Reagan: The Life

by H.W. Brands

From master storyteller and New York Times bestselling Historian H. W. Brands comes the definitive biography of a visionary and transformative president

In his magisterial new biography, H. W. Brands brilliantly establishes Ronald Reagan as one of the two great presidents of the twentieth century, a true peer to Franklin Roosevelt. Reagan conveys with sweep and vigor how the confident force of Reagan’s personality and the unwavering nature of his beliefs enabled him to engineer a conservative revolution in American politics and play a crucial role in ending communism in the Soviet Union. Reagan shut down the age of liberalism, Brands shows, and ushered in the age of Reagan, whose defining principles are still powerfully felt today.

Reagan follows young Ronald Reagan as his ambition for ever larger stages compelled him to leave behind small-town Illinois to become first a radio announcer and then that quintessential public figure of modern America, a movie star. When his acting career stalled, his reinvention as the voice of The General Electric Theater on television made him an unlikely spokesman for corporate America. Then began Reagan’s improbable political ascension, starting in the 1960s, when he was first elected governor of California, and culminating in his election in 1980 as president of the United States.

Employing archival sources not available to previous biographers and drawing on dozens of interviews with surviving members of Reagan’s administration, Brands has crafted a richly detailed and fascinating narrative of the presidential years. He offers new insights into Reagan’s remote management style and fractious West Wing staff, his deft handling of public sentiment to transform the tax code, and his deeply misunderstood relationship with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, on which nothing less than the fate of the world turned. 

Reagan is a storytelling triumph, an irresistible portrait of an underestimated politician whose pragmatic leadership and steadfast vision transformed the nation.

Genres: Biography, History, Presidents, Nonfiction, Politics, American History, Us Presidents

816 pages, Hardcover

First published May 12, 2015

About the author

H.W. Brands is an acclaimed American historian and author of over thirty books on U.S. history, including Pulitzer Prize finalists The First American and Traitor to His Class. He holds the Jack S. Blanton Sr. Chair in History at the University of Texas at Austin, where he earned his PhD. Originally trained in mathematics, Brands turned to history as a way to pursue his passion for writing. His biographical works on figures like Franklin, Jackson, Grant, and both Roosevelts have earned critical and popular praise for their readability and depth. Raised in Oregon and educated at Stanford, Reed College, and Portland State, he began his teaching career in high schools before entering academia. He later taught at Texas A&M and Vanderbilt before returning to UT Austin. Brands challenges conventional reverence for the Founding Fathers, advocating for a more progressive and evolving view of American democracy. In addition to academic works, his commentary has featured in major documentaries. His books, published internationally and translated into multiple languages, examine U.S. political, economic, and cultural development with compelling narrative force. Beyond academia, he is a public intellectual contributing to national conversations on history and governance.

Reviews

[Jeffrey Keeten · Rating 4 out of 5]

”Reagan was called ‘the great communicator’ with reason, He was the most persuasive political speaker since Roosevelt, combining conviction, focus, and humor in the manner none of his contemporaries could approach. Reagan’s critics often dismissed the role of conviction in his persuasiveness; they attributed his speaking skill to his training as an actor. But this was exactly wrong. Reagan wasn’t acting when he spoke; his rhetorical power rested on his wholehearted belief in all the wonderful things he said about the United States and the American people, about their brave past and their brilliant future. He believed what Americans have always wanted to believe about their country, and he made them believe it too.”



How can you not like Ronald Reagan? People disagree with him. People hate his politics. People (me) even believe he broke the law, but at the end of the day he really believed in America, and he revived some faith in the office of President...well…for a while. The Republican party has been searching for the next Reagan ever since he left office in 1988.

They have not succeeded.

”Pessimism pervades the thinking of conservatives, who tend to believe the world is going to hell in a handbasket. They might be right, but they aren’t fun to be around. Barry Goldwater appealed to people’s heads, but he left their hearts cold. Reagan was as conservative philosophically as Goldwater, but his sunny mien made Americans feel good about themselves and their country and made him irresistible at the polls.”

Unfortunately, in recent presidential elections the race has become a popularity contest. When the press is asking potential voters which candidate they would rather have a beer with, I can’t help but think that the press is actually encouraging people to assess candidates by the most shallow considerations. I had someone who worked for me who said he voted for George W. Bush because “he was a dummy like me.” Another person said that she was not going to vote for John Kerry because “his face is TOO long.” Candidates with extensive voting records, like Kerry, are finding it hard to win the presidency due to (obviously having too long a face) their voting records deconstructed by their adversaries who can always find pork in any bill and make a case for irresponsibility. Candidates with shorter times in office, and thus fewer opportunities to go on the record, fare better, like Barack Obama.

So if the trend is for less qualified candidates who have a nice smile or who have a special talent for composing quips or are a great speaker or just look damn good on camera, then the candidates most qualified generally don’t have much of a chance. If we accept that this is the future of the presidency, then we need to make damn sure that those candidates surround themselves with the very best counselors/advisors available. Second term presidents suffer more for many reasons, but one reason is the very best of the staff that they had for their first term generally move on because of burnout and/or a need to go back to the private sector to restart their careers.


Reagan had a good working relationship with all the world leaders. As you can see they formed their own superteam. Pope John Paul, Mikhail Gorbachev, Margaret Thatcher, and Ronald Reagan.

Jack Matlock was appalled at how little Reagan knew about the Soviet Union despite the fact that he railed against “the evil empire” every chance he got. ”Dealing as he did with Reagan every day, he was struck by the president’s spotty command of historical facts. Reagan had had very few contacts with Soviet officials and still tended to base many of his judgments more on generalities, even slogans, than on a nuanced understanding of Soviet reality.”

Reagan, fortunately, proved a quick study and was truly interested in the information, not enough to have ever picked up a book, but with these professionals tutoring him he was able to learn his lines.

His summit meetings with Mikhail Gorbachev regarding the reduction of the nuclear arsenals of both countries was frustrating to read. Gorbachev might be the most progressive leader ever seen to rise to power in Russia or the Soviet Union. He was convinced that changes needed to happen, and his first order of business was to end the cold war before it broke his country. His predecessors Chemenko, Andropov, and Brezhnev, who all died shortly after getting into office, would have never considered making the broad stroke changes that Gorbachev was proposing.


Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev

Gorbachev wanted Reagan to keep his Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), so famously called Star Wars, in the lab for ten years, but Reagan refused, even though the experts felt they were longer than ten years away from trying to deploy any part of it in space anyway. The two leaders walked away without a deal. It was a real missed opportunity.

Gorbachev ended the Cold War, not Ronald Reagan.

Reagan’s famous speech about tearing down the wall in Berlin actually created a problem for Gorbachev who had already planned to bring the wall down, but that speech made it seem as if he was tearing the wall down because the United States demanded it. Reagan’s timing may not have been good for Gorbachev, but it was an excellent opportunity to add to the myth of Ronald Reagan.

Reading this book brought me a much better understanding of Nancy Reagan, maybe even giving me a slightly more positive view of her. Every day of her life was devoted to her husband. She would do anything to make sure he was successful. This at times made her very vindictive. It also spun her in occult directions, like consulting an astrologer about Reagan’s travel schedule. She didn’t run Reagan, but she ran everything in his life that he didn’t care about. She had a very good reason, as it turns out, to be paranoid about his safety even before John Hinkley Jr. tried to assassinate her husband.

”Nancy knew of the fatal pattern that had long afflicted presidents elected in years divisible by twenty. Since 1840 every chief executive so elected had died in office: William Henry Harrison, Lincoln, Garfield, McKinley, Harding, Franklin Roosevelt, Kennedy.”

Anybody else getting goose pimples.

I was hoping when I decided to read this book that H. W. Brands would be discussing the Iran-Contra Affair in detail. Maybe he didn’t go as deep into details as I was hoping for, but he did provide me with confirmation that Reagan did know. I can remember watching Colonel Oliver North in front of congress. I even rooted for him, admiring this one man who had been selected as the fall guy, standing up to the significant power of congress. He wasn’t the master mind. He was a soldier following orders. Reagan wrote in his diary:

”On one of the arms shipments the Iranians paid Israel a higher purchase price than we were getting. The Israelis put the difference in a secret bank account. Then our Col. North gave the money to the Contras.”

