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Israel: What Went Wrong?
A leading Israeli American scholar of the Holocaust explores and explains his native country's intensifying turn toward violence and exclusion.
The distinguished historian Omer Bartov was born on a kibbutz, grew up in Tel Aviv, and served in the Israel Defense Forces during the Yom Kippur War. He went on to become a leading scholar of the German army and the Holocaust, before turning his attention to his native country.
In What Went Wrong?, Bartov sketches the tragic transformation of Zionism, a movement that sought to emancipate European Jewry from oppression, into a state ideology of ethno-nationalism. How is it possible, he asks, that a state founded in the immediate aftermath of the Holocaust, an event that gave legitimacy to a national home for the Jews, stands credibly accused of perpetrating large-scale war crimes? How do we come to terms with the fact that Israel’s war of destruction is being conducted with the support, laced with denial and indifference, of so many of its Jewish citizens?
Tracing the roots of the violent events currently unfolding in Israel and the occupied territories, Bartov tracks his country's moral tribulations and considers the origins of Zionism, the intertwining of Israel’s independence with Palestinian displacement, the politics of the Holocaust, controversies over the term "genocide," and the uncertain future. The result is a searing and urgent critique that addresses today’s debates over Zionism and the future of Israel with rigor and depth.
The distinguished historian Omer Bartov was born on a kibbutz, grew up in Tel Aviv, and served in the Israel Defense Forces during the Yom Kippur War. He went on to become a leading scholar of the German army and the Holocaust, before turning his attention to his native country.
In What Went Wrong?, Bartov sketches the tragic transformation of Zionism, a movement that sought to emancipate European Jewry from oppression, into a state ideology of ethno-nationalism. How is it possible, he asks, that a state founded in the immediate aftermath of the Holocaust, an event that gave legitimacy to a national home for the Jews, stands credibly accused of perpetrating large-scale war crimes? How do we come to terms with the fact that Israel’s war of destruction is being conducted with the support, laced with denial and indifference, of so many of its Jewish citizens?
Tracing the roots of the violent events currently unfolding in Israel and the occupied territories, Bartov tracks his country's moral tribulations and considers the origins of Zionism, the intertwining of Israel’s independence with Palestinian displacement, the politics of the Holocaust, controversies over the term "genocide," and the uncertain future. The result is a searing and urgent critique that addresses today’s debates over Zionism and the future of Israel with rigor and depth.
256 pages, Hardcover
Published April 21, 2026
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About the author
Omer Bartov
38 books73 followersOmer Bartov is an Israeli-born historian. He is the Samuel Pisar Professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Brown University, where he has taught since 2000. Bartov is a noted historian of the Holocaust and is considered one of the world's leading authorities on the subject of genocide.
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May 5, 2026
Zionism was never going to be bloodless, something even its 19th century architects understood. Israel: What Went Wrong? by Omer Bartov thinks it’s about Zionism losing a noble purpose—a home for Jews, for Jewish self-determination, a sea away from European antisemitism in the place where Judaism began—but it’s really his increasing comprehension of the ideology as it exists in practice. Never mind now the overflow of problems with ethno-states; I found this section, concluding Chapter I, telling:
The declaration lists lofty ideals, but the fact remains that “Israeli independence” meant depopulation and terrorism and massacre upon massacre upon massacre that Israel still tries to hide. These were labelled “battles”; something like Tantura is an exception only in that someone finally got the perpetrators boasting on camera. Since Bartov evokes the UN, UN General Assembly Resolution 194 (III) of 1948 stipulated that Israeli admittance into the organisation even hinged on the Palestinian right of return. Rabin, reliably characterised as a compromising peacemaker in Israeli circles—famously, oddly labelled the “Soldier of Peace”—inadvertently exemplifies the problem; Rabin fought in 1948, killing Palestinians and Egyptians, and actively engaged in ethnic cleansing. He even signed off on emptying Ramla and Lydda, in what became the Lydda Death March. The entire "peace process" died with the shooting (by a Zionist) of one man.
This book operates on several assumptions. One, that Israel does not occupy Palestinian land in Jaffa, Haifa, Acre, Tiberias, Safad, Beisan, etc., even as it notes that there was “military rule imposed on Israel’s Arab citizens between 1948 and 1966 even as vast tracts of their lands were confiscated by the state” (never mind that laws have continued to distinguish Palestinian citizens from their Jewish counterparts); in other words, that the State of Israel as it existed in 1948 is perfectly legitimate, and that Palestinian claims to the homes taken from them are not. Two, that Palestinian resistance groups, including religious one like Hamas, exist in a vacuum; no thought is given to what pressures, policies, history, or tragedies guaranteed their creation, or whether they have any moral legitimacy. Three, that “left-leaning, liberal” Israeli politics is not a relative term, that these “Israeli leftists” are not “progressive” only within the confines of Zionism. Four, that the actions taken by the occupier are as legitimate as those taken by the occupied, removed from their systemic context—that I am as much to blame for desperately stabbing the foot of the person pressing on my neck as the person pressing.
But this is a book light on syllogisms; I was taken aback by how Bartov doesn’t piece things together, and never challenges his assumptions. Zionism was always pernicious; its founder Theodor Herzl infamously wrote to Cecil Rhodes to ask him to join, “Because it is something colonial.” Arthur Ruppin declared, “Zionism is the colonization of Palestine, the displacement of the Palestinian Arab people.” The terrorist leader Ze’ev Jabotinsky (birth name: Vladimir; birthplace: Russia) wrote that, "The world has become accustomed to the idea of mass migrations and has become fond of them,” praising (in 1940) Hitler of all people for giving “this idea a good name in the world”. (I got this from Tom Segev’s One Palestine Complete.) Endless examples like this from Israel’s founders don’t shake Bartov’s belief in Zionism having ever been anything other than a bloody ideology, even as its consequences become increasingly apparent to him.
It goes deeper. For example, Chapter V is primarily concerned with Israel’s constitution, meaning why it lacks one. After giving broad strokes on the history, Bartov daydreams about its effects:
But earlier in the same chapter, Bartov writes about the "Father of Israel" David Ben-Gurion opposing a constitution, noting how the word "democratic" was struck from early drafts of the Israeli Declaration of Independence. On Ben-Gurion, Bartov writes, "When thinking of the limitations that were enforced on Israel's Palestinian citizens for decades after the establishment of the state, which curtailed these very freedoms, one cannot but assume that he never intended to include them in any document…the fact that Ben-Gurion issued a Declaration with no clear legal standing, and then blocked the adoption of a constitution, suggests that he intended the eloquent document largely to serve foreign policy and propaganda needs." This happened even as Israeli terror groups were displacing Palestinians by the hundreds of thousands, with the 150,000 remaining placed under military rule.
The fantasy of what a constitution might have achieved sits unexamined beside the evidence of why one was blocked. It is worth noting that the American constitution and Bill of Rights, for all their celebrated guarantees, offered non-white men no meaningful protection until the Civil Rights legislation of the 1960s—a reminder that founding documents are not self-executing, and that a text's nobility tells you little about its intended beneficiaries. Bartov never connects Ben-Gurion's bad faith to the results on the ground: that the rhetoric was smoke and mirrors, that Zionism never intended for there to be Palestinians in Israel at all.
Zionism's European colonialist basis even manifests in "the resentment and generational bitterness of the Mizrahi community (primarily made up of immigrants from North Africa and the Middle East) toward the Ashkenazi (European) elites, which is one of the main driving forces of Israeli politics to this day." Bartov is aware of the discrepancy, but either can't connect the dots—that the Zionism he imagines was always a front—or doesn't want to. He calls the 1992 Basic Laws "laudable" (I appreciate the wordplay), but this sidesteps their resemblance to 1948: that they were, again, useful for placating liberal-minded Westerners, never earmarked for implementation. The laws were widely criticised for their structural failure to protect Palestinians equally. The UN Human Rights Committee found that the law "does not contain a general provision for equality and non-discrimination." Adalah notes that equality exists only through judicial interpretation, leaving Palestinians vulnerable to legal discrimination. This omission was deliberate: granting constitutional status to equality was blocked in part because it would threaten the Law of Return—granting Jews exclusive immigration rights while denying them to Palestinians. The laws also embedded a "Jewish and democratic" formula that structurally subordinated Palestinian rights; the limitation clause meant rights could be curtailed by any law "corresponding to the values of the State of Israel," allowing ethnically discriminatory legislation to withstand constitutional challenge. All Article 1C of the 2018 Basic Law did was make explicit what had been enacted in practice.
The Supreme Court, always a prop for legitimising the occupation, has left unresolved whether the 1992 Basic Law applies to Palestinians in the West Bank at all, meaning millions under military occupation receive no constitutional protection. The Citizenship and Entry Law, restricting family reunification for Palestinians across the Green Line, was upheld by a court majority on security grounds despite a minority finding it violated dignity and equality. Human rights organisations challenged the Nakba Law (2011) on the grounds that it violated the 1992 Basic Law by suppressing Palestinian historical narrative, but the High Court declined to rule on its constitutionality—a decision criticised by the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, who urged the law be annulled as "inherently discriminatory towards Palestinian citizens of Israel."
