which they have the lion share's of money, power and influence.
The next few decades are a critical time in which Western powers will need to make decisions about how they define themselves in a new cultural context. It is not a matter that the Western is bad and will lose, or that the developing world is good and will win. On the contrary, there need not be any competition. Mahbubani's thesis is that if the West intends to spend the next few decades flailing around, attempting to put up barriers between itself and the Global South, and bombing countries with differing visions to their own, then none of that will be to the West's credit - and it will not work. It has not worked up till now, and as the balance of power shifts away from the West, it will soon begin to harm the West more than it harms the Global South.
A book that doesn’t add much more than reading the backblurb. I liked the perspective Mahbubani gave on the fast shifting centre of power and the rapid rise of Asia during the last 30 years. He points us to how for billions of people this was and is a positive development; a succes that can be replicated even further to South America and Africa.
The decoupling the author makes between economic progress and democratic rule is however worrisome. And while his observation that the West should change its strategy, “like an army that goes from being twice as strong to half as strong as its opponents”, makes perfect sense, his solutions to how the West can retain its prosperity in an Asian age are too simple for me. America should stop bomming Islamist countries and Europe should help build up its African neighbours. We should invest more in supranational institutions so that the incoming hegemon will be compelled to do the same. We should not champion our belief system but just focus on machiavalistic retention of influence on the changing world stage. We should both soften the blows of globalisation and open up our economies to ensure we profit from the growing economic pie. Mahbubani is too sweeping towards the end of the book and lost me a bit as a reader.
Interesting to read and see some fresh point of view, yet some of the ideas seemed not to be well-developed yet. I also have a feeling it's a writing made in the atmosphere of Trump presidency hate (which I understand), but I am not sure if it is not influencing this point of view too much, to show how America can become corrupt, and 'less' in any other way.
Interesting, alternate view on the state of current affairs but from a non-western viewpoint. It's only just over a 100 pages long and a lot of the idea's aren't explored thoroughly and expanded upon but they do make for an interesting and thought provoking read - but would good to see this essay expanded into a thicker book format.
It is a short provocative essay, which is remarkable in that it says almost nothing. The overload of repetitive and similar statistics brings in bordering on rambling. The second half of the book is much more interesting for it actually brings in original thought. Yet, the views presented are simple and lack nuance, remaining unconvincing.
This author has an excellent grasp, not only of world and Western history over the past couple of decades, but a fairly realistic and reasonably objective viewpoint and analysis of the twentyfirst century world. If overly sensitive Westerners take offense at his criticisms, it is only because they’ve drunk the Kool-Aid of a continuing US/Western arrogance in their long held beliefs that they have enjoyed international dominance for the past few centuries almost by their theocratic god-given right to determine and influence the fate of other sovereign countries and the world in general. As a foreign affairs analyst, specializing in China, East Asia and the remainder of Asia, I have watched the rapid changes Asia has been undergoing for the past 30 years, as well as more recently, and the BRICS coalition as a whole. I have watched the world transition from a bipolar world to unipolar which arrogant US leaders thought they’d maintain forever while decimating the country with never ending, pointless trillion dollar wars with no viable exit strategies or remotely mature, well planned long term goals/agendas of transforming the world into one of capitalist democracies modeled on its own with no understanding of various states’ histories, peoples, religions (beyond a superficial understanding), goals, ambitions, desire or willingness, let alone historical experience with a democratic system, to undergo the changes being forced through a variety of methods and strategies, and without any realistic understanding or foresight of whether such peoples and societies are even capable of sustaining substantial change (see Russia as prime example), not to mention issues such as deregulation, unchecked globalization, and unrealistic and misleading (often intentional) economic status and forecasting studies, analysis and reports, helping to lead not only the US, but much of the West as well and the rest of the world into the worst financial disaster/crisis since the Great Depression. There are many other variables, but as the author so adroitly points out, most of the West and especially the US have regressed into such bitter divisiveness and polarization led by renegade “politicians” egged on (and egging on) an unanticipated tide of carefully managed white rage, which has become so toxic that hate and any willingness to seek or accept compromise have become more common in America on both sides of the aisle than at any time in many decades, if not centuries. And what has this led to? A broken dysfunctional country resentful of the rest of the world for perceived injustices of “free rides” of growth, a huge number of defense treaties