I do not recall

became the constant refrain to any of the questions asked of those in the administration called to testify. Even Reagan was deposed after he left office, and it is painful to watch. He is addled and fumbling for words, really a shell of the man who was once “the great communicator.” The Iran-Contra affair plunged his poll numbers to an all time low for him. His number never really recovered until many years later when people remembered how good he made them feel about being Americans more than they remembered the times he had stumbled.


The Villain Who Deceived or Hero Who Obeyed?

I loved the way H. W. Brands talked about the fickleness of politics. The points in an administration when one thing going right or one thing going wrong can make a huge difference. Jimmy Carter was a perfect example of a president who couldn’t catch a break. ”Paul Volcker was Jimmy Carter’s gift to Reagan; it was Volcker who squeezed the inflationary expectations out of the economy and put it on the path to solid growth. And he did so at just the right time for Reagan. If Volcker had taken charge of the fed two years earlier, the economy might have improved sufficiently that Carter and not Reagan would have been elected in 1980. If Volcker had arrived two years later, the recession that routed the Republicans in the 1982 elections could have swept Reagan from office in 1984.”

Reagan gave people a cozy, dependable feel. He was the model for the perfect grandfather that everyone knows they can go to for comfort and encouragement. He had a wonderful sense of humor and was a master at putting everyone at ease. No one who worked with him wanted to disappoint him. Though our oldest president in age, he brought an energy and a sense of infinite possibility to every speech he gave. Thinking of the speech he gave after the Challenger incident reminds me that he was also capable of expressing tenderness in a way that made all of us feel he was grieving with us. The fact that he was an actor did not contribute to his success as president as much as I believe the time he spent as a sports radio announcer. He had to think on his feet and developed a real sense of how best to keep people entertained while sitting behind that microphone.


Reagan behind the microphone

If he is the model for future presidents, then the role of president will have to change. In some ways maybe it already has. Reagan was not cerebral, but he had the same ability as his hero Franklin Roosevelt to communicate through more than just words, through inflections and pauses to convey a sense of well being in the face of calamity. Going forward I can see the people that a president surrounds himself will be ever more important. Scary to think of all those non-elected officials determining the course of our lives, but if we aren’t going to elect the most qualified to the highest office, then we will have to hope that the best and the brightest will continue to volunteer for public service.

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[Matt · Rating 5 out of 5]

In another thrilling political biography, I turn my head to a man who is said to have shaped 20th century America for both his politics and ideological stances through the waning years of the Cold War. Ronald Wilson Reagan was a man of many experiences, from a poor childhood through to the honeymoon years after leaving office, as effectively illustrated by H.W. Brands. Reagan wore his ideological tilt on his sleeve, next to his heart, which moved from one end of the spectrum to the other. Brands depiction of Reagan in three distinct periods, from daunting Democrat to rigid Republican through to charismatic conservative, exemplifies the progression the man made throughout his life. With no firmly rooted politics in his familial background, it is a wonder that Reagan became synonymous with the neo-conservative movement of the late 20th century and could be called one of America's great political figures. Brands does a masterful job in detailing the life and times of Reagan, leaving little to wonder for the reader keen on learning about this political giant.

That Reagan first identified himself as a Democrat should be no surprise to the reader. Raised in a lower income family in Illinois, Reagan was forced to help bring bread to the table and handle the plight of an alcoholic father on whom few could rely. Brands does not belabour this point, but moves Reagan through his formative years by discussing the hardships that Reagan met, but which did not impede his personal successes. While he had high ambitions, Reagan settled into a smaller religious college and tried to carve out a niche on the football field, as horrid as he came to be. It was during these years that Reagan became a strong believer in Roosevelt's New Deal and praised its ability to help Americans. Pushing for a hands-on approach, Reagan stumped for Roosevelt's plan and saw benefit in ensuring the state could assist those who could not stay afloat on their own. After college and ready to contribute to the world, Reagan was soon pulled into the world of radio, taking jobs reporting sporting events and relying on his dramatic abilities to spin tales to those who tuned in. He was a man of the people and remained so, even after making his mark in Hollywood, where he became a household name. Though he seemed successful, as Brands shows through detailed narration, he was no Jimmy Stewart or John Wayne, though was able to use his abilities to pad his pockets effectively. With the move towards better representation and the creation of the Screen Actors Guild (SAG), Reagan rose and soon became its president, making that his busiest role while living in Hollywood. Even when Congress opened its examination of Hollywood as a bastion for Communists, Reagan stood his ground during the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) and did not let the SAG entity be dragged through the mud. However, with this intense analysis of Hollywood as a home for Communist sentiment, Reagan began to look for work outside of the big screen, becoming a key spokesman for General Electric. He spoke about the merits of the company to its employees at all the plants, perfecting a message that kept management happy and the employees in touch with the bosses. It is here that Brands shows the turning of Reagan's views, if slightly, away from the hands-on Democrat approach towards a more socially conscious and conservative set of values, perfect for the softer wing of the Republican Party, which he joined in 1962, and became a political icon in 1964. With many years as a well-known and daunting Democrat, this turn opened eyes and minds to the persuasive nature of Reagan's message.

The rigidity of his Republican ways took a great deal of time, but Brands plants the seed in Reagan's life around 1964 and lets it germinate. While on his General Electric speaking circuit, Reagan spoke out in favour of Republican candidate Barry Goldwater on the Arizona senator's fated 1964 presidential campaign. This sparked notice of Reagan by the political right, even if he cozied to its softer wing. Reagan gained political momentum and chose to run for Governor of California in 1966, unseating Pat Brown on a platform of reform and fiscal tightening. Reagan headed into office and sought to balance that which was crooked in California, with Vietnam heating up and the 'flower child' movement in full-swing. Brands highlights Reagan's push to quash protests and subvert university students, representing the parental era and speaking out for a generation. His firm beliefs in Roosevelt's New Deal were curtailed for tighter sentiments on spending and the need to close the pursestrings to those seeking handouts. When Nixon won the presidency, a fellow Californian, Reagan sought to push his control of the most populist state to his favour, seeking a firm stance on both coasts. Alas, Nixon spoke like a conservative, but acted weakly, leaving Reagan to harden his own views. It was after Reagan served two gubernatorial terms that he sought to inject himself into the national stage again, not from Sacramento, but as a candidate for president. He felt Nixon bumbled his way through Republican control of the White House and insisted that Ford proved inept to handle the pressures of the job. Brands illustrates a wonderful battle during the 1976 primary season, which saw a sitting president seriously challenged for the Party's nomination. Had Reagan played his cards right, he might have toppled Ford. Even in his loss, Reagan illustrated that he was no longer the SAG President who held soft views on the arts and promoted the Welfare State. America was seeing a transformation of this man, preparing for another run at the top job. While never timid, Reagan's rigidity within the Republican Party might serve him well as he looked towards 1980, with a micromanager running the show at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.

Reagan's neo-conservative leanings did not arise upon his receiving the keys to the White House, as Brands exemplifies throughout the book. While the man who entered the presidency differed greatly from his 1964 self, Reagan used his time as Governor of California and the years he sought to win the Republican nomination to harden his shell. His views seemed unerring, though, as he waded through the liberal and somewhat opaque fiscal quagmire left for him, with deficits exponentially higher than anything he'd seen in Sacramento. Reagan attacked this, as he had on the campaign trail, by pushing through cuts in taxes and promised slashes to program funding in the early years of his first mandate, though Brands correctly points out that these reductions were not implemented simply because he sought them, some requiring committee and sub-committee votes. However, he sought to take the burden off the hands of Americans and let them spend their money in a more free-spirited manner. These struggles with a Democratic Congress did not prove daunting for Reagan, who held firm and pushed as far as possible, negotiating only to ensure his key tenets were met. Reagan's other strong-willed agenda item, which could be placed in a conservative column was the eradication of worldwide communism and a means of containing the Soviet influence on the world. Brands illustrates numerous attempts by Reagan to contain the Soviet approach, both through direct communication with Moscow and funding or directing support for groups to counter socialist movements in the Americas and Africa. This unwavering stance permeates the narrative from 1981 onwards, as Reagan worked through numerous Soviet leaders and a score of countries with socialist movements brewing or running sovereign governments. That Reagan would not back down cannot be downplayed or even ignored, for it did place America in hot water and Reagan on the verge of being impeached in the latter part of his second mandate. Reagan would not, however, bow to communism as his predecessors had, or adopt a strong sense of detente. It was a 'wage the ideological war or bust' mentality that summed up his two terms in office. Reagan did just that, culminating with numerous meetings with Mikhail Gorbachev, where he softened the General Secretary up enough to bring about meaningful and lasting change to the Cold War and ideological stand-off between the two spheres. Looking liberals in the eye and refusing to budge, Reagan sought to bring America out of the doldrums of spending and tighten the purse strings as a charismatic conservative, asking Americans if they wanted prosperity or pork. Most chose to forego a trip to the trough.