Some of these criticisms appear in passing in Bartov's book, but they never congeal into a whole. This failure to connect what he has outlined into a broader picture is pervasive. He realises that the Holocaust engendered a form of militarism among survivors that they brought over to Palestine, and he quotes an essay on how the latest onslaught has probably replenished Hamas with Palestinians taking arms against their occupiers, but the parallel between the two is never drawn. Bartov blames the 2018 Basic Law on the Netanyahu governments, conveniently overlooking what preceded them. He blames extremists on "both sides" without questioning moral asymmetry.
The book's terminology is also couched in Zionist vocabulary. 1948 is when "the war over Israel's independence broke out"; it's later described as "a full-scale civil war between Arabs and Jews throughout Palestine," even though the Zionists had come over from Poland, Ukraine, Russia, and elsewhere. Not once does the book account for Jewish Palestinians, even in the context of "the pre-state Jewish community in Palestine," thereby characterising Jews and Palestinians as mutually exclusive categories; the Yishuv are never identified as Arabs or Palestinians, their Jewishness overriding anything else, recycling the language of documents like the Peel Commission. Palestinians are prisoners, but Israelis are hostages. "Israel proper" is used four times. The term "sabra" is used to describe a "native son of eretz Israel" despite the family migrating to Palestine after centuries in Poland. The word "massacre" is always linked to October 7, never to 1948 or the seventy-eight years since. Even Deir Yassin, notable only for its infamy (but not its scale), is not mentioned once. There is an entire chapter on "never again" without a mention of Meir Kahane (birthname: Martin; birthplace: New York), who popularised the term but meant it exclusively for Jews—nor of the Kahanists, despite naming Itamar Ben Gvir twice and discussing settlers taking over the West Bank.
There are odd arguments, too. "The Palestinians ended up on the losing side, even as the Zionists perceived themselves as an embattled minority and the last remnant of a people hunted down and exterminated in their places of origin." This assumes that Zionists are Jews. Zionism originated in Europe; while Judaism did start in SWANA, Israel's founders came from elsewhere. "Ben-Gurion" (birth name: Grun) himself hails from Poland.
But the real point is that Zionist worries that “Israel had come to be perceived as an aggressor once it launched its self-declared war of self-defense” remain founded in myth. It is always at war. “Peace” is occupation, apartheid, refugee camps. “Peace” is militarisation, oppression, a slow death punctuated by daily killings, arrests, “administrative detention”, “price tag attacks”, burnings of fields, “settlers”. “Peace” is the occupier’s word; inevitably, liberation is the occupied’s. The form of that liberation has eluded political consensus since 1948, although, for my money, a one-state solution seems best.
What little I admire about the book is that it reads as a sincere attempt to manoeuvre through Zionism. But the result is the paradox of the liberal Zionist: Bartov seems on his way out of the ideology, but is too tethered to blaming Netanyahu—the state's longest-serving PM, winning five elections, in what I'm supposed to not see as a reflection of a "democratic country"'s desires—to see the root cause, which is Zionism itself. He may disparage the impossibility of reconciling liberal values with Zionism's foundational goal—maintaining a Jewish state through ethnic cleansing, occupation, and now genocide—but he never questions what that meant in 1948, despite all that happened. I would advise him to read Edward Said's The Question of Palestine, which addresses a litany of his concerns. And I admit I finally understood liberal Zionism's obsession with Israel's missing constitution; it was the first time I saw the logic of its absence mattering to their account of what Israel is.
At a point, Bartov talks about how he was born in Israel, then had kids there; by the book’s end, he’s happy he’s become a grandfather to two children in Tel Aviv. As I was finishing the book, my last grandparent passed in a hospital bed; she was from Jaffa, now “annexed” into Tel Aviv, perhaps close to where his family lives. Unlike my other three grandparents, she didn’t ask to be buried back home, something we couldn’t do for any of them anyhow. But she did talk about it with a kind of lamentation that my other grandparents, hailing from Jerusalem, Haifa, and Hebron, also shared.
All four of my grandparents witnessed the Nakba; two later survived 1967, and a slew of other disasters imposed on them by Zionism. One grandfather survived a bombing hatched by the Irgun, a terrorist organisation that never gets a mention in the book; my grandmother had soldiers pointing guns at her face at her front door. As we buried her, I found my thoughts turning to Bartov, thinking of how, because of his ethnicity, he got to be in the place my family was chased from; because of my ethnicity, I only get to see it in photographs.
What happened to Israel? Zionism happened. It is as it always has been; today is the natural evolution of yesterday. So it will be, until someone removes their foot from a people’s neck, and says "enough".
I ask myself what would have happened had the newly created State of Israel realized the ideals articulated in its Declaration of Independence. That same Declaration stated that Israel “will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; it will safeguard the Holy Places of all religions; and it will be faithful to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.”
During the few hopeful years of the Oslo peace process, people in Israel began speaking of making it into a “state of all its citizens,” Jews and Palestinians alike. The assassination of Rabin in 1995 put an end to that dream.
The declaration lists lofty ideals, but the fact remains that “Israeli independence” meant depopulation and terrorism and massacre upon massacre upon massacre that Israel still tries to hide. These were labelled “battles”; something like Tantura is an exception only in that someone finally got the perpetrators boasting on camera. Since Bartov evokes the UN, UN General Assembly Resolution 194 (III) of 1948 stipulated that Israeli admittance into the organisation even hinged on the Palestinian right of return. Rabin, reliably characterised as a compromising peacemaker in Israeli circles—famously, oddly labelled the “Soldier of Peace”—inadvertently exemplifies the problem; Rabin fought in 1948, killing Palestinians and Egyptians, and actively engaged in ethnic cleansing. He even signed off on emptying Ramla and Lydda, in what became the Lydda Death March. The entire "peace process" died with the shooting (by a Zionist) of one man.
This book operates on several assumptions. One, that Israel does not occupy Palestinian land in Jaffa, Haifa, Acre, Tiberias, Safad, Beisan, etc., even as it notes that there was “military rule imposed on Israel’s Arab citizens between 1948 and 1966 even as vast tracts of their lands were confiscated by the state” (never mind that laws have continued to distinguish Palestinian citizens from their Jewish counterparts); in other words, that the State of Israel as it existed in 1948 is perfectly legitimate, and that Palestinian claims to the homes taken from them are not. Two, that Palestinian resistance groups, including religious one like Hamas, exist in a vacuum; no thought is given to what pressures, policies, history, or tragedies guaranteed their creation, or whether they have any moral legitimacy. Three, that “left-leaning, liberal” Israeli politics is not a relative term, that these “Israeli leftists” are not “progressive” only within the confines of Zionism. Four, that the actions taken by the occupier are as legitimate as those taken by the occupied, removed from their systemic context—that I am as much to blame for desperately stabbing the foot of the person pressing on my neck as the person pressing.
But this is a book light on syllogisms; I was taken aback by how Bartov doesn’t piece things together, and never challenges his assumptions. Zionism was always pernicious; its founder Theodor Herzl infamously wrote to Cecil Rhodes to ask him to join, “Because it is something colonial.” Arthur Ruppin declared, “Zionism is the colonization of Palestine, the displacement of the Palestinian Arab people.” The terrorist leader Ze’ev Jabotinsky (birth name: Vladimir; birthplace: Russia) wrote that, "The world has become accustomed to the idea of mass migrations and has become fond of them,” praising (in 1940) Hitler of all people for giving “this idea a good name in the world”. (I got this from Tom Segev’s One Palestine Complete.) Endless examples like this from Israel’s founders don’t shake Bartov’s belief in Zionism having ever been anything other than a bloody ideology, even as its consequences become increasingly apparent to him.
It goes deeper. For example, Chapter V is primarily concerned with Israel’s constitution, meaning why it lacks one. After giving broad strokes on the history, Bartov daydreams about its effects:
Israel would have adhered to its Zionist ideology but adapted it to the rigid legal constraints of a bill of rights written into its constitution. This would have meant that the ideal sketched out by Justice Barak of equal rights for the state’s Arab citizens would have actually been followed, and that any laws and instructions contravening these rights, in such areas as employment, allocation of state funds for education, housing, land development and planning, and exclusion from most decision-making organs on the national and regional level, let alone the recent adoption of racist positions and practices toward the Arab minority, would have been struck down by the courts.
But earlier in the same chapter, Bartov writes about the "Father of Israel" David Ben-Gurion opposing a constitution, noting how the word "democratic" was struck from early drafts of the Israeli Declaration of Independence. On Ben-Gurion, Bartov writes, "When thinking of the limitations that were enforced on Israel's Palestinian citizens for decades after the establishment of the state, which curtailed these very freedoms, one cannot but assume that he never intended to include them in any document…the fact that Ben-Gurion issued a Declaration with no clear legal standing, and then blocked the adoption of a constitution, suggests that he intended the eloquent document largely to serve foreign policy and propaganda needs." This happened even as Israeli terror groups were displacing Palestinians by the hundreds of thousands, with the 150,000 remaining placed under military rule.
The fantasy of what a constitution might have achieved sits unexamined beside the evidence of why one was blocked. It is worth noting that the American constitution and Bill of Rights, for all their celebrated guarantees, offered non-white men no meaningful protection until the Civil Rights legislation of the 1960s—a reminder that founding documents are not self-executing, and that a text's nobility tells you little about its intended beneficiaries. Bartov never connects Ben-Gurion's bad faith to the results on the ground: that the rhetoric was smoke and mirrors, that Zionism never intended for there to be Palestinians in Israel at all.