and US promises to protect most of the world with the country’s nuclear umbrella - contingent upon their signing the NPT and the promise of nonproliferation, an economic, militarized, hypocritically moralistic declining superpower reluctant to acknowledge the literal and inevitable power shift from West to East and the rapid rise of an increasing number of regional powers with the potential of becoming competing “superpowers,” most especially and obviously China. I have been observing China for decades and for much of this decade I have been trying to educate, inform, warn, etc. as many people as possible of the very real potential dangers an increasingly aggressive, brazen China MAY represent, with the alleged Chinese goal of 2049 in mind, which whether one accepts the theory/belief or not, is in fact on the minds of many government officials, military leaders, policy and foreign relations analysts, etc., regardless of the alleged goal as a plausible reality or no. These, and many more domestic/international issues, don’t appear to either exist or matter to most Americans who are too engrossed in social media, PlayStations, reality TV, etc., oblivious to the major changes taking place around the world, many of which WILL impact Americans. I have read and researched numerous issues of increasing international concern, such as the escalating situation in the SCS, and there are many excellent resources out there, from all viewpoints. But most I’ve encountered are authored by Americans or other Westerners, and the fact that this book takes a radically different approach to such issues, that of a non-Western world citizen with many interesting and valid points, criticisms and ultimately suggestions as one who feels America needs to adjust both its perception of US hegemony being a long lasting given and that the world revolves around us, as well as its domestic and international priorities/strategies to a more realistic position, like it or not, and all of this is written to America(ns) as one who has long admired this country, continues to feel the role of America’s power is crucial for the stability of the world, and is rooting for us. Badly. Unique, refreshing, valuable perspectives rarely found elsewhere. Highly recommended!
This book has a simple insightful "East Asian" perspective on where the economics powers will shift in the new future, and the inspiration of the West in terms of globalization had on Asia's Success stories such as Singapore and Malaysia.. Etc
I think I can sum up the book with this quote::
"As long as liberal Americans believe that they have the most liberal minds in the world, they will never wake up and understand the closed mental universes they have boxed themselves into. Liberalism has cre-ated an attitude of intellectual superiority, especially towards the rest of the world. Most European intellec-tuals, who are more aware of their own troubled history and the damage that European colonization did to the world, do not share the messianic impulse of American intellectuals. Nonetheless, there is a similar reluctance to accept the new reality that Europe must also make structural adjustments to cope with a resurgent Rest."
The beauty of tea is that the best quality is the ones planted in Asia, enjoy.
Well written - no silly or unnecessary academic jargon to dissuade readers wanting a clearer idea of the current geopolitical climate and a brief history of how we came to be here. Mahbubani's book is small and manageable and a good start to understanding this area!
Particularly relevant to read now as the geopolitical landscape is changing so quickly. Also interesting to reflect on Mahbubani's arguments in light of Trump's handling of COVID19 and the position of the USA in a post-pandemic world.
An insightful prediction of the world's future. Kishore has cited references from Hans Rosling's "Factfulness", thus the sharp and precise analysis of this book is heavily coincides with Hans Rosling fact based worldview. A provocative and reinforced extended reading if you have read Factfulness before.
The subtitle - A Provocation - definitely applies to this book.
I don't agree with every statement he makes within this book and some are generalized to a point at which it does not resemble reality anymore. However a read of it is definitely worth it as it's prompts one to rethink a lot of "given facts" and the way one looks at the world. It has given me a new perspective to consider.
Nearly DNFd when I realised the context of the book is completely obsolete, having been finalized circa 2017 which is to say pre-COVID, Ukraine, AI, Israel (not mentioned once here despite the recent 2014 Gaza War)
But I read on.
I disliked the pervading view that the West is a monolithic block - the only good parts of the book are when the author points to specific countries, and his strong position on multilateralism, sadly no closer a reality now than back then, and the confident predictions tragically shown to have been all incorrect.
It’s extremely thought-provoking and pissed me off multiple times. Especially when it came to Russia, which the author unrightfully described as a victim of the West (but I’m from a former Soviet Bloc country, so what do I know). As a provocation - the book works perfectly. As a legitimate word of advice for the US and the EU - it’s complicated.
The main issue in my opinion was the pro-Machiavellian approach. The author gave me the impression that if the end justifies its means, then ethical governance doesn't really matter. The idea of progress over ethics isn’t anything new, but this is a very delicate matter. Especially when it comes to human rights. Can you justify a massacre, if the outcome is for the greater good? No, not according to democratic principles.