Brands' fluid narrative and short chapters make the biography flow more effectively than some other political or presidential pieces I have read beforehand. By chopping events up into smaller pieces, rather than massive themes, the story is less daunting and allows the reader to digest things in a manner that better suits them. These were formative years in America and there is no need to slam it all into massive chapters, which keeps the reader drowning without the chance for a substantive break. Brands also utilises an effective use of multiple sources to illustrate a point or an event, offering opinions that may differ from Reagan's own, rather than spoon-feeding the reader the views by the Gipper alone. This fleshes out events and permits an internal debate within the reader's mind, permitting an evolution of ideas and opinions, while still leaving the final choice in the hands of the reader. Effective use of sources, views, and opinions only further substantiates the strength of the piece.

Brands also highlights some of the key events in Reagan's life, while providing important backstories to help flesh-out the full picture. From the testimony at the HUAC to the assassination attempt and the Iran-Contra Affair, Reagan's role therein is undeniable, though the build-up is also essential in determining the true thread of the story. Brands does that and keeps the reader feeling informed during the progression. Actors come to life and their roles are interwoven into Reagan's life seamlessly as Brands progresses through even the densest of times.

Kudos Mr. Brands for this stellar piece of work. I have new-found respect for the man, his politics, and the life he shaped without ever selling out to those around him.

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[Cora · Rating 2 out of 5]

Ronald Reagan left office 26 years ago this past January, and it's weird that it's taken this long for him to get the attention of the regular Great Men of American History biographers. Major biographies of Nixon and LBJ came out within ten to fifteen years of their subjects leaving the White House. In part this has to be due to the disastrous reception of Edmund Morris' DUTCH, partially fictionalized after Morris confessed that he couldn't truly understand Reagan. In part this is because critical assessments of Reagan will draw an organized campaign of ratfucking by right-wing operatives, like Rick Perlstein experienced after the released of THE INVISIBLE BRIDGE last year. H.W. Brands has finally made the attempt, and hopefully this will open the door a little bit.

Reagan is famously friendly at a distance, so aloof that staffers would come and go without him noticing; that he failed to recognize his own son Michael at his high school graduation; that he blithely skipped Michael's wedding in Hawaii to attend that of Tricia Nixon's, happening the same day; so aloof that even Nancy Reagan confessed that although she got closer than anyone else, there was part of himself that even she didn't get to see. And yet Brands is at his strongest talking about Reagan as a man. Reagan's letters, particularly before his political career, are fairly revealing, whether Reagan is complaining to Jack Warner about a film shoot in London or reflecting on love and sexuality to a childhood friend. I found many aspects to Reagan that were likeable and sympathetic.

Brands' assessment of Reagan's political career has a little bit for everybody. For liberals, Brands is happy to highlight--along the lines of TEAR DOWN THIS MYTH--Reagan's many deviations from modern conservative orthodoxy. For conservatives, Brands is happy to award the victory of the Cold War to Reagan. Reagan was fond of linking himself with Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and of co-opting FDR's rhetoric for right-wing purposes, and Brands concludes that Reagan was a mirror-universe FDR, as instrumental in ushering in a conservative era as FDR was in ushering in a liberal era, and as influential overseas.

But is this true? Take the Cold War claim to begin with. Brands claims that Reagan ended the Cold War and prompted the collapse of the Soviet Union, with the partnership of Gorbachev. That's like saying that Lord Palmerston freed the slaves in America with the partnership of Abraham Lincoln. Brands doesn't bother to show that Reagan's defense build-up caused the Soviet economic crisis, and in fact quotes Reagan saying (as late as 1985) that the defense build-up was necessary because the Soviets were winning the arms race. And if the Soviets were already bankrupting themselves with military hardware, like Reagan claimed at the time, then his defense buildup wasn't necessary to prompt the crisis. (And that's leaving aside the drop in oil prices in the late 80s which historically has meant bad news for oil producers like the USSR.)

But let's accept provisionally that this is a fair conclusion. Regimes can endure economic stagnation for a long time without collapsing. The Soviet Union fell due to internal political forces that were set in motion by Gorbachev, not anybody from the outside. Gorbachev also made the crucial decision not to use force to keep countries behind the Iron Curtain. A reactionary Soviet leadership determined to hold on to the status quo might well have held on despite anything that America did in response.

And if we're not so myopic as to give the current American president credit for everything happening on planet earth, then Reagan's foreign policy legacy seems a lot less substantial. It was to his credit that he pivoted towards arms reduction in his second term, and that he rebuilt good relations with the Soviets (even concluding that it was no longer an 'evil empire.') But crucial decisions about the post-Cold War world (the expansion of NATO, the reunification of Germany, the treaty of Maastricht) were made by his successors and by his counterparts in Europe.

On domestic policy, Brands' interpretation also claims too much. He spends much time talking about the 1986 tax reform, which eliminated a bunch of deductions and taxed capital gains and normal income at the same rate as well as reducing the top tax rate to 35%. But it seems worth mentioning that over the next few decades, the deductions were added back in, the capital gains rate was cut, and the upper tax rate was raised. Reagan also signed an immigration bill that Brands hails as landmark--and yet despite promises made at the time, the enforcement provisions in that bill failed to prevent ten-plus million people from immigrating to this country illegally since that bill was sign.

Reagan did succeed at cutting taxes, and the tax rates have never risen as high as they were during the Carter administration. Conservative critics of Reagan claimed at the time that supporting tax cuts without spending cuts was a mistake because tax cuts are what make spending cuts politically palatable. Thirty years on, it seems that this critique didn't go far enough: during the Bush (Jr.) administration, the need to justify upper-class tax cuts made it basically impossible to oppose any spending hike on the middle class, prompting even right-wing Republicans to pass a Medicare prescription drug benefit. And yet you won't hear much about structural deficits in H.W. Brands' take on the Reagan presidency. You also won't hear much on financial de-regulation, despite the savings and loan crisis that spawned from Reagan-era decisions and its obvious relevance for the present; nor much on the war on drugs; and AIDS gets as much attention as Nancy Reagan's relationship with Raisa Gorbacheva.

There's a revealing moment early in the book: Brands alludes to allegations by nuclear-freeze advocates that the administration's arms-control stance, the 'zero option', was chosen to alienate the Soviets and forestall arms control negotiations. What he doesn't mention is that this is true--Richard Perle proposed the stance to Reagan because it required Soviets to remove existing missiles while the US would only promise not to install potential missiles. He might also have mentioned that Reagan didn't understand this distinction. (All of this is from Lou Cannon's PRESIDENT REAGAN: THE ROLE OF A LIFETIME.)

I call this revealing because it goes to another odd choice of emphasis in the book. Many people involved in the Reagan administration describe how chaotic it was, how Reagan's decisions were rarely clear, how lower-level staffers and aides drove their own agenda without Reagan knowing to intervene. Occasionally Brands spins this as a positive (Reagan knew what to focus on, he says), but as the zero option instance shows, Reagan often didn't understand his own key initiatives as well. He was deeply concerned about Nicaragua, but didn't realize that the State Department was pursuing negotiations while the CIA was mining the harbors--nor did the CIA or the State Department know what the other was doing. He didn't understand many of the important provisions in his first budget, which was a key part of Reaganonomics. I don't believe that Ronald Reagan was stupid, but that perception didn't come from nowhere.