Zionism's European colonialist basis even manifests in "the resentment and generational bitterness of the Mizrahi community (primarily made up of immigrants from North Africa and the Middle East) toward the Ashkenazi (European) elites, which is one of the main driving forces of Israeli politics to this day." Bartov is aware of the discrepancy, but either can't connect the dots—that the Zionism he imagines was always a front—or doesn't want to. He calls the 1992 Basic Laws "laudable" (I appreciate the wordplay), but this sidesteps their resemblance to 1948: that they were, again, useful for placating liberal-minded Westerners, never earmarked for implementation. The laws were widely criticised for their structural failure to protect Palestinians equally. The UN Human Rights Committee found that the law "does not contain a general provision for equality and non-discrimination." Adalah notes that equality exists only through judicial interpretation, leaving Palestinians vulnerable to legal discrimination. This omission was deliberate: granting constitutional status to equality was blocked in part because it would threaten the Law of Return—granting Jews exclusive immigration rights while denying them to Palestinians. The laws also embedded a "Jewish and democratic" formula that structurally subordinated Palestinian rights; the limitation clause meant rights could be curtailed by any law "corresponding to the values of the State of Israel," allowing ethnically discriminatory legislation to withstand constitutional challenge. All Article 1C of the 2018 Basic Law did was make explicit what had been enacted in practice.
The Supreme Court, always a prop for legitimising the occupation, has left unresolved whether the 1992 Basic Law applies to Palestinians in the West Bank at all, meaning millions under military occupation receive no constitutional protection. The Citizenship and Entry Law, restricting family reunification for Palestinians across the Green Line, was upheld by a court majority on security grounds despite a minority finding it violated dignity and equality. Human rights organisations challenged the Nakba Law (2011) on the grounds that it violated the 1992 Basic Law by suppressing Palestinian historical narrative, but the High Court declined to rule on its constitutionality—a decision criticised by the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, who urged the law be annulled as "inherently discriminatory towards Palestinian citizens of Israel."
Some of these criticisms appear in passing in Bartov's book, but they never congeal into a whole. This failure to connect what he has outlined into a broader picture is pervasive. He realises that the Holocaust engendered a form of militarism among survivors that they brought over to Palestine, and he quotes an essay on how the latest onslaught has probably replenished Hamas with Palestinians taking arms against their occupiers, but the parallel between the two is never drawn. Bartov blames the 2018 Basic Law on the Netanyahu governments, conveniently overlooking what preceded them. He blames extremists on "both sides" without questioning moral asymmetry.
The book's terminology is also couched in Zionist vocabulary. 1948 is when "the war over Israel's independence broke out"; it's later described as "a full-scale civil war between Arabs and Jews throughout Palestine," even though the Zionists had come over from Poland, Ukraine, Russia, and elsewhere. Not once does the book account for Jewish Palestinians, even in the context of "the pre-state Jewish community in Palestine," thereby characterising Jews and Palestinians as mutually exclusive categories; the Yishuv are never identified as Arabs or Palestinians, their Jewishness overriding anything else, recycling the language of documents like the Peel Commission. Palestinians are prisoners, but Israelis are hostages. "Israel proper" is used four times. The term "sabra" is used to describe a "native son of eretz Israel" despite the family migrating to Palestine after centuries in Poland. The word "massacre" is always linked to October 7, never to 1948 or the seventy-eight years since. Even Deir Yassin, notable only for its infamy (but not its scale), is not mentioned once. There is an entire chapter on "never again" without a mention of Meir Kahane (birthname: Martin; birthplace: New York), who popularised the term but meant it exclusively for Jews—nor of the Kahanists, despite naming Itamar Ben Gvir twice and discussing settlers taking over the West Bank.
There are odd arguments, too. "The Palestinians ended up on the losing side, even as the Zionists perceived themselves as an embattled minority and the last remnant of a people hunted down and exterminated in their places of origin." This assumes that Zionists are Jews. Zionism originated in Europe; while Judaism did start in SWANA, Israel's founders came from elsewhere. "Ben-Gurion" (birth name: Grun) himself hails from Poland.
But the real point is that Zionist worries that “Israel had come to be perceived as an aggressor once it launched its self-declared war of self-defense” remain founded in myth. It is always at war. “Peace” is occupation, apartheid, refugee camps. “Peace” is militarisation, oppression, a slow death punctuated by daily killings, arrests, “administrative detention”, “price tag attacks”, burnings of fields, “settlers”. “Peace” is the occupier’s word; inevitably, liberation is the occupied’s. The form of that liberation has eluded political consensus since 1948, although, for my money, a one-state solution seems best.
What little I admire about the book is that it reads as a sincere attempt to manoeuvre through Zionism. But the result is the paradox of the liberal Zionist: Bartov seems on his way out of the ideology, but is too tethered to blaming Netanyahu—the state's longest-serving PM, winning five elections, in what I'm supposed to not see as a reflection of a "democratic country"'s desires—to see the root cause, which is Zionism itself. He may disparage the impossibility of reconciling liberal values with Zionism's foundational goal—maintaining a Jewish state through ethnic cleansing, occupation, and now genocide—but he never questions what that meant in 1948, despite all that happened. I would advise him to read Edward Said's The Question of Palestine, which addresses a litany of his concerns. And I admit I finally understood liberal Zionism's obsession with Israel's missing constitution; it was the first time I saw the logic of its absence mattering to their account of what Israel is.
At a point, Bartov talks about how he was born in Israel, then had kids there; by the book’s end, he’s happy he’s become a grandfather to two children in Tel Aviv. As I was finishing the book, my last grandparent passed in a hospital bed; she was from Jaffa, now “annexed” into Tel Aviv, perhaps close to where his family lives. Unlike my other three grandparents, she didn’t ask to be buried back home, something we couldn’t do for any of them anyhow. But she did talk about it with a kind of lamentation that my other grandparents, hailing from Jerusalem, Haifa, and Hebron, also shared.
All four of my grandparents witnessed the Nakba; two later survived 1967, and a slew of other disasters imposed on them by Zionism. One grandfather survived a bombing hatched by the Irgun, a terrorist organisation that never gets a mention in the book; my grandmother had soldiers pointing guns at her face at her front door. As we buried her, I found my thoughts turning to Bartov, thinking of how, because of his ethnicity, he got to be in the place my family was chased from; because of my ethnicity, I only get to see it in photographs.
What happened to Israel? Zionism happened. It is as it always has been; today is the natural evolution of yesterday. So it will be, until someone removes their foot from a people’s neck, and says "enough".
October 15, 2025
This is a tough book which deals with the sensitive issue of Israel's actions in Gaza since 7 October 2023. I was curious to read an academic perspective as I often find myself unsure and confused by the information relayed by the media and by the actions of other governments who clearly have political allegiances.
This book explored current day and developed my understanding of the history of Israel as a nation. It explores the impact of the Holocaust on the actions and thoughts of multiple parties. It also calls out the importance of international law in holding individual, governments and nations to account. In this case in relation to the genocide in Gaza. It also explores the history of Israel, Zionism, the judiciary and the lack of a constitution.
I did find this a troubling read and it's not an easy read because of the topic. However it made me have a greater understanding of the situation and to reflect on what I could do differently in the event that this happens again. If you are at all curious about the current state of Israel, it's history and context then I would absolutely suggest this book.
I was given a complimentary copy of this book in return for an objective review.
This book explored current day and developed my understanding of the history of Israel as a nation. It explores the impact of the Holocaust on the actions and thoughts of multiple parties. It also calls out the importance of international law in holding individual, governments and nations to account. In this case in relation to the genocide in Gaza. It also explores the history of Israel, Zionism, the judiciary and the lack of a constitution.
I did find this a troubling read and it's not an easy read because of the topic. However it made me have a greater understanding of the situation and to reflect on what I could do differently in the event that this happens again. If you are at all curious about the current state of Israel, it's history and context then I would absolutely suggest this book.
I was given a complimentary copy of this book in return for an objective review.
April 26, 2026
"Originally, Zionism was a Jewish rebellion against fate and oppression, religious resignation and prejudice, ignorance and poverty and sickness. It broke away from the constraints of traditional society and left God far behind. Now, in an ironic reversal, the God of the Zealots is having the last word, as He did at Masada. As Israel is led singing and praying and dancing into the abyss, it is finally shaking itself free of Zionism and heading down the path of theocracy and apocalypse following a pillar of fire and smoke." (pg. 183)
"As long as seven million Jews rule over seven million Palestinians without any prospect of equality, peace will not come." (pg. 220)
"As long as seven million Jews rule over seven million Palestinians without any prospect of equality, peace will not come." (pg. 220)
Read
May 6, 2026Interesting. I read it because I heard him on a couple of podcasts and was curious about his take on Gaza, etc. I agree with much that he says but I don't have the expertise to evaluate his arguments. This being the case I'm not going to assign a star value.
October 1, 2025
Israeli-born American Holocaust and genocide scholar Omer Bartov has reluctantly and methodically come to the conclusion that the Israeli war on Gaza is a genocide. This book is about the journey to his conclusion - which in many ways reminds me of the more conservative climate scientists who saw the signs, but waited before stating that the evidence of CO2-caused climate change was incontrovertible. His arguments deserve to be read by everyone with an interest in the issue, even those who vehemently disagree. I, personally, found his arguments utterly convincing. Bartov is no apologist for the nature of Hamas or for the heinous crimes of October 7, but the topic of this concise book is Israel and the actions that they have controlled or can control in the future.
