This modern reissue of Marc Bloch's great study of feudal society in medieval Europe, first published in France in the fatal year of 1940, and in English in 1961, represents one of the founding texts of medieval social history, which, although, as the author intended, superseded by more accurate and detailed studies, stilll after over eighty years provides a valuable introduction to understanding how medieval communities functioned within an interconnected and increasingly hierarchical structure based upon land and service.
The period Bloch identifies as the feudal age runs from the late ninth century and the break up of the Carolingian empire for around four centuries until the emergence of the national monarchies from the fourteenth century onwards, and is divided by the author into two distinct feudal ages, the first, c,900-1100, being based upon vassalage and personal service, and the second, c,1100-1300, as the fief as the basis of political society developed, based upon land and money rents and the manorial system. Today, such a distinction is no longer accepted, with the importance of land as the basis of service in the earlier era and the continuance of labour service into the fourteenth century better understood, however, Bloch's over-rigid approach, if, perhaps, a product of contemporary Marxist socio-economic classifications, is still useful in delineating differences in feudal relations, if not in identifying a chronological progression, while still providing an explanatory framework for how occupation of land in return for homage and service evolved into land as property in the early modern period.
So, Bloch divides the feudal period into his two parts, the first focused upon human bonds between lord and vassal, and the second upon relations based upon land and social class, and, accordingly, he divides the book into two volumes to examine these differing feudal structures in turn. The book begins with a now rejected explanation for the emergence of feudalism based upon the invasions of western Europe by the Northmen and the Hungarians, a hypothesis in tune with the theories of Henri Pirenne current at the time of writing, and while not seeking an overtly causal explanation for feudalism, Bloch explains how the system developed at a time when weak monarchies and growing anarchy led men to place themselves and their land, willingly and unwillingly, under the lordship of more powerful men for protection - commendation - who in turn took them into their protection in exchange for them rendering service in their household and as soldiers. However, this somewhat ignores that such protective relations had already emerged in post-antiquity and that the Germanic invaders, the Franks and the Saxons, had adapted their pre-existing practices based upon tribe and kinship to western settlement, the manorial system, and the remnants of Roman socio-political and administrative structures, so that the Merovingian and Carolingian states were themselves more feudal than Bloch suggests.
It is on the Frankish lands that constituted the Carolingian empire that Bloch focuses, regarding these as the breeding ground for the feudal system as the political structure broke down in the late ninth century, and this is both a strength and a weakness. The strength is that this allows for a comparative approach to how what Bloch calls the first feudal age develops in West and East Francia and how these different but related forms help to explain how the kingdom of France and the German empire developed as two separate polities both claiming the same Carolingian heritage. However, the weakness is that this tends to diminish the importance of non-Frankish feudal experiences in Saxony, the Lombard kingdom of Italy, and most pertinently, the particularity of Normandy and of Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman England, whose differing frameworks of feudal land tenure and service are undervalued except in so far as they relate to similarities in France and Riparian Germany. Yet, this is a minor quibble in a book written by a French historian at a time when the historiography of medieval England was still dominated by political and administrative analysis, and when it was this book which was to stimulate much later work in medieval English social history. Simply, it is harsh to criticise Bloch for failing to investigate English society, when the contemporary published primary and secondary material was still so limited.
It is from his deep knowledge of France that Bloch builds his study of chivalry and knighthood, and explains how from knighthood a nobility came into being atop the feudal hierarchy, but which had to co-exist within the increasingly powerful structure of monarchies whose administrative and judicial competence was developing outside of but alongside the feudal land structure. However, as Bloch also shows, while knighthood and the culture of military service as the prerequisite for social status saw the nobility develop into a separate legal class in France, in England, while nobility conferred social status, the more centralised governmental system, the common law and its mostly equal treatment of all freemen, and the increasingly sophisticated means of land holding and transfer resulting from subinfeudation meant such a caste did not develop. As this study ends at the beginning of the fourteenth century, there is no examination of what has come to be called 'bastard feudalism', but Bloch does remark how livery and maintenance in England came to pervert the social system based upon land and military service and led to a relative reversion to social ties based upon personal relations separate from the direct infeudation of retainers and centred upon the noble household, the affinity, and 'good lordship'. Accepting Bloch's analysis, one might ask just how feudal was 'bastard feudalism', and just how far the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries can be regarded as proto-capitalist rather than feudal? What is for sure is that feudal is not a synonym for medieval, with the feudal system being, according to Bloch, a discrete social and economic system based upon fealty and land which extended in western Europe from c.900 to c.1300 within the greater medieval period between antiquity/late antiquity and early modern capitalism.
This work remains a valuable contribution to understanding feudal Europe, but it does have weakness, implicitly accepting the theory that feudalism was a precursor to capitalism without recognising the importance of money and material exchange in feudal societies, and inadequately incorporating the experiences of not only England, but also Scandinavia and the Italian city states into an analysis of feudal society that is focused primarily upon the areas with Carolingian Francia that came to be France and western Germany. Nonetheless, this remains a remarkable contribution to historical scholarship, a worthy memorial to a great historian and one of the founders of medieval social history, and an intelligent and articulate exposition of how during the central middle ages social ties based upon personal relations came to be succeeded by a social structure based upon the possession and ownership of land, and of the effects upon individuals and societies of the wealth, power, and status these conferred.