I came to believe that HW Brands is a genre author, that genre being Great Man of History biographies, and in a sense his decisions on how to portray Reagan are driven by genre restrictions. So Reagan must be clear-eyed and decisive, and he has to stand astride the world like a colossus, because he's our protagonist and that's how the story works. Brands has said that this is the last in an informal six volume history of the United States through biographies--including Franklin, Jackson, Grant, Teddy Roosevelt, FDR, and now Reagan--and that informs his approach to history. The problem, particularly in the case of Reagan, is that it obscures far more than it illuminates. There's much about Reagan's legacy that you'll never know from reading this book.

[Anthony · Rating 4 out of 5]

The Pragmatist

Ronald Reagan is a president who defined his era and had long been remembered well after his retirement and death. For me he was a pragmatist who saw a problem and looked to solve it in the most effective way possible. Some things worked out, such as ending the Cold War or his economic policies, others such as the SDI not so much. Reagan: The Life by H.W. Brands is a comprehensive and balanced biography that offers an insightful exploration of Ronald Reagan's personal life and political career. Brands, a historian known for his thorough research and clear prose, presents a portrait of Reagan that captures both his strengths and shortcomings, allowing readers to grasp the complexity of one of America's most influential presidents.

Reagan: The Life shines in its portrayal of Reagan’s early life, from his humble beginnings in rural Illinois to his rise as a Hollywood actor, and later, his unexpected political ascent. Brands paints Reagan as an idealistic yet pragmatic figure who was deeply shaped by his experiences in the entertainment industry, his role as president of the Screen Actors Guild, and his growing conservative convictions during the tumultuous Cold War years.

Reagan: The Life really comes to life in its ability to contextualise Reagan’s presidency, particularly his economic policies (Reaganomics), his foreign policy, and his role in ending the Cold War. Brands provides a nuanced perspective, showing how Reagan’s charisma, optimism, and communication skills helped him build a broad coalition, even as his policies had complex and sometimes controversial impacts, such as rising deficits and widening inequality. Brands also dives into Reagan’s relationships with key figures such as Margaret Thatcher and Mikhail Gorbachev, adding a rich layer to the narrative. However, some readers might find the book’s neutral tone a little too detached, especially in the analysis of Reagan's more controversial actions, such as the Iran-Contra affair. Brands touches on these events but avoids deeply critiquing them, opting instead to provide context and let readers draw their conclusions. This approach may feel insufficient for those seeking a more critical examination of Reagan’s legacy.

Overall, Reagan: The Life is a thorough and well-researched biography that offers a fair and engaging account of Reagan’s life. It’s accessible for readers new to Reagan’s story, while still providing enough detail to satisfy those more familiar with the era. Brands successfully captures the enduring appeal of Reagan while acknowledging the complexities and contradictions of his leadership. I can say that I learnt a lot about Reagan from this book, his relationship with his second wife Nancy, the assassination attempt, relationship with Vice President George Bush, Gorbachev or UK PM Margaret Thatcher. Even his differences of opinions with his son Ron. His policies, political views and outlook are clearly explained. Even his love for Democrat FDR. So, for me the book is a success and well worth your time.

[Brett C · Rating 5 out of 5]

"Reagan's political philosophy was adamant conservatism. He valued freedom over equality, the individual over the group, the private sector over the public sphere. But his political practice was flexible pragmatism. He opposed abortion but as governor laxed the state's abortion laws. He favored lower taxes but accepted tax increases when necessary to achieve best bargain with Congress...he cut taxes and regulations but failed to cut spending; the result was economic recovery but also doubling of the federal debt." pgs 735-7

This was a very thorough and well-researched biography about the 40th President Ronald Reagan. I liked H.W. Brand's writing and how he put the narrative together. The biography of Reagan was interwoven with American history. The narrative of American history was longitudinal and ran parallel to tie it in with Reagan's story. I learned quite a lot.

It was interesting to read during his youth he was athletic in sports, a lifeguard, was a natural in radio broadcasting, and moved into the movie industry with Warner Brothers. And as he became a spokesman for General Electric Theater television, he was able to blend his acting skills, charisma, and showmanship as a spokesman for corporate America. Thus began his slow and early start in politics paralleled the changes that occurred during the times of JFK, Barry Goldwater, Richard Nixon, and the LBJ administration. The rift in American politics during this time would echo during his political career.

Some people enter politics seeking power; Reagan wanted attention. The political dynamo of the 1960s was Lyndon Johnson, whose hunger for power had been evident from the moment he set for in Congress in the 1930s. Johnson was hell-bent to make his mark on the world, and he spared no effort or principle in his drive to do so. Reagan wasn't like that. Reagan wanted an audience. He wanted the notice and the applause he had learned to crave as a youth. He always wanted a stage. pg 131

Once he became California governor in 1967, he worked his way to become President in 1981. The narrative did a great job of exploring and explaining the politics, economics, and foreign policies during his administration. This included Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet Union & the Evil Empire, Latin America, Beirut & Grenada, strategic defense, Reaganomics, Social Security, Margaret Thatcher, the AIDS epidemic, the Challenger accident, Qaddafi & Libya, TWA Flight 847 hijacking, the Iran-Contra Scandal, and much more.

His second term ended in 1989 with President Bush's election win. He lived a modest life adter politics. He kept a friendship with Gorbachev and even he and Nancy visited Russia accepting the invitation. He opened a library, enjoyed the outdoors, played golf, and rode horses & cut brush at his California Ranch. He passes away in 2004.

This was a great undertaking and I learned a lot. This was a great even balanced biography and historical narrative. I would highly recommend this to anyone interested in American politics and history. Thanks!

[Steve · Rating 4 out of 5]

https://bestpresidentialbios.com/2018...

“Reagan: The Life” by H.W. Brands was published in 2015. Brands is a professor at the University of Texas, a prolific author and a two-time Pulitzer finalist. He has written nearly thirty books on a wide range of historical topics including biographies of Andrew Jackson, Ulysses Grant, Theodore Roosevelt and FDR (each of which I have previously read and reviewed).

The first full-scale biography of Reagan in over a decade, this 737 page book contains 114 chapters organized into seven major sections. But while its heft could intimidate some readers, Brands’s narrative is extremely articulate and free-flowing. Very few presidential biographies of comparable length are this easy to read.

Brands devotes about one-third of the book to Reagan’s pre-presidency. But the narrative sweeps too briskly through his childhood – about a page per year – moderating somewhat when the aspiring actor moves to Hollywood. The pace still feels rushed during Reagan’s eight-year stint as governor of California and only slows appreciably when he is fully enmeshed in presidential politics. The book ends with about three-dozen pages that review his retirement, Alzheimer’s diagnosis and political legacy.

It is clear from the outset that Brands is friendly to his subject, but he seems intent on maintaining a sense of balance throughout the text. While he consistently compares Reagan favorably to Franklin Roosevelt (Reagan’s early presidential idol), Brands rarely fails to take the shine off his subject’s halo when warranted.

Perhaps more than any other biographer I’ve encountered, Brands goes to extraordinary lengths to provide historical context for his subject’s life and actions. The reader is seldom unaware of the economic, political or social backdrop associated with moments described in this book. But he sometimes provides so much context that Reagan becomes peripheral to the narrative.

Of the numerous excellent moments in this book, ones of particular note for me include the discussion concerning allegations that the Reagan campaign interfered with efforts to free the Iranian-held hostages, the chapter devoted to Robert Bork’s Supreme Court nomination, the chapters covering the Reykjavik summit and the periodic references to tension between Donald Regan and various members of the administration (including Nancy Reagan).

But for all its strengths Brands’s biography falls short in several areas. First, the authior often injects lengthy quotations and portions of transcripts into the narrative. This can be distracting on its own, but since he has a penchant for letting Reagan speak for Reagan, it often leaves an impression that Brands is just observing rather than analyzing and critiquing.