The second issue I had was the overemphasis on GDP, which the author constantly referred to as an example of well-being. GDP doesn't necessarily display, how much a country spends on social benefits. Nor does it showcase life expectancy, education, the level of overall happiness etc. Nordic countries are a good example of how GDP isn’t the prime indicator for mesuring well-being.
There are some notable ideas by the former President of the UNSC. For example, the senseless war against terrorism, which ends up generating more terror than it resolves. Did the war in Afghanistan and Syria fix anything? Although, he only saw blame on the West and seemed to bypass, that Russia is also responsible for meddling in such affairs.
International conflict tends to generate further conflict and the only way to end this (otherwise eternal) cycle is to stop meddling with countries we can't "fix". However, this should be presented as a universal idea.
If you manage to overcome the insults and provocations, it is an interesting book. If not, remain irritated and read it just to experience a different perspective on foreign relations and governance.
A great book that could be made better with more factoids and less platitudes. I think Mr. Mahbubani is extremely clever and brings a type of thinking that is much needed in the west. I agree with plenty of thoughts in his book and I can understand the ones I don’t agree with. It sometimes bothered me that a few thoughts seemed simplistic (calling America most well educated country; saying Europe should make peace with Russia; saying that Turkey could have gotten a seat in the EU but with restrictions although I feel that the restrictions would have actually enhanced the shame he speaks of).
I’d give it 3 stars, but considering how much-needed this book is, and the fact that we have a good writer challenging key western views with accuracy and speed (it is one short book!) I’ll give it 4. I think whoever reads it may not like it, or say it is the best, but will certainly leave with new thoughts and an important perspective - the one of the 82%.
Um livro sucinto, directo à questão, fazendo o enorme favor aos ocidentais de (n)os alertar para o facto de não serem (sermos) o centro do Universo e de que 88% da população mundial ter nas últimas décadas vivido uma melhoria considerável das condições de vida, o que se deve ao legado do Ocidente. Sem escamotear as dificuldades actuais bem como os malefícios do intervencionismo e hubris do Oeste, é uma lufada de ar fresco e esperança por nos recordar o que se alcançou nas últimas décadas em termos planetários e do mais que ainda nos é possível fazer-assim tenhamos a astúcia e a inteligência das visões globais humanistas de médio e longo prazo.
In this book, the writer analysis the shifting geopolitics and economics that has caught the West blindsided in it's hubris and interventionism. It casts the Western response to major non-Western events in a new light, one that questions the predominant narrative of Western exceptionality and highlights the strategic errors in those reactions. The writer advocates a geopolitical strategy that is more patient, 'Machiavellian' and less hypocritical so that the path of progress, that has much to do with Western ideas, continues apace.
This book is filled to the brim with open doors and has so many questionable takes that it is difficult to take it seriously. The consistent determism of "it is inevitable that" (insert economic projection in 30 years' time) is a bit unsettling. The glorification of the good governance credentials of large emerging economies' leaders is odd (Xi Jinping is described as "exceptionally honest and competent"). Not to mention the stereotypical bashing of Fukuyama's End of History in a way that hints at not actually understanding what his point was/is.
What bothered me most about the book is that the very premise is that the West is too self-absorbed to notice "the rest" and that it then proceeds to do exactly that for regions outside of Asia and the West. It practically denies all agency to other regions, which are also described in very monolithic terms. "Europe should fix the economic development of the Islamic World" or its views on Russia as if it is not one of the major European imperial and colonial powers itself. Not to mention the absolute lack of critical thinking on the governance problems of several large emerging economies (e.g. China). Wouldn't really recommend it, but it's a short read.
'Has the West Lost It?' takes on an ambitious task - boiling down complex geopolitical and economic questions about Western dominance into just 105 pages. The things that make the book appealing - the fact that it is pocket-sized, its conversational tone, and the easy-to-read format - is ultimately its downfall.
Western cultural and economic dominance truly cannot be discussed in 105 pages. Mahbubani explores compelling ideas but they're often undeveloped. He presents arguments without sufficient explanation, and the shortness of the book means there's little room for nuance and discussing any counterpoints - something I think is necessary when discussing a perspective so outside the status quo. The book left me with a few questions, and no answers to them.
However, this was an incredibly interesting read where valuable points were made. In light of the Russian-Ukraine war I found the chapter ‘The West on Autopilot: Europe and America do not face the same challenges’ insightful, and I think even more relevant now that Trump has been elected for the second time.
I would consider this book a good starting point for anyone interested in debates regarding global power, but definitely not a fully fleshed-out analysis.