Along the way we get: the history and legacy of the Nakba - the forcible displacement of numerous Palestinians in 1948 from what would become Israel; the uses and the abuses of the memory of the Holocaust; the failure of Israel to live up to the ideal of equality for its citizens (tied to the lack of a constitution); Israeli settlers committing anti-Arab pogroms in the West Bank with no accountability; and the recent redefining of anti-semitism to include anti-Zionism.
Regarding the use of the Holocaust, I was particularly touched by Bartov's discussion of the phrase "Never Again". As a secular Jew and the son of holocaust survivors I had always interpreted this as a universalist message imparting a special obligation to Jews to make sure that this never happened again to anyone including Jews. Instead the "Never Again" mantra is now often interpreted as meaning Never Again to the Jews and by any means necessary including acts of immense cruelty.
I read this on an egalley immediately after reading Peter Beinart's book, Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza, which in less depth covers much of the same ground. Neither book brought up Hamas's culpability in the destruction of Gaza due to Israel's reaction to October 7 being so utterly predictable. If I could predict Israel's reaction, Hamas must have been able to as well. So the question is: Is Israel falling into Hamas's trap? They certainly are losing their stature in the world and considerable support amongst their best friends including US Jewry. And if this was indeed a trap, Hamas's willingness to sacrifice its populace and infrastructure in exchange for some twisted long game certainly needs to be examined.
All books like this must end with possible solutions to the current dilemma. Like many, Bartov believes the best solution would be two confederated states with Jewish and Palestinian identities. It sounds like a good idea, but if the author was trying to end on an optimistic note it certainly didn't work for me.
Thanks to FSG and netgalley for providing me a copy for early review, in this case nearly 7 months in advance. And since this is an unusually long goodreads and netgalley review for me, thanks to anyone who read to the end.
Along the way we get: the history and legacy of the Nakba - the forcible displacement of numerous Palestinians in 1948 from what would become Israel; the uses and the abuses of the memory of the Holocaust; the failure of Israel to live up to the ideal of equality for its citizens (tied to the lack of a constitution); Israeli settlers committing anti-Arab pogroms in the West Bank with no accountability; and the recent redefining of anti-semitism to include anti-Zionism.
Regarding the use of the Holocaust, I was particularly touched by Bartov's discussion of the phrase "Never Again". As a secular Jew and the son of holocaust survivors I had always interpreted this as a universalist message imparting a special obligation to Jews to make sure that this never happened again to anyone including Jews. Instead the "Never Again" mantra is now often interpreted as meaning Never Again to the Jews and by any means necessary including acts of immense cruelty.
I read this on an egalley immediately after reading Peter Beinart's book, Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza, which in less depth covers much of the same ground. Neither book brought up Hamas's culpability in the destruction of Gaza due to Israel's reaction to October 7 being so utterly predictable. If I could predict Israel's reaction, Hamas must have been able to as well. So the question is: Is Israel falling into Hamas's trap? They certainly are losing their stature in the world and considerable support amongst their best friends including US Jewry. And if this was indeed a trap, Hamas's willingness to sacrifice its populace and infrastructure in exchange for some twisted long game certainly needs to be examined.
All books like this must end with possible solutions to the current dilemma. Like many, Bartov believes the best solution would be two confederated states with Jewish and Palestinian identities. It sounds like a good idea, but if the author was trying to end on an optimistic note it certainly didn't work for me.
Thanks to FSG and netgalley for providing me a copy for early review, in this case nearly 7 months in advance. And since this is an unusually long goodreads and netgalley review for me, thanks to anyone who read to the end.
October 20, 2025
*Thanks to NetGalley and the publisher for an advance reader copy of this book in exchange for an honest review.*
Israel: What Went Wrong explains Zionism and the history behind the state of Israel. Bartov discusses the historical impact of the Holocaust on Israel and European Jewry in particular. The main question throughout this book is how can Israel legitimise the conflict with Palestine after the Holocaust and genocide of the Jews. Furthermore how can some Israeli civilians and supporters of Israel justify alleged war crimes against the Palestinian people. Bartov himself served in the IDF during the Yom Kippur War, grew up in Tel Aviv and is a scholar of the Holocaust so his perspective is incredibly nuanced and important.
I really appreciate this book and respect what Bartov has done in this book. This book explains Zionism and the formation of Israel in a way that’s easy to understand. I found this book to be compulsively readable and I think people could pick this up without knowing anything about Israel/Palestine. I found this to be a very enjoyable read simply because it is interesting and the writing isn’t dry like some non-fiction books can be. I also found this to be an important book because of the author’s own experience serving in the IDF. I will be recommending this and I think this is a necessary read to understand what’s going on in Israel/Palestine.
Israel: What Went Wrong explains Zionism and the history behind the state of Israel. Bartov discusses the historical impact of the Holocaust on Israel and European Jewry in particular. The main question throughout this book is how can Israel legitimise the conflict with Palestine after the Holocaust and genocide of the Jews. Furthermore how can some Israeli civilians and supporters of Israel justify alleged war crimes against the Palestinian people. Bartov himself served in the IDF during the Yom Kippur War, grew up in Tel Aviv and is a scholar of the Holocaust so his perspective is incredibly nuanced and important.
I really appreciate this book and respect what Bartov has done in this book. This book explains Zionism and the formation of Israel in a way that’s easy to understand. I found this book to be compulsively readable and I think people could pick this up without knowing anything about Israel/Palestine. I found this to be a very enjoyable read simply because it is interesting and the writing isn’t dry like some non-fiction books can be. I also found this to be an important book because of the author’s own experience serving in the IDF. I will be recommending this and I think this is a necessary read to understand what’s going on in Israel/Palestine.
April 26, 2026
I found this enlightening but so, so grim - Bartov paints Israel as a failed-state-in-waiting that, despite the conflicting impulses (both noble and tyrannical) that led to its creation, has been basically doomed all along. Some of the history was new to me, other details were simply painted in a new light, but what I appreciated most was Bartov’s analysis of the critical mistakes that created the contradictory apartheid state as it currently exists. I wasn’t aware of just how many junctures there were where Israel could have gone down a different path - alas. There also aren’t solutions here (not that I expected there to be) and I find myself at a loss for how to handle the fundamental horrors in the nation’s heart… how do you convince brainwashed populace, hopped up on generations of us-vs-them hatemongering, that their neighbors are human? How do you stop a theocracy masquerading as democracy from sliding further into decline as its youngest, best, and brightest denounce it and flee? This book so, so effectively recasts “never again” as a ghoulish rallying cry for a bloodthirsty people so traumatized by their recent history that they’re willing to destroy the entire world to protect themselves, if need be. It’s horrifying and enlightening.
That being said, I think that, for my tastes, Bartov spends a little too long mired in definitional clarification. His argument(s) that terms like “genocide” and “apartheid” have strict international legal definitions that are indisputably being fulfilled are a bit belabored… wouldn’t you pick up this book already accepting that premise? My impression is that anyone willing and ready to accept Israel’s culpability in war crimes doesn’t need convincing at this point. That being said, he’s clearly used to crafting his arguments in a particular way (in a classroom, or the pages of the New York Times) so I can hardly begrudge him his rhetorical style.
And hey, if it helps a skeptic come to the conclusion that the atrocities the Netanyahu government is engaging in (at this very moment!!!) are unjustifiable and merit international intervention, then this book is worth it. I wanted to talk about it with everyone around me as I was reading it, and the context it’s given me has been invaluable, given that the great tragedy of Israel’s tyranny is unlikely to be halted anytime soon.
My thanks to Macmillan Audio and NetGalley for the audio-ARC; James McNaughton does a great job with this.
That being said, I think that, for my tastes, Bartov spends a little too long mired in definitional clarification. His argument(s) that terms like “genocide” and “apartheid” have strict international legal definitions that are indisputably being fulfilled are a bit belabored… wouldn’t you pick up this book already accepting that premise? My impression is that anyone willing and ready to accept Israel’s culpability in war crimes doesn’t need convincing at this point. That being said, he’s clearly used to crafting his arguments in a particular way (in a classroom, or the pages of the New York Times) so I can hardly begrudge him his rhetorical style.
And hey, if it helps a skeptic come to the conclusion that the atrocities the Netanyahu government is engaging in (at this very moment!!!) are unjustifiable and merit international intervention, then this book is worth it. I wanted to talk about it with everyone around me as I was reading it, and the context it’s given me has been invaluable, given that the great tragedy of Israel’s tyranny is unlikely to be halted anytime soon.
My thanks to Macmillan Audio and NetGalley for the audio-ARC; James McNaughton does a great job with this.
May 4, 2026
This is a book about Israel-Palestine which is fair, level-headed, and humane in its approach, which is more than can be said than perhaps the majority of books about this topic (and certainly the vast majority of discussion about it on the internet and in the traditional media). For that alone, it warrants a recommendation.
There are those who believe that the situation is so dire, it calls for a tone of extreme anger bordering on hysteria, and the strongest, most hectoring language possible whenever talking about it. And I can understand why people think this, but I don’t respond to that kind of language. It alienates me and many others. I respond to those who write with a tone of nuance, empathy, and calmness, like a patient teacher who walks you through the facts one by one. Professor Omer Bartov writes in this style.