This biography is generously replete with stories, anecdotes and on-the-scene reporting. But few of these tales will break new ground for readers familiar with Reagan. In addition, the narrative’s focus during his presidency can be quite inconsistent. Brands’s excellent coverage of the Reykjavik summit, for example, fills more than thirty pages…while Reagan’s response to apartheid receives a single paragraph.

Brands also conspicuously under-reports the influence which religion had on Reagan’s life. Having recently read several biographies of Jimmy Carter (which highlighted the role Carter’s faith played in his life), the man who Brands describes in this biography seems almost…agnostic. Finally, despite its impressive length this book feels surprisingly light and fails to provide as many penetrating observations and keen perspectives as I would have expected from Brands.

Overall, H.W. Brands’s “Reagan: The Life” provides a wonderful starting point for readers seeking a comprehensive introduction to the life and legacy of the 40th president. It is fast-moving and remarkably engaging, but often proves a better history text than biography. And for all its merit, this book never quite delivers the richly-hued and penetrating portrait of Reagan it seems to promise.

Overall rating: 3¾ stars

[Carmen Blankenship · Rating 5 out of 5]

President Reagan took office when I was in elementary school and I heard his name often in my household. My father was very conservative (something I didn't realize until I was older) and the words that my father used to describe President Reagan was "Finally".

This is an exceptional book about an exceptional man. I would highly recommend to everyone, regardless if you are a fan of President Reagan's politics.

A huge thank you to Negalley and Double Day books for the advanced copy in exchange for an honest review.

[Drtaxsacto · Rating 2 out of 5]

This is a very uneven book. It has two parts - one very good and one horrible. It is a mix of some very interesting extended direct quotes from Ronald Reagan and a uneven portrayal of a lot that made Reagan a great president. I found the book worth reading but was constantly annoyed by the author’s bows to liberal orthodoxy.

Let me offer some examples. The author does a long section on the “red” scare and the activities of the House Un-american Activities Committee (HUAC) (which the author incorrectly thinks was actually called the House Committee on Unamerican Activities and thus had the wrong acronym). Soon after WWII HUAC began a series of hearings on infiltration of communists into what we would now call the media (concentrating on film but also including other industries that were related). As a part of the hearings and as a leader of the Screen Actors Guild, Reagan testified. Brands uses extensive quotes from Reagan’s testimony. Reagan’s statements are a good example of self restraint. He makes a clear distinction between people’s beliefs and actions and vigorously supports freedom of belief. The clear evidence with several decades of history behind them is that a) there were some people in the entertainment industry (as well as other industries) that were trying to actively subvert the United States and aid Russia; and b) The Hollywood 10, who may or may not have been part of the subversives, saw this as a political opportunity they thought they could win, which was a huge misjudgment. But Brands’ interpretation is that the Hollywood 10 were martyrs. His extensive quotation of the testimony of John Howard Lawson (one of the 10) shows that they were not really victims of an unfair system - they tried (at least Lawson did) to set themselves up. From my view the Committee was at times heavy handed but still had a reason to act and Reagan handled himself quite honorably.

A second example comes from the discussion of the development of the Economic Recovery Tax Act (1981) and his subsequent efforts in tax reform. Two things stand out. First, Brands’ interpretation of how things developed is mistaken or deliberately misleading. The Administration’s projections on revenues were pretty close to the mark (check out Larry Lindsay’s book which presents both the projections and the results) but the ability to make simultaneous reductions in spending, especially with the democrats in control of the House, was much more limited than expected. Brands offers a very sympathetic portrait of David Stockman (Reagan’s “whiz” kid). Stockman and I were Congressional staffers before he went to the Administration and I thought he was bright but quite self absorbed. His conversations which resulted in the William Greider Atlantic article(the Education of David Stockman) show that Stockman, like many young staffers in DC cared a lot more about preening his own image than in doing the job he was hired to do. As ERTA developed in the legislative process, its key features were delayed - so the revenue curve was slowed - although out year receipts were actually higher than expected. But combined with the increase in military spending (which ultimately proved productive against the Soviets) and the unwillingness of members of congress to meaningfully reduce spending created the problems of the deficits. So Reagan was successful in simplifying the tax code and at the same time not as successful in balancing the budget.

In 1982, when the recession continued and revenues were not yet piling in Reagan reluctantly agreed to what was called the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act, which scaled back some of the excesses (like Accelerated Cost Recovery - ACRS) that congress added to the rate reduction. Reagan successfully held on to the rate reductions of ERTA. Again, the Administration agreed to raise some revenues in exchange for reductions in spending and again the congressional leadership failed to follow through on the expenditure reductions in a meaningful way.

Brands seems to characterize Reagan as an aloof policy maker who only got the big picture. That is simply untrue. One can see both his big picture and policy view in Reagan’s quixotic effort (which was ultimately successful) in 1985 and 1986 to simplify the tax system. Like ERTA, the Tax Reform Act (TRA) was a bold stroke which both lowered rates and broadened the base. Critics yammered about how the Act would not work - but the evidence was that it worked quite well - producing significant upturns in growth for more than a decade. A book like Showdown at Gucci Gulch - shows the deep involvement of Reagan in getting the discussions started and in enlisting an odd group of supporters to push the final result.

At one point Brands claims that the economic growth in the 1990s was a result of the Clinton era tax increases. While I understand the argument it is wrong. The forces of growth during the 1990s came about as a result of a couple of forces, including the fall of the soviets (encouraged by Reagan policies) and the resulting peace dividend and finally the unleashing of capital (a result of tax policies in ERTA and TRA).

Reagan’s detractors tried to describe him as out of touch but there are numerous instances in the book when the President’s command of the issues and his particular style of management paid off. The book tells a story of George Schultz putting together a briefing on the budget for Reagan when he was governor. Schultz commented that Reagan was quite knowledgable about the budget process. His management style was different than predecessor, who was reputed to be concerned with who played on the White House tennis courts. But his mark of leadership was clearly there. In one incident Reagan had decided to fire his secretary of state, Al Haig (who was one of those Washington DC fixtures more concerned with his own image than doing his job). He called Haig to his office and handed him an unsealed envelope which contained a letter from the President thanking him for his service and accepting a resignation which had not yet been proffered. Before Haig could get back to Foggy Bottom to write his letter - Reagan had identified and secured a replacement (George Schultz). Reagan believed fundamentally in delegation so he could work on the big picture, but I think that was a conscientious decision not a failing.

The final chapter is the most disappointing. Brands seems to conclude that all of Reagan's successes were the result of being there when other leaders took up the issue. So for example Brands would argue that the economic growth that started under his watch were the result of Volker's actions at the fed. But the president was wiling to take the heat and indeed some serious losses in the 1982 elections to allow Volker's policies to take effect. He spends a lot of time on Reagan's efforts at arms reduction. It is clear that Reagan held his own quite well against the Russians. His one on one discussions with Gorbachev were almost unprecedented in the President's willingness to work without the extensive staff preparation that most presidents rely upon. But Brands discounts that in the final chapter by concluding that we got arms reduction because of Gorbachev. That may be a conventional view of the left - but I think it is wrong.

I would recommend this book just for his extensive use of quotations of Reagan. But I would be cautious about accepting Brands' editorializing about Reagan's strengths and weaknesses. The picture he paints with the quotes is contradicted by his biases in interpretation.

[Roger DeBlanck · Rating 5 out of 5]

Although Brands reinforces history’s general conclusion of Reagan’s greatness, he delivers an overall objective assessment of America’s revered 40th president. Brands’s biography distinguishes itself as the most encompassing and definitive work on Reagan to date. It chronicles all the essentials: his upbringing with an alcoholic father, his start in radio, his years in Hollywood, and his subsequent political career and rise to the presidency.

The depth and range of the narrative make it impressive, yet it is compulsively readable. In addressing every aspect of Reagan’s life, Brands manages to do so in very concise, riveting chapters. What I take away most from his study is that Reagan was a leader of great conscience, faith, caring, and fierce, undaunted determination. To complement his charm and humor, he also had an ability to listen to all sides of an issue. As president, he did more to reform taxes and cut government spending than anyone before him. He offset these domestic challenges with his greatest foreign policy mission: to stare down communism and bring about its demise.

