★★★⯪ (3.5, for those who cannot load the half-star character).
The Mirror of Great Britain: A Life of King James VI and I (2025), by Clare Jackson, represents the most recent of an active trend of revisionist interpretations of James VI (of Scotland) and I (of England), the first Stuart King, who was King of Scotland from 1567, at just 13 months, and King of England and Ireland* from 1603 until his death in 1625.
The traditional historiography, lasting from the 1650s until the mid-20th Century (at a minimum, depicted James as a lascivious, foolish, head-in-the-clouds, failure of a king who, like the much-maligned Edward II, was obsessed with his favourites to the point of his kingdoms’ and kingship’s ruin. Of course, James’s sexuality played a prominent role in these assessments, for he was quite unambiguously attracted to men (though more likely bisexual than homosexual). This was known by his contemporaries and would be used to smear him or to paint use it as evidence of his lack of kingly qualities. The revisionist (and now widely accepted) opposition to this interpretation begun in the 21st Century, but has reached its maturity in the 2020s, with a number of public-facing and academic works (of which this book lays somewhere in between) showing more interest in James as a person, his sexuality in a not-so negative light, and, most importantly, the quality of his reign, particularly after 1603. Jackson’s book is part of this trend.
*Wales was not an administrative unit at this time, being annexed into the English Kingdom at this point. It would not regain a legal status until devolution in the 20th Century.
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The book is organised thematically rather than chronologically, though there is a vague chronological shift from start to finish. As with many at least partially public-facing history books, Jackson commits one of my biggest pet peeves and uses fashionable, vague chapter titles rather ones that just clarify what the chapter is about. In any case, the themes covered are not always cleanly ring-fenced, but can be generalised as follows (in order):
Introduction; James’s love for writing; his birth and troubled early years in Scotland; his education and educators; his traumatic relationship to violence and his aversion towards it for most of his life; his poetry; his relationship with Mary (Queen of Scots, his mother) and Elizabeth (First, Queen of England), his ‘double first cousin’ and godmother; his marriage to Anna of Denmark; his views on witchcraft and daemonology; the texts he published as king; the relationship between England and Scotland under James; his health and sense of image; his obsessive love for hunting; his relationship (personal and political) to religion and political authority; the King James Bible; a separate religious chapter (they are different enough to merit the two chapters); Jacobean Ireland; his relationship to Parliament; his constant financial woes as King; his dynastic diplomacy; his relationship with his first favourite as King of Three Kingdoms, Robert Carr; his sense of jurisprudence; the early British colonies in Bermuda and Virginia; his most (in)famous favourite (and partner), George Villiers; James’s death.
Though every chapter is interesting, it felt a bit unbalanced as to how attention was distributed. For instance, I am unsure that poetry required an equal amount of space to James’s Parliaments. Similarly, the scope of the book felt a bit too ‘zoomed in’ at times, and, for instance, it feels hard to make a proper judgement of James without knowing how his rule looked outside of high politics. What was the economy like in this time? How did popular religion and politics change? What were the class relations of society and how did they change? Perhaps answering all of this would require a longer book, but it does feel that at least some level of more effective use of space would have helped.
That said, nothing felt redundant, and despite the relatively self-contained nature of the chapters, the author does not repeat herself, and every chapter was interesting and informative. Outside the introduction, it does not really engage with historiography (as you would expect when the book is at least partially trying to appeal to a popular audience), but that which is in the introduction sets the scene, purpose, and importance of her intervention perfectly well. I expect it will be a bit too academic in its tone and content for a lot of casual readers, but by academic standards it is well-written and engaging.
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What is the actual intervention being made, and what is the book’s thesis, if anything? It’s a bit unclear. Yes, it is a ‘riposte’ against the now discredited earlier and wholly negative interpretations of James’s rule, but Jackson is not necessarily a trailblazer here, and it is just one book among a large body of recent works on the first Stuart king. I cannot say I am familiar enough with the recent historiography to evaluate its novelty, but one can say that enough had already been written that a simple ‘reassessment’ on its own would not be original. You could say that Jackson’s revisionism is not to say that James was ‘good’ in any moral sense; she does not shy away from his more dire characteristics such as his intense misogyny (even by the standards of the time), dictatorialism, hypocrisy (between what he wrote and how he acted), and tendency to be wooed and enamoured, even outside of a romantic context, such as with the Spanish Ambassador, the Count of Gondomar. Rather, it is that he was very intelligent, that he was well-regarded by his contemporaries, and that he had an ideological sophistication and novelty (against the base absolutism the Stuarts are often associated with) past historians neglected.
On these counts, I think Jackson succeeds. It is undeniable, from the diverse sources and people Jackson draws from, that James was considered exceptionally intelligent and capable, even as a boy. He was said, by friend and foe alike, to be far ahead of his age in wisdom, maturity, and intellect, even considering his position and the natural sycophancy it attracts. Indeed, among those who praised him were not sycophants, and were even political opponents (such as his abusive and anti-absolutist tutor, George Buchanan). Though his contemporaries, especially when young, often saw him