Israel: What Went Wrong, I fear, won’t do much to change the minds of those who cling stubbornly to the belief that Israel has done nothing wrong in Gaza. I also fear that some on the other side of the coin won’t like this book because it doesn’t support their cause as uncompromisingly as they would like, but that’s another conversation. Bartov was born and raised in Israel, and he has affection for his own people and homeland as we all do, even as he’s despondent about what it has become.
Perhaps I find the tone so refreshing because I read a book earlier this year, Genocide Bad by Sim Kern, which was the antithesis of this one. Sim Kern, a Tiktoker, undercut their message with the most off-putting and insufferable writing style imaginable, and failed to make a case that what is happening in Gaza must be described as a genocide despite stating that as their intention. Bartov, a professor of genocide studies, didn’t state that as his intention, but did it anyway. I was agnostic about the label of “genocide” before, and still was after reading Kern. After reading Bartov, I’m finding it harder to deny.
It’s a slim volume at 220 pages, so it’s not a comprehensive history of the conflict by any means. It could be treated as a collection of five essays, with an introduction and coda. The first is about the nature of Israel’s wars and the question of genocide, the second about the relationship between Zionism and antisemitism, the third about how the Holocaust’s memory is distorted to justify present-day atrocities, and the fourth about the slaughter of children in particular. The fifth chapter/essay is the longest and, unfortunately, the least interesting to me. It argues that if only Israel had adopted a constitution, as was the initial plan, things might not have gone so wrong. I wasn’t really convinced by his argument, since plenty of nations with constitutions have gone on to commit all kinds of human rights abuses anyway. But earlier in the book, Professor Bartov writes: “The reality on the ground is so devastating, and the future appears so bleak, that I have allowed myself to indulge in some counterfactual history and entertain some hopeful speculations about a different future.” So perhaps this chapter is Bartov’s way of musing about how things might have taken a different course for his homeland, and rekindling hope that Israel might eventually pull back from the brink and listen to its better angels. And I can’t begrudge him that.
So there are things that could have been subtracted from this book, and certainly much more could have been added. But for what it is, it’s well worth reading. In a sea of misinformation, oversimplification, bias, bigotry, confusion, and hatred, Israel: What Went Wrong is a concentrated dose of wisdom and moral clarity.
There are those who believe that the situation is so dire, it calls for a tone of extreme anger bordering on hysteria, and the strongest, most hectoring language possible whenever talking about it. And I can understand why people think this, but I don’t respond to that kind of language. It alienates me and many others. I respond to those who write with a tone of nuance, empathy, and calmness, like a patient teacher who walks you through the facts one by one. Professor Omer Bartov writes in this style.
Israel: What Went Wrong, I fear, won’t do much to change the minds of those who cling stubbornly to the belief that Israel has done nothing wrong in Gaza. I also fear that some on the other side of the coin won’t like this book because it doesn’t support their cause as uncompromisingly as they would like, but that’s another conversation. Bartov was born and raised in Israel, and he has affection for his own people and homeland as we all do, even as he’s despondent about what it has become.
Perhaps I find the tone so refreshing because I read a book earlier this year, Genocide Bad by Sim Kern, which was the antithesis of this one. Sim Kern, a Tiktoker, undercut their message with the most off-putting and insufferable writing style imaginable, and failed to make a case that what is happening in Gaza must be described as a genocide despite stating that as their intention. Bartov, a professor of genocide studies, didn’t state that as his intention, but did it anyway. I was agnostic about the label of “genocide” before, and still was after reading Kern. After reading Bartov, I’m finding it harder to deny.
It’s a slim volume at 220 pages, so it’s not a comprehensive history of the conflict by any means. It could be treated as a collection of five essays, with an introduction and coda. The first is about the nature of Israel’s wars and the question of genocide, the second about the relationship between Zionism and antisemitism, the third about how the Holocaust’s memory is distorted to justify present-day atrocities, and the fourth about the slaughter of children in particular. The fifth chapter/essay is the longest and, unfortunately, the least interesting to me. It argues that if only Israel had adopted a constitution, as was the initial plan, things might not have gone so wrong. I wasn’t really convinced by his argument, since plenty of nations with constitutions have gone on to commit all kinds of human rights abuses anyway. But earlier in the book, Professor Bartov writes: “The reality on the ground is so devastating, and the future appears so bleak, that I have allowed myself to indulge in some counterfactual history and entertain some hopeful speculations about a different future.” So perhaps this chapter is Bartov’s way of musing about how things might have taken a different course for his homeland, and rekindling hope that Israel might eventually pull back from the brink and listen to its better angels. And I can’t begrudge him that.
So there are things that could have been subtracted from this book, and certainly much more could have been added. But for what it is, it’s well worth reading. In a sea of misinformation, oversimplification, bias, bigotry, confusion, and hatred, Israel: What Went Wrong is a concentrated dose of wisdom and moral clarity.
April 28, 2026
Omer Bartov, in this well-written and insightful account, particularly with regard to the impact of the Holocaust on Israeli mentality, refrains from investigating the pre-state period in detail and focuses his attention instead on the fact that Israel did not adopt a constitution and the repercussions of the ’67 War as the principal factors causing the country’s fall from grace.
But approaching the subject in this way avoids a deeper analysis of the Zionist project as the forebearer and trendsetter of the State of Israel, where it all went wrong. After explaining how the Zionist project was launched by its founders with ambitious Enlightenment, liberal and redemptionist ideals, which he inherited from his father, Bartov does not devote much space to events that followed as the settlers faced the strenuous opposition of both the local Palestinian population and the surrounding Arab world to the Zionists’ takeover. In practice, the idealistic pioneers encountered problems from the outset that got progressively worse as time went on. They escalated from deadly riots in the 1930’s to episodes of mutual slaughter to the Nakba, years of strife in the West Bank that is still ongoing, and eventually culminating in the destruction of Gaza, now widely regarded as genocide. Tragically, this pattern shows that, despite its unique character, the Zionist enterprise has followed a recognized colonialist path - - shifting from initial settler arrival to genocide.
In fact, the path was laid out very clearly in 1923 by Jabotinsky, whose Iron Wall ideology called for unassailable military strength to deter Arab hopes of expelling the Zionists. Accompanied by constant settlement and expansion, this brand of ultra-militarism has arguably been the most prominent thread running through Zionist history. It was initially practised by the Haganah and the Irgun and subsequently by the IDF under virtually every Israeli government, its most ardent proponents being Ben Gurion, Dayan, Begin, Sharon and Netanyahu. In other words, the Spartan model is not a recent innovation. It has served the Zionist project virtually since its inception, much to the detriment of the Palestinians, while in parallel creating a situation in which Israel is regarded from without as a pariah, a rogue state, and from within as beset by formidable problems. We can only speculate whether it could have taken a different path.
But approaching the subject in this way avoids a deeper analysis of the Zionist project as the forebearer and trendsetter of the State of Israel, where it all went wrong. After explaining how the Zionist project was launched by its founders with ambitious Enlightenment, liberal and redemptionist ideals, which he inherited from his father, Bartov does not devote much space to events that followed as the settlers faced the strenuous opposition of both the local Palestinian population and the surrounding Arab world to the Zionists’ takeover. In practice, the idealistic pioneers encountered problems from the outset that got progressively worse as time went on. They escalated from deadly riots in the 1930’s to episodes of mutual slaughter to the Nakba, years of strife in the West Bank that is still ongoing, and eventually culminating in the destruction of Gaza, now widely regarded as genocide. Tragically, this pattern shows that, despite its unique character, the Zionist enterprise has followed a recognized colonialist path - - shifting from initial settler arrival to genocide.
In fact, the path was laid out very clearly in 1923 by Jabotinsky, whose Iron Wall ideology called for unassailable military strength to deter Arab hopes of expelling the Zionists. Accompanied by constant settlement and expansion, this brand of ultra-militarism has arguably been the most prominent thread running through Zionist history. It was initially practised by the Haganah and the Irgun and subsequently by the IDF under virtually every Israeli government, its most ardent proponents being Ben Gurion, Dayan, Begin, Sharon and Netanyahu. In other words, the Spartan model is not a recent innovation. It has served the Zionist project virtually since its inception, much to the detriment of the Palestinians, while in parallel creating a situation in which Israel is regarded from without as a pariah, a rogue state, and from within as beset by formidable problems. We can only speculate whether it could have taken a different path.
Review of advance copy received from NetGalley
“After what they did to us, we have no choice but to root them out. After what we did to them, we can only imagine what they might do to us, if we do not destroy them. We have no choice.” Chapter Three.
As the genocide continues, several countries still turn a blind eye, and my own government takes our citizen’s tax dollars to fund Israel’s continued assault, this book gives an insight into how genocide became so rooted into Israeli society.
Omer Bartov is one of the world’s leading authorities on genocide, a former IDF soldier, and a professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies; his novel Israel: What Went Wrong? takes a look into how a society of violence and colonialism is formed. This book breaks down the current Israeli society and its actions, starting from its inception to the way propaganda and war-time-brotherhood has fueled its continued blood-lust.