Some of the most fascinating chapters cover the hour-to-hour details of Reagan’s intense negotiations with Gorbachev over the need to halt the arms race, reduce nuclear arsenals, and implement SDI (the Strategic Defense Initiative). Reagan’s willpower to stand up for freedom and democracy resonate throughout the book. Coverage of his debacle with the sale of arms to Iran is explained as having origins in Reagan’s heartfelt obsession with freeing the American hostages from Lebanon and his desire to support the anti-communist contras in Nicaragua. Brands does not let Reagan slide on his failure to know what happened. Even though compassion for the hostages allowed him to go down a dangerous route of negotiating with a terrorist state like Iran, he still tried to look at his decision as the right option, despite its clear setbacks.

Whatever adversity or dilemma he faced, Reagan took solace in his unwavering optimism that something positive would eventually emerge from the chaos. He was right most of the time, and he eventually won out in the hearts of Americans. Brands does an excellent job of capturing the momentousness of the long life of Ronald Reagan.

[YourLovelyMan · Rating 5 out of 5]

A generation out, the partisan dust hasn't quite settled around the GOP giant Ronald Reagan. To the biographer, this poses the challenge of crafting a narrative that is politically unbiased but historically accurate, without losing sight of the subject's importance. Fortunately, in Reagan: the Life, Brands has successfully done just that. Leaving no issue untouched, Reagan: the Life is a sympathetic but exacting and fair portrait of the late President.

Brands outlines every aspect of Reagan's life in this volume. We see his personal relationships, Hollywood career, rise in politics, successes and setbacks in the White House, and what Reagan himself would call the sunset of his life. In the end, Brands concludes with a brief synopsis of Reagan's legacy.

In his personal relationships, we see a strong mother and an alcoholic father. We see the marriage to Jane Wyman, which seemed to begin and end without much of a bang. We see his relationship with Nancy, which seemed much stronger (he didn't like to be away from her too long; she worried about him and was a constant source of support). And we see a glimpse of his relationship with his children, which, he regretted, was lacking.

Politically we see a rising star who knew how to charm a crowd but also knew the issues surprisingly well. And because he lived it, we see the rise and fall of the New Deal Order. The author notes that Americans in the 1950s had good reason to support big government--it ended the depression and the war. Yet Reagan found a pro-business, anti-government voice riding the coat tails of Barry Goldwater, and apparently his optimism took him farther than Goldwater's us-and-them rage.

Any common criticism of Reagan will be found in these pages, including his opposition to the Civil Rights Act, near silence on AIDS, and support for the apartheid government in South Africa. Granted, they are frequently explained sympathetically, and the last of these gets less than half a page. Much more space is devoted to the Iran-Contra Affair, with the author concluding that Reagan probably did not know about the underlying crimes, but had plenty of reason to be suspicious and buried his head in the sand.

Regarding Cold War policies, I would have liked to read more about what SDI actually entailed--an overly simple explanation being space lasers designed to shoot down missiles. Cold War historians seem to focus more on SDI as a bargaining chip in the Gorbachev negotiations than the technology itself, probably because that's ultimately the only role it served, having never been deployed. Still, in hindsight the program seems silly and expensive at best, and dangerous at worst, but we're largely left to infer from context what the technologies were.

The Gorbachev negotiations were fleshed out remarkably well. These comprise probably the most suspenseful part of the book, as they play out like a high stakes battle of wits. The author does not seem to pass judgement on the leaders' failure to reach a compromise, but offers the opposing viewpoints of Reagan-era pundits.

Stylistically, the author maintains a common thread through each chapter by invoking Reagan's character traits and lessons he learned along the way. This gives the book a cohesive feel, but never reaches in-depth character study. There is little in the way of scene-setting, as the author relies heavily on quotes. At times you feel like you're reading a cleaned up version of a transcript with emotional displays peppered in (i.e. "No," said Shultz, reddening with anger and embarrassment.)

And the chapters are mercifully short. Most are 4-5 pages, few are more than 10, making it easy to get through one or two on a lunch break. The chapters are divided by subject, and despite the concise length of each, the aggregate is a fairly comprehensive 737 pages.

Overall Reagan: the Life is just about everything a student of history can hope for in a Reagan biography.

[Mark Mortensen · Rating 4 out of 5]

Through 114 flowing chapters H.W. Brands puts forth a comprehensive account of our 40th U.S. President Ronald Wilson Reagan. Over two terms of any president one can find positive and negative aspects. Brands tone and observations seemed to be slightly critical of the president, while for the record I have always regarded Reagan as one of our greatest presidents. On a personal side Reagan was exceptionally devoted to his second wife Nancy however he was often a distant father to his four children.

As Commander in Chief, Reagan stood firm in his belief of a strong military defense and openly appreciated the service of our veterans. He sought to expand individual freedom and always took a firm stance against communism and socialism.

I disagree with Brands statement: “Reagan showed himself quite capable of saying one thing and doing something else” because I believe one of Reagan’s greatest qualities was that he was true to his word. The former Hollywood actor known as the great communicator knew the power of words.

Throughout his presidency Reagan, a Republican, sought to limit the size of federal government. His efforts to reduce spending met strong resistance from another popular Irish descendent, the Democratic Speaker of the House Thomas P. “Tip” O’Neill. As Reagan sought to reduce taxation, eliminate tax loopholes and simplify tax brackets from 14 to 3, O’Neill his arch-enemy dug in to raise taxes.

I was sad to see there was no mention of the historic Grace Commission Report that President Reagan presented to Congress in 1984. In 1982 Reagan chose NYC industrialist J. Peter Grace, a conservative democrat, to head an independent citizen group of prominent business professionals and community leaders with the charge of identifying government waste and inefficiency. O’Neill and the U.S. Congress ignored the detailed 656 page Grace Commission Report because over the past decades legislators have thrived on spending money without constraints. At the time I was fully engrossed as I was living in Manhattan and my best friend’s brother was newly wed to a daughter of Mr. Grace. In his day Mr. Grace’s feisty personality was similar to Donald Trump today. Our younger generation should comprehend this appeal by Reagan over 30 years ago as if implemented it would have set a strong foundation to control our current national debt.

http://www.inc.com/magazine/19840501/...

On a side note my grandfather’s two sisters and my great-uncle artist Hans Peter Hansen are buried on Cape Cod in Harwich Port just a few feet from Tip O’Neill.

[Lance Carney · Rating 4 out of 5]

Finally took the time to read a biography on the first president I ever voted for as a young pup. The book was well written but a little confusing as it skipped around in time occasionally. As in all presidencies, there were scandals and this book helped me understand the role Ronnie played in them (did he or didn't he know?) All in all, he tried to do the right thing, during difficult times, most of the time which is all we can ask from a president. He did make a few tough choices which ended up going horribly wrong; but hey, he's human like the rest of us! ("Nancy, I think I screwed up...")

I have read a lot of presidential biographies, and for some reason in this one I didn't feel like I really got to know "Ronnie the human being" as I have in some other books on presidents. The sections on him as an actor were about as close as it came to meeting that goal. One thing that did stand out was his reliance and love for his second wife Nancy (and Nancy's fanatical devotion to Ronnie plus her reliance on astrology and clairvoyants).

The AIDS epidemic raged throughout Reagan's presidency and some missteps occurred within the administration creating incorrect information and controversy. Can you imagine that happening with a virus?

My father has dementia, so the end where Ronnie slips into dementia and Alzheimer's was poignant and depressing, even thought they tried to hide it from the public as long as they could.

Takeaways? First, I still consider Ronnie a great president. Second, being president is "gosh-darn" hard (Ronnie wouldn't cuss).

[Jake Kennedy · Rating 4 out of 5]

Well-written and exhaustive without being overwhelming. I can’t say it improved my opinion of Reagan as a president, but it was an interesting read nonetheless. He didn’t seem to have much of a grip on the reality of many of the issues facing our country, and he adopted so many unfortunate viewpoints during his transition into politics. He also had a heavy hand in contributing to some big problems we still face as a nation today.

[Matt · Rating 4 out of 5]

I've read biographies on about 60% of the U.S. presidents but I resisted reading one on Reagan. There's just too much passion about Reagan that I never felt confident of getting a reasonably objective rendering of his life. Surely it would be a panegyric or an extended harangue on the evil of the Gipper. When I saw that Brands had authored a Reagan bio, I snatched it up in a second. Having read and enjoyed his works on Benjamin Franklin, Andrew Jackson and TR, I also trusted Brands. He didn't disappoint (note that his view of Reagan is favorable overall but he was not worshipful or obsequious).

In Brands' analysis, Reagan is the late 20th century bookend to FDR's early 20th century game changer. FDR ushered in the Democratic revival; Reagan marked its end. FDR built a burgeoning activist, communitarian state; Reagan reinvigorated America's private sector and championed the individual, invoking both his liberty and duty. FDR toppled the totalitarian threat posed by fascism; Reagan was the world leader most responsible for the collapse of Communism's most aggressive advocate.

Unlike Carter who was famously attentive to details, Reagan came to office with two big ideas: shrink government at home and stand up for democracy abroad and against Communism. The rest was details, and details weren't his strong suit. While his rhetoric was always consistent with these points, Brands concludes Reagan was not an ideologue; his principled pragmatism led to a lot of compromises. Reagan said repeatedly that he would rather get 80% of what he wanted and see incremental change than hold out for 100% of nothing. More often than not, that worked to his benefit.

All in all, well worth a read.

[Doubleday Books · Rating 5 out of 5]

"This is a fascinating and insightful biography that seems to leave no stone unturned when it comes to the life of Ronald Reagan. Admittedly, I minored in US History in college, but I found this thorough account filled with amazing details and written in a way that humanizes one of most important Presidents in History. This is a triumphant portrayal of a man and a time in US History." - Lauren W., Doubleday Marketing Department

[John Devlin · Rating 3 out of 5]

The book bogs down in too many quotations, even Gorbachev gets a lot of wordplay here.

In other ways, the book does a yeoman service of giving the reader the real Reagan. The works limitation is that Reagan, for all his charm and affection, really had few close friends. Reagan kept people at a distance, while eliciting convivial warmth.

This is no hagiography and Reagan’s failing in a hands-off managerial style is well documented.

[Immigration Art · Rating 5 out of 5]

H.W. Brands is a widely acclaimed historian for a reason. This scholarly work is even-handed, thorough, insightful, and well written.

5 Stars

[Alexw · Rating 5 out of 5]

The author, Brand shows this great American President, warts and all. From Reagans C average in college and his failed first marriage and also richly details his triumphs of getting the Berlin Wall torn down, helping with the collapse of the Soviet Union to his brand of conservatism that still rings true today.
A great book by a great writer.

[Henry Atkinson · Rating 4 out of 5]

H.W. Brands has written many biographies, including Benjamin Franklin, Andrew Jackson, the Great Triumvirate of Clay, Webster, and Calhoun, and both Roosevelts. In 2015 he turned his considerable talents to chronicling the life of Ronald Reagan. While more time should have been spent on the Hollywood years, Reagan’s time as a TV host touring America for GE, and Reagan’s governorship, Brands is at his very best when he delves into the Reagan presidency. We get a feel for the Reagans, their family, and the key players in the administration. The major areas are covered with detail and wonderful insight. Although some events like Able Archer are not discussed and others like the Tear Down this Wall speech and the Moscow summit are only briefly explored, Brands does a great job of giving us an idea of who Reagan the leader and Reagan the man was. While not perfect, this is a good biography of Ronald Reagan and a good read for anyone interested in the 40th President. Rating: 4.25/5

[Elliott · Rating 1 out of 5]

In reading the back blurb the book promises to utilize “archival sources not available to previous biographers.” Despite that claim there’s very, very little new here. Indeed, this is little different than any of the other biographies of Reagan that clog bookstore shelves. There is no bibliography in the back, just 32 pages of Notes. For a book that runs over 800 pages, that’s pretty slim. I have a book on Teddy Roosevelt and the Progressives titled Unreasonable Men which is a quarter the length of this biography with a full 40 pages of notes, plus a bibliography. It’s also a better book, but that’s a different review. Brands makes extensive use of Reagan’s diaries- but just lets them stand without much analysis. We already have Reagan’s personal memoirs, and any number of his speeches. Reagan’s diaries are also available. What a biography needs is a certain amount of analysis- the discrepancies between what Reagan thought and what happened, or what he thought versus what he did. Thus, as is typical in Reagan books we just get a fawning portrait with little follow through. In the last part is there a summation showing how Reagan was inclined to compromise to get a portion of what he wanted. This isn’t really enlightening, since other authors have shown this. Reagan’s failures are handled softly. Iran-Contra gets blamed on Oliver North, other failures are neatly blamed on Meese, et al. Nothing it would seem was Reagan’s fault-except being “too nice.”
I do not like Reagan. He is vastly overrated as president and I would rank him near the bottom. His administration rivaled the corruption of the Harding presidency. He was well known for his laziness in office preferring to watch television, and receiving briefings in the form of cartoons. He has been very influential, but that influence has been disastrous. This biography does not touch on Reagan’s legacy except in the superficial. Needless to say, I rolled my eyes often.

=Aside=
There is a real dearth of truly critical biographies on Reagan. I expect that the indomitable Rick Perlstein is working on one, but in the meantime we’re left with two major ones: Out there in the Blue by Frances Fitzgerald, and Landslide by Jane Mayer.

[Mike · Rating 4 out of 5]

Somehow after all of these years, this is the first book I have read on Ronald Reagan. He was the President of my childhood but I was so young that I don't have any "political" memories about him. My father was a Republican so liked him and my mother was a Democrat so did not, but that was back when you could actually have different political beliefs and not hate each other.

I found that I liked Reagan the person even if I didn't love all of his politics. I appreciated his big picture philosophies, but his lack of concern for the details and abhorrence of conflict are tough to read about for a person in that role. I don't think Nancy Reagan came across well in this biography at all.

As a political biography I thought this was great, but I would have liked more on the personal side of Reagan and his relationships.

[Douglas Biggs · Rating 4 out of 5]

I like H.W. Brands the writer. As a child of the 1980s, I love Ronald Reagan. I wish that I could give this book 5 stars but I can't. One of the advantages to the study of 20th and 21st century history is that you have so many more available sources to access. One of the drawbacks to writing about modern history is that because of the prevalence of sources, you write a really interesting book and yet have it so filled with direct quotes that it disrupts the flow of the story you are telling. For example, the summit in Iceland between Reagan and Gorbachev feels like it goes on forever because of how much of each man's words are quoted verbatim, and just like it probably felt in real life, they just talk around and around each other and the testing of the SDI in labs or in the field. It just slows what is already a long book down to a crawl.

As it should, this book spends the most time with Reagan during his 2 years in office and it helped me understand why some people love the Velvet Steamroller and some people thought he was the worst president of all time. I got the impression that Reagan was publicly very conservative but then would do things privately that seemed to undermine that. For example, his government's record on dealing with and speaking about the AIDS epidemic publicly was atrocious, but he also put AIDS research into the budget for several million dollars. Interestingly, this moderate approach made no one happy. One side said that it wasn't enough money and the other side said that any money was too much money.

One thing that I grew to appreciate about Reagan was that he seemed to be a public servant as president. I am not saying that I or you would agree with every single thing he did as president, but he enacted policies based on his beliefs with the end goal to improve the United States. I don't think there was one example of him enriching himself for private gain, or fully caving on a position to get more votes, he believed in what he believed in and he acted according to that in order to do the best job possible. I'm probably romanticizing him a little bit, but his behavior seems like a far cry from so many politicians today who either invoke his name as a saint or specter.