Along with this, he gives us a history lesson on the Nakba (the violent displacement of Palestinians from land that would be the formation of Israel), the Anti-Arab doctrine that has fueled the apartheid state, the use of the Holocaust and its tragedy as an excuse for Israel to commit their own atrocities, the way in which the definition of anti-antisemitism has been altered to silence those speaking against Zionism, the failure of early Israel to ratify a constitution, and the way the current actions of Israel are in stark contrast to the very ideals of equality, safety and peace that the country was founded upon.
Discussing this book in a quick manner is difficult, as the subject matter isn’t something that can be summed up within a few sentences. If you know nothing on the Israel/Palestine conflict, this is a recommended read. If you have knowledge of the conflict, this is also a recommended read as we are given insight from someone who grew up in Israel but who sees the genocide for what it is. This book gives an on the ground look into how fascism and genocidal idealizations takes root within a society, and fester to the detriment of not only the targets of the violence, but the very people who become complicate in their countries actions.
Honest review audio arc via Netgalley
As the genocide continues, several countries still turn a blind eye, and my own government takes our citizen’s tax dollars to fund Israel’s continued assault, this book gives an insight into how genocide became so rooted into Israeli society.
Omer Bartov is one of the world’s leading authorities on genocide, a former IDF soldier, and a professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies; his novel Israel: What Went Wrong? takes a look into how a society of violence and colonialism is formed. This book breaks down the current Israeli society and its actions, starting from its inception to the way propaganda and war-time-brotherhood has fueled its continued blood-lust.
Along with this, he gives us a history lesson on the Nakba (the violent displacement of Palestinians from land that would be the formation of Israel), the Anti-Arab doctrine that has fueled the apartheid state, the use of the Holocaust and its tragedy as an excuse for Israel to commit their own atrocities, the way in which the definition of anti-antisemitism has been altered to silence those speaking against Zionism, the failure of early Israel to ratify a constitution, and the way the current actions of Israel are in stark contrast to the very ideals of equality, safety and peace that the country was founded upon.
Discussing this book in a quick manner is difficult, as the subject matter isn’t something that can be summed up within a few sentences. If you know nothing on the Israel/Palestine conflict, this is a recommended read. If you have knowledge of the conflict, this is also a recommended read as we are given insight from someone who grew up in Israel but who sees the genocide for what it is. This book gives an on the ground look into how fascism and genocidal idealizations takes root within a society, and fester to the detriment of not only the targets of the violence, but the very people who become complicate in their countries actions.
Honest review audio arc via Netgalley
Review of advance copy received from NetGalley
The first thing I do when I see an interesting non-fiction book is do a quick Google search on the author to make sure that they have some viable standing as far as being an authority on the subject and man is this one *the* expert!! Born in Israel to parents from Palestine, Bartov was in the Israeli Defense Force, was educated at a university in Tel Aviv before moving to England and completing a PhD there. He eventually moved to the US where he has been a Professor of Genocide Studies at several prestigious universities and is widely considered one of the top experts in that discipline. I say this to emphasize that he has a very comprehensive understanding of the area from both a personal and educational standpoint. In this book, he does a great job of breaking a very complex issue into very manageable pieces. What I found most fascinating about this book was that he manages to make the topic very easy to understand while avoiding being condescending. He makes no assumptions about what the reader knows and doesn't judge them for their current understanding (or lack thereof). I have a Masters in Criminal Justice with a concentration in Terrorism and Politics so I like to think I'm pretty familiar with the Middle East and I still found a lot in this book that I didn't understand previously. The author's personal experience and insight was really good.
The only criticism I have is that I wish I had read the book in print. There was a lot in it that I don't feel like I retained as well as I would have had I highlighted or underlined things, but the bigger issue was that I just didn't love the narrator. History- even Middle Eastern political history, which I think is so complex and fascinating- is dry. I think the country as a whole would be better served if everyone listened to a book like this so they at least had a basic framework to reference when they're thinking about policy and voting, but this narrator just isn't going to capture people who are on the fence about listening.
The only criticism I have is that I wish I had read the book in print. There was a lot in it that I don't feel like I retained as well as I would have had I highlighted or underlined things, but the bigger issue was that I just didn't love the narrator. History- even Middle Eastern political history, which I think is so complex and fascinating- is dry. I think the country as a whole would be better served if everyone listened to a book like this so they at least had a basic framework to reference when they're thinking about policy and voting, but this narrator just isn't going to capture people who are on the fence about listening.
Review of advance copy received from NetGalley
⭐️ 4.5 stars (rounded up)
🎧 Narrated by James McNaughton
This is one of those audiobooks where I immediately wished I had a physical copy in front of me—I took so many notes and still feel like I need to go back and highlight and annotate everything.
Omer Bartov approaches this subject with an incredible level of expertise, not only as a leading scholar of genocide and the Holocaust, but as someone who grew up in Israel and served in the IDF. That combination of personal history and academic authority makes this book especially compelling.
What stood out most to me is how clearly Bartov explains such a complex and deeply layered history. He traces the evolution of Zionism and the Israeli state from its origins to the present, connecting those foundations to the current reality in a way that feels both accessible and deeply unsettling. He doesn’t oversimplify, but he also never loses the reader.
His discussion of genocide—how we define it, how it is recognized, and why some events are acknowledged while others are ignored—was particularly powerful. The way he challenges the idea of the Holocaust as a “unique” event, and what that means for how we respond to violence today, really stayed with me.
This is not a light or easy read. It forces you to sit with difficult questions about history, accountability, and how societies justify violence. At the same time, it feels necessary—especially for anyone trying to better understand the historical context behind current events.
The audiobook narration kept me engaged throughout, though this is definitely a book I’d recommend revisiting in print to fully absorb everything.
Overall, this is a deeply informative, thought-provoking, and important work. Even if you think you have a solid understanding of this topic, there is a strong chance you’ll come away with new perspective.
Thank you NetGalley and Macmillan Audio for this ALC. These are my honest thoughts and opinions!
#Nonfiction #History #PoliticalReads #AudiobookRecs #NetGalley #Israel
🎧 Narrated by James McNaughton
This is one of those audiobooks where I immediately wished I had a physical copy in front of me—I took so many notes and still feel like I need to go back and highlight and annotate everything.
Omer Bartov approaches this subject with an incredible level of expertise, not only as a leading scholar of genocide and the Holocaust, but as someone who grew up in Israel and served in the IDF. That combination of personal history and academic authority makes this book especially compelling.
What stood out most to me is how clearly Bartov explains such a complex and deeply layered history. He traces the evolution of Zionism and the Israeli state from its origins to the present, connecting those foundations to the current reality in a way that feels both accessible and deeply unsettling. He doesn’t oversimplify, but he also never loses the reader.
His discussion of genocide—how we define it, how it is recognized, and why some events are acknowledged while others are ignored—was particularly powerful. The way he challenges the idea of the Holocaust as a “unique” event, and what that means for how we respond to violence today, really stayed with me.
This is not a light or easy read. It forces you to sit with difficult questions about history, accountability, and how societies justify violence. At the same time, it feels necessary—especially for anyone trying to better understand the historical context behind current events.
The audiobook narration kept me engaged throughout, though this is definitely a book I’d recommend revisiting in print to fully absorb everything.
Overall, this is a deeply informative, thought-provoking, and important work. Even if you think you have a solid understanding of this topic, there is a strong chance you’ll come away with new perspective.
Thank you NetGalley and Macmillan Audio for this ALC. These are my honest thoughts and opinions!
#Nonfiction #History #PoliticalReads #AudiobookRecs #NetGalley #Israel
Review of advance copy received from NetGalley
Israel by Omer Bartov is a fascinating and well-written book on Israel post the atrocious October 7 Hamas attacks. But what’s interesting about it is that it also draws on Israeli culture and history to explain the very aggressive reactions and statements that followed the October 7 attack.
Bartov starts by going through the history of the state of Israel, and by illustrating with poems and writings from throughout Israel’s history, he adds an understanding to how governments have ended up making choices that fan a conflict that has been ongoing for generations. He takes us through the discourse around human rights and the historic fact that Israel has ended up without a constitution (fascinating) to illustrate how there are no constitutional protections in today’s Israel for Palestinians.
There is no doubt what Bartov is attempting to do with this book — he starts off by saying that he in 2023 argued that Israel was on the verge of committing genocide, and with this book, he wants to bring attention to it. He highlights tensions in the Jewish identity combined with Zionism and the Holocaust. He brings out facts to illustrate how history can shape our future, but with a focus on Israeli and Jewish culture and history rather than just drawing a straight line between the Holocaust and Zionism.
This book did exactly what I wanted it to do — it gave me nuanced arguments (some I agreed with and some I didn’t), a better understanding of Israeli history in the space between its creation and today, and a window into the discourse that happened in Israel post recent Hamas attacks. Viewing all this through the eyes of Western international media isn’t enough so I’m grateful to get more information.
I received this book as an ARC from the publisher — thank you!
Bartov starts by going through the history of the state of Israel, and by illustrating with poems and writings from throughout Israel’s history, he adds an understanding to how governments have ended up making choices that fan a conflict that has been ongoing for generations. He takes us through the discourse around human rights and the historic fact that Israel has ended up without a constitution (fascinating) to illustrate how there are no constitutional protections in today’s Israel for Palestinians.