[Kim · Rating 4 out of 5]

Though this is not an autobiographical presidential memoir, the author has done such an excellent job researching, it reads like a first hand account of Reagan’s time in office. Often remembered as the affable, jelly-bean loving, former actor with an easy smile and laugh, Reagan has always been an ultra-conservative force in politics - he served as both the Screen Actors’ Guild President and the Governor of the state of California before setting his sights on the White House. Reagan’s successes are given much play including the release of hostages and his request of Gorbachev to “Tear down this wall!” How ironic that today’s Republican Party wants to Build the Wall!” His difficulties in foreign policy including the Persian Gulf was an incite to the Persian Gulf War” under Bush Sr. There was later “Trickle Down Economics’” which soon became was exposed as a failure and nicknamed Voodoo” economics, a huge national debt increase, and most damning, the Iran-Contra affair regarding the trading of arms for hostages. By the time of the hearings, Reagan was suffering from the early Alzheimer’s and couldn’t remember the minute details. Still, he will forever be known as “The Great Communicator” and “The Peacemaker”. Regardless of the political leanings of the time, he could never be seen as less than an American Patriot.

[Spencer Wright · Rating 3 out of 5]

This was an informative book, but overly positive and one sided for such a complex and polarizing historical figure. I learned more than I knew before, but it felt like listening to the old uncle at Thanksgiving talk about the good ol Reagan days.

[J.S. · Rating 4 out of 5]

One of my favorite lines from the movie "Back to the Future" is when Doc Brown asks Marty McFly who the president is in the future. When Marty answers "Ronald Reagan!," Doc laughs and asks skeptically, "The actor?!?" And it's funny because we seldom associate actors with being deep thinkers – at least not the kind of thinkers we'd want leading one of the most powerful nations on earth.

But Ronald Reagan was an actor in the beginning. Actually, before that he was a sportscaster on the radio, who then landed some roles in Hollywood, even becoming a rising star before World War II came along. His eyesight was poor enough that he wasn't allowed in a combat role but his solid good looks were a natural fit for the government training and 'propaganda' films. And when the plum movie roles dried up after the war, he found work in some less serious films such as "Bedtime for Bonzo," where he co-starred with a chimpanzee. It's no wonder Doc Brown was dismissive.

In Reagan: The Life, H. W. Brands treats us to a fairly detailed (700+ pages) biography of the 40th President of the United States. He covers his early years with an alcoholic father, his college forays into acting, and his desire for an ever-larger stage from which to perform. When his Hollywood career stalled, he became the unlikely spokesman for corporate America on television's General Electric Theater where he honed his public speaking skills. His political career began as union leader for the Screen Actors Guild (SAG), following which he was elected California's governor.

But his presidency is the focus and bulk of this book, beginning around page 200 and consuming the next 500. Brands covers it meticulously – almost to the level of minutiae – and frequently compares his impact to that of FDR's, Reagan's early hero. I was a teenager during the early Reagan years, and saw him as restoring pride and confidence in America at a time when both were at historic lows. Yet, I knew not everyone saw him as positively as I did: the editor of my high school newspaper went out of his way to criticize Reagan (I wonder how many high school newspapers were so overtly political?). I was living out of the country (and out of touch with politics) during the final years when Iran-Contra and much of the negotiations with Gorbachev happened, so that was insightful to me. And while Brands avoids 'falling in love with his subject,' as some biographers do, it's still a mostly friendly bio. He frames Iran-Contra as Reagan's effort to bring hostages home and Nancy's reliance on astrologers as a possibly over-protective impulse after the assassination attempt, but in other places he is less than flattering and more objective. That's probably how it should be, but if I had a complaint it's that the book sometimes feels passionless.

There will certainly be some on the far right who feel it's not praising enough, and some on the far left who feel it's not critical enough, but I found it to be an informative and entertaining read. I've read a couple of books by his speechwriters – one was good but too patronizing and the other too presumptuous. I've read great books about Reagan's handling of the air traffic controller's strike and his near-assassination, and even one about a great speech he gave. But Brand's book does a good job of approaching 'scholarly' while remaining 'readable'. I wish it had covered his pre-presidential life in more depth, but I guess that's worthy of a separate book or two. For those primarily interested in his presidency, however, this one should please most readers. (I received a free copy from the publisher.)

[Priscilla Roth · Rating 5 out of 5]

I appreciated how he approached Reagan’s life from a realistic and honest perspective, instead of making him out to be faultless and perfect. It's been a long time since I've read about Reagan, and I really enjoyed hearing about his life and politics.

[Casey · Rating 4 out of 5]

I received a pre-release e-copy of this book through NetGalley (publication date May 12, 2015) with the expectation that I will post a review on their site and others (my blog, Goodreads, Facebook, Google +, LinkedIn, Twitter, Amazon, etc.).

I requested this book as I am an avid fan of United States history including presidential biographies. I have read several books by H. W. Brands and have always found them well researched and written. This book did not disappoint.

This is the first biography that I have read on President Reagan and found it to be very thorough. It covers in objective detail the events that shaped his character and beliefs along with his leadership style.

The book reinforces and deflates some of the myths surrounding him. He was a great communicator and a people person. While he maintained control his leadership style was to let his staff debate issues in his presence and then make his final decision. His decisions were consistent with his belief in what was best for the United States whether or not one agreed with his decision.

While his wife, Nancy, did exert some influence on his decision making, it was not to the degree that many people attribute it. Brands illustrates where Reagan made his own decision opposite of what Nancy thought best. Her main concern was for his image, legacy and safety.

The book also deals with the group that he most relied on while in the White House and the dynamics between them. I found this interesting reading as many other presidential biographies I have read do not usually go into this level of detail with the surrounding staff. It was important here due to the role that they played in the decision making process.

I recommend this book to anyone who is interested in United States history and our Presidents in particular regardless of your political beliefs. It definitely helped to better understand what took place during that time even though I did not always agree with President Reagan's beliefs.

[Nick Lloyd · Rating 3 out of 5]

I’m normally a big fan of H.W. Brands’ work, but I must say I was left feeling largely unimpressed by this book. I think the excellent classical historical research that Brands does so well was actually the main problem here. In a biography of a more distant figure, such as Andrew Jackson, Brands’ use of firsthand documents such as diaries and letters are critical, as they are the only things in existence that can teach us about such a person. With a contemporary figure like Reagan though, reliance upon these types of sources seems unimpressive and shallow. Of course Reagan portrayed his actions in a positive light in his diary! What politician, especially one of the most notoriously self-righteous of the modern era, would think they were doing the wrong thing? There is little new information in this book, and most of that presented could have come from Reagan’s own talking points. This is largely a missed opportunity, especially because prominent figures from the time are still alive and available for interviews. Brands does attempt to editorialize a bit in the afterward, commenting on the luck Reagan experienced in coming to power at the time he did, with Paul Volcker at the Federal Reserve to bolster economic growth and Gorbachev in power in the USSR to negotiate peace, but at that point it was too little too late.

[Maggie · Rating 5 out of 5]

I received this book for free through Goodreads First Reads.

Reagan won the presidency for the first time when I was in the first grade, at a time when I had just begun to learn about the world outside of my own small life. At the impressionable age of five years old, Reagan took on the persona of a god for me and I’ve been fascinated by him ever since. Thus, I was thrilled to win a copy of this book to read and review. One of the best biographies I have ever experienced, this consummate history gives a thorough and detailed account of an extraordinary man who lead a remarkable life. While the book itself is quite lengthy, it proved to be an immensely readable and fairly objective chronicle of Reagan’s life from beginning to end. Packed with details, quotes, personal writings, interviews, anecdotes, and pictures, this masterful work is without a doubt an excellent tribute to an exceptional man.

[John · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book certainly took away my iconic view of the Reagan's. Though Nancy was deeply devoted to her husband, she was too susceptible to panic and irrational fears. They seemed to need one another. Ronald Reagan's contribution, in my humble opinion, was crucial for the eight years he served as the president. This book left me longing for statesmanship that seems to be lost in political circles anymore. Reagan had many gifts and glaring weaknesses. But, he was a great communicator who revived the belief about the greatness of our nation and made conservatism both reasonable and engaging. He was far beyond an actor, and his preparation for communicating his ideology was forged through many years of service before he ever was considered a candidate for president of the USA.