There is no doubt what Bartov is attempting to do with this book — he starts off by saying that he in 2023 argued that Israel was on the verge of committing genocide, and with this book, he wants to bring attention to it. He highlights tensions in the Jewish identity combined with Zionism and the Holocaust. He brings out facts to illustrate how history can shape our future, but with a focus on Israeli and Jewish culture and history rather than just drawing a straight line between the Holocaust and Zionism.
This book did exactly what I wanted it to do — it gave me nuanced arguments (some I agreed with and some I didn’t), a better understanding of Israeli history in the space between its creation and today, and a window into the discourse that happened in Israel post recent Hamas attacks. Viewing all this through the eyes of Western international media isn’t enough so I’m grateful to get more information.
I received this book as an ARC from the publisher — thank you!
Review of advance copy received from NetGalley
I recently had the honor of listening to the audiobook Israel: What Went Wrong by Omer Bartov, an Israeli‑American professor, historian, and genocide scholar. Bartov offers a profound, meticulously researched analysis of the history and transformation of Zionism in Israel, presenting it with such clarity and narrative ease that even readers with little prior knowledge can gain a comprehensive understanding of the subject.
This topic deeply interests me, and I’ll admit that it is rare to find a work that is simultaneously well‑written, heartfelt, and unflinchingly honest about the devastating consequences experienced by both Israeli and Palestinian communities. Bartov approaches the question of “genocide” with nuance, drawing on his scholarly expertise as well as his own family history to explore the many possible interpretations of what has happened and also what might have been.
War crimes, denial, and destruction have shaped this conflict to the point that we are left wondering what future awaits an increasingly authoritarian and oppressive Israeli state, and whether Zionism continues to play a role in that trajectory. Yet Bartov also invokes a sense of hope. For an average American listener like myself, his work becomes an invitation to imagine how we might “step in and help the peoples of the land plan for a different future,” one grounded not in erasure or domination but in justice, accountability, and shared humanity.
I can't wait to invest in a physical copy of this book!
Deepest thank you to Omer Bartov, NetGalley, and Macmillian Audio from Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
This topic deeply interests me, and I’ll admit that it is rare to find a work that is simultaneously well‑written, heartfelt, and unflinchingly honest about the devastating consequences experienced by both Israeli and Palestinian communities. Bartov approaches the question of “genocide” with nuance, drawing on his scholarly expertise as well as his own family history to explore the many possible interpretations of what has happened and also what might have been.
War crimes, denial, and destruction have shaped this conflict to the point that we are left wondering what future awaits an increasingly authoritarian and oppressive Israeli state, and whether Zionism continues to play a role in that trajectory. Yet Bartov also invokes a sense of hope. For an average American listener like myself, his work becomes an invitation to imagine how we might “step in and help the peoples of the land plan for a different future,” one grounded not in erasure or domination but in justice, accountability, and shared humanity.
I can't wait to invest in a physical copy of this book!
Deepest thank you to Omer Bartov, NetGalley, and Macmillian Audio from Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
April 23, 2026
Omer Bartov delivers a powerful, courageous, and intellectually rigorous examination of one of the most urgent political and moral questions of our time. Israel: What Went Wrong? is not just a historical analysis it is a deeply personal and profoundly honest reflection on the transformation of Zionism, the evolution of Israeli statehood, and the devastating consequences of exclusion, displacement, and prolonged conflict.
What makes this book especially compelling is Bartov’s unique position as both an insider and a critical historian. Born on a kibbutz, raised in Tel Aviv, and having served in the Israel Defense Forces during the Yom Kippur War, his perspective carries both emotional depth and scholarly authority. His ability to connect the Holocaust, national identity, Palestinian displacement, and the politics of memory creates a nuanced narrative that challenges simplistic interpretations and demands serious reflection.
The book does not rely on sensationalism; instead, it confronts painful truths with clarity, discipline, and moral seriousness. Bartov asks difficult questions many avoid and does so with remarkable balance and intellectual honesty. His discussion of how a nation born from historical trauma can become entangled in accusations of war crimes and systemic violence is both unsettling and necessary.
This is an essential read for anyone interested in history, politics, human rights, and the future of Israel and Palestine. Whether one agrees with every conclusion or not, the book succeeds in what great scholarship should do it provokes thought, invites uncomfortable conversations, and refuses silence in the face of moral crisis.
What makes this book especially compelling is Bartov’s unique position as both an insider and a critical historian. Born on a kibbutz, raised in Tel Aviv, and having served in the Israel Defense Forces during the Yom Kippur War, his perspective carries both emotional depth and scholarly authority. His ability to connect the Holocaust, national identity, Palestinian displacement, and the politics of memory creates a nuanced narrative that challenges simplistic interpretations and demands serious reflection.
The book does not rely on sensationalism; instead, it confronts painful truths with clarity, discipline, and moral seriousness. Bartov asks difficult questions many avoid and does so with remarkable balance and intellectual honesty. His discussion of how a nation born from historical trauma can become entangled in accusations of war crimes and systemic violence is both unsettling and necessary.
This is an essential read for anyone interested in history, politics, human rights, and the future of Israel and Palestine. Whether one agrees with every conclusion or not, the book succeeds in what great scholarship should do it provokes thought, invites uncomfortable conversations, and refuses silence in the face of moral crisis.
Review of advance copy received from NetGalley
Omer Bartov tackles one of the most current and sensitive topics of our time with the hand of a true expert. What stuck out to me most about this book was how Bartov managed to make such an important, multi-layered history feel entirely easy to follow without ever "dumbing down" the material.
This book, provides a history of the Zionist movement and the state of Israel from the lens of someone that was not only raised there but served in the IDF before becoming a leading scholar on the Holocaust. Bartov traces the evolution of Israel from its early start to the current occupation. He analyses how the original vision has shifted due to politics and conflict into the current reality.
It is clear from the first chapter that Bartov is a leading authority on this subject. His depth of knowledge and personal experience allows him to connect historical threads in a way that feels both logical and eye opening. Despite the gravity of the subject matter, the prose is clear and focused, making it accessible to those who are new to the topic and those well-versed in it alike.
The narrator did a fantastic job of keeping the energy high and the delivery intriguing despite it being a historical and political analysis. Highly recommended for anyone looking to understand the nuances of this history.
Thank you to NetGalley and MacMillan Audio for the ALC of this book in exchange for an honest review.
This book, provides a history of the Zionist movement and the state of Israel from the lens of someone that was not only raised there but served in the IDF before becoming a leading scholar on the Holocaust. Bartov traces the evolution of Israel from its early start to the current occupation. He analyses how the original vision has shifted due to politics and conflict into the current reality.
It is clear from the first chapter that Bartov is a leading authority on this subject. His depth of knowledge and personal experience allows him to connect historical threads in a way that feels both logical and eye opening. Despite the gravity of the subject matter, the prose is clear and focused, making it accessible to those who are new to the topic and those well-versed in it alike.
The narrator did a fantastic job of keeping the energy high and the delivery intriguing despite it being a historical and political analysis. Highly recommended for anyone looking to understand the nuances of this history.
Thank you to NetGalley and MacMillan Audio for the ALC of this book in exchange for an honest review.
April 20, 2026
4.5⭐️
🎧 narrated by James McNaughton
Thank you NetGalley and Macmillan Audio for this ALC.
I was not prepared for all the notes I ended up taking while listening to this audiobook. I feel like I need to get a hard copy of this book so I can highlight and annotate.
This was a thoroughly researched look at the genocide occurring in Gaza right now, by an Israeli who served in the IDF in the 70s. This book takes into account the history of antisemitism and Zionism and looks at what those have become today. Bartov also questioned what makes everyone consider the Holocaust a unique event - is it because there was truly nothing like it throughout history, or because it was the first genocide to happen in Europe against Europeans? While everyone spouts “never again,” they ignore every genocide that has occurred and is occurring since then.
If you have any doubt that what is happening in Gaza is genocide, this book will enlighten you, using the very definition of genocide itself. Bartov is an expert on genocide and on the Holocaust, and he explains very clearly why what is happening now is genocide and must be stopped. If you’re interested in learning some of the history of how Israel was set up and how it has led to where it is now, this book is definitely for you. You may think you understand the issues around Israel, but there’s likely more that you don’t know.
🎧 narrated by James McNaughton
Thank you NetGalley and Macmillan Audio for this ALC.
I was not prepared for all the notes I ended up taking while listening to this audiobook. I feel like I need to get a hard copy of this book so I can highlight and annotate.
This was a thoroughly researched look at the genocide occurring in Gaza right now, by an Israeli who served in the IDF in the 70s. This book takes into account the history of antisemitism and Zionism and looks at what those have become today. Bartov also questioned what makes everyone consider the Holocaust a unique event - is it because there was truly nothing like it throughout history, or because it was the first genocide to happen in Europe against Europeans? While everyone spouts “never again,” they ignore every genocide that has occurred and is occurring since then.
If you have any doubt that what is happening in Gaza is genocide, this book will enlighten you, using the very definition of genocide itself. Bartov is an expert on genocide and on the Holocaust, and he explains very clearly why what is happening now is genocide and must be stopped. If you’re interested in learning some of the history of how Israel was set up and how it has led to where it is now, this book is definitely for you. You may think you understand the issues around Israel, but there’s likely more that you don’t know.
April 27, 2026
Omer Bartov was born on a kibbutz in Israel and is one of the world's foremost authorities on the Holocaust. In this book, he examines the October 7 attack, the founding of Israel, and how Israel went from a safe haven for the survivors of the Holocaust to a fascist-leaning, genocide committing, mostly authoritarian state. He does not simply throw these terms around. He actually defines them, explaining how the official definitions are changed over the years. I learned that Israel has refused to establish a constitution, thus giving the Palestinians within its control no legal framework to address their grievances, and (this took my breath away) no accepted legal borders. The United States was the first country to recognize Israel's nationhood. However, it was made only upon assurances that Israel would accept established borders. Israel lied. Most Israelies are okay with all of this, which Bartov says is a result of "a pornographic preoccupation with one's own suffering". Jews suffered so rules no longer apply to them.
This book should be read by anyone wishing to understand the Israeli/Palestine conflict, but I warn you it is unbelievably depressing as I can see no way to peace when one party has such a distorted sense of morality. If a country can suffer malignant narcissism, Israel does.
This book should be read by anyone wishing to understand the Israeli/Palestine conflict, but I warn you it is unbelievably depressing as I can see no way to peace when one party has such a distorted sense of morality. If a country can suffer malignant narcissism, Israel does.
April 23, 2026
Thank you to NetGalley and the publisher for this ARC/ALC.
This was a very informative book, and I would definitely recommend it to anyone interested in the current situation in Palestine. Bartov is a Jewish, Israeli son of Holocaust survivors who served in the Israeli Army, and a scholar of genocide. He thus knows what he's talking about, and has seen a lot firsthand, as well as having the necessary academic background for this discussion. He also used to be quite sceptical of people who call the situation a genocide of the Palestinians, so he does not have a clear ideological position from the get-go that he just seeks to confirm. And he says that what is happening is a genocide. He does not just say this, either, but backs it up with definitions, facts, a historical consideration of the situation, etc. etc. He is thorough in what he talks about, and while there could of course be more information in this book as there is a LOT to talk about, this is a really good introduction to the current situation, and I think will make others want to educate themselves further on the topic. A great book.
This was a very informative book, and I would definitely recommend it to anyone interested in the current situation in Palestine. Bartov is a Jewish, Israeli son of Holocaust survivors who served in the Israeli Army, and a scholar of genocide. He thus knows what he's talking about, and has seen a lot firsthand, as well as having the necessary academic background for this discussion. He also used to be quite sceptical of people who call the situation a genocide of the Palestinians, so he does not have a clear ideological position from the get-go that he just seeks to confirm. And he says that what is happening is a genocide. He does not just say this, either, but backs it up with definitions, facts, a historical consideration of the situation, etc. etc. He is thorough in what he talks about, and while there could of course be more information in this book as there is a LOT to talk about, this is a really good introduction to the current situation, and I think will make others want to educate themselves further on the topic. A great book.
April 23, 2026
Omer Bartov is an Israeli-born Holocaust and genocide scholar who warned that Israel's actions in Gaza were quickly heading in the direction of genocide. His warnings went unheeded, and he has seen the country of his birth continue down a path he does not recognize. This book is an examination of the creation of Israel and zionism and how they allowed the victims of one genocide become the perpetrators of another.
I have my strong opinions regarding this issue, and I wanted to read this book to hear the opinions of both a scholar and a former zionist who recognize the brutality and cruelty happening in Gaza. I will admit that this book gets into Israeli politics and civics in a deeper sense than I understand -- Bartov goes into the Israeli constitution and lack of borders for a very long time in a way that would be more interesting if I had a bit more background knowledge. In all, though, this book is well thought out and persuasive, and the arguments Bartov made are not merely based on opinions, but have solid evidence to back them up.
Free Palestine.
Thank you to Macmillan Audio and Netgalley for an audio ARC in exchange for an honest review.
I have my strong opinions regarding this issue, and I wanted to read this book to hear the opinions of both a scholar and a former zionist who recognize the brutality and cruelty happening in Gaza. I will admit that this book gets into Israeli politics and civics in a deeper sense than I understand -- Bartov goes into the Israeli constitution and lack of borders for a very long time in a way that would be more interesting if I had a bit more background knowledge. In all, though, this book is well thought out and persuasive, and the arguments Bartov made are not merely based on opinions, but have solid evidence to back them up.
Free Palestine.
Thank you to Macmillan Audio and Netgalley for an audio ARC in exchange for an honest review.
April 29, 2026
Honest Analysis of Israel’s Relationship with the Palestinians
This is a highly emotional and politically charged topic. Yet although Omer Bartov deeply cares about Israel, where he was born and raised in a Jewish family, he avoids emotional rhetoric. With unwavering ethical integrity, he analyzes Israel’s history and the extent to which it has fulfilled—or failed to fulfill—its promise to “ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; … guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; … [and] bring about an economic union over the whole of Palestine.” These commitments were articulated in Israel’s 1948 Declaration of Independence and reinforced by the 1949 United Nations resolution admitting Israel to the UN. Bartov explains why Israel still lacks a formal constitution and clearly defined borders, examines the drivers behind the continuing escalation of violence, and proposes possible paths forward. This excellent, objective, and candid book is especially valuable and refreshing because it comes from an eminent Holocaust historian.
This is a highly emotional and politically charged topic. Yet although Omer Bartov deeply cares about Israel, where he was born and raised in a Jewish family, he avoids emotional rhetoric. With unwavering ethical integrity, he analyzes Israel’s history and the extent to which it has fulfilled—or failed to fulfill—its promise to “ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; … guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; … [and] bring about an economic union over the whole of Palestine.” These commitments were articulated in Israel’s 1948 Declaration of Independence and reinforced by the 1949 United Nations resolution admitting Israel to the UN. Bartov explains why Israel still lacks a formal constitution and clearly defined borders, examines the drivers behind the continuing escalation of violence, and proposes possible paths forward. This excellent, objective, and candid book is especially valuable and refreshing because it comes from an eminent Holocaust historian.
Review of advance copy received from Netgalley
🎧 This was a very interesting read that takes a look at the creation and evolution of Israel and Zionism and how the persecuted become the persecutors. It was written in a way that was easily digestible and kept your attention without being too dry. Often times, nonfiction can feel very academic, but that isn't the case with this. It's a rather short read. This covers several different issues, but there was still so much more that could have been covered and in much greater detail. The narrator did a fabulous job. He had a strong, clear voice and really helped draw the reader in and keep them hooked.
April 29, 2026
Excellent contextualization of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from 1948 through the cease fire of late last year. Includes the October 7 attacks & Israel's retaliation. Goes into Israel's lack of a constitution and the consequences of that. Discusses the charges of apartheid, brought by South Africa, against Israel in the International Criminal(?) Court. Finally, suggests 4 different plans for peace between Israel and Palestine. My opinion: Israel desperately needs a constitution, and Bibi desperately needs to spend the rest of his life in prison for war crimes. Which aligns me with Israeli leftists. This is a grim book, but it's relatively short. There's a bibliography, but no notes.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
Review of advance copy received from Netgalley
Thanks to NetGalley and Farrar, Straus and Giroux for the eARC in exchange for my honest review.
This is such a timely book. The tracing of Zionism from a protective belief to a weaponized belief was so interesting. This is a deep read, so don't plan on breezing through it. I appreciated the way Bartov covered this history - I think it would have been easy for him to simply excuse Israel - in the way a lot of the world is currently doing, but he doesn't shy away from talking about the blood-soaked truth. Real lives are at stake, and he doesn't forget that.
This is such a timely book. The tracing of Zionism from a protective belief to a weaponized belief was so interesting. This is a deep read, so don't plan on breezing through it. I appreciated the way Bartov covered this history - I think it would have been easy for him to simply excuse Israel - in the way a lot of the world is currently doing, but he doesn't shy away from talking about the blood-soaked truth. Real lives are at stake, and he doesn't forget that.
April 29, 2026
I thought this was excellent. I haven’t read much in any detail about the history of Israel, so for me this was excellent. He highlights a lot of critical aspects, such as the fact that Israel was created without boundaries (and how that happened).
I also appreciated his ideas and predictions for the future (even though they were sobering). He actually suggests that Germany tries to play a key role in brokering the future of Israel/Palestine, as a type or atonement for the Holocaust (and because it’s unclear what the US will do, if anything).
I also appreciated his ideas and predictions for the future (even though they were sobering). He actually suggests that Germany tries to play a key role in brokering the future of Israel/Palestine, as a type or atonement for the Holocaust (and because it’s unclear what the US will do, if anything).
May 7, 2026
Genocide scholar Omer Bartov explores the question of how Israel became a state capable of comiitting genocide and explores how some of the progressive promises of the Zionist project were consumed by an ethno-nationalist irredentist passion for permanent war. His case draws deeply on his understanding of genocide writ large but also his deep engagement with the traditions of Israeli society. What follows is not a comprehensive history of Israel but a poeerful argument as to how we got here, and where we could go. An unflinching, necessary book on the Gaza genocide.
May 4, 2026
Bartov is amazing at explaining the history and context of israel. Although there are things that we disagree on, he makes good points to argue his message.
I would recommend this book to anyone who would like to learn more about the conflicts ruling the middle east.
I would recommend this book to anyone who would like to learn more about the conflicts ruling the middle east.
August 5, 2025
wstrząsające studium
November 11, 2025
Reviewed for Library Journal. My professional review is unrelated to my Goodreads rating.
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April 22, 2026reviewed in the guardian 22 april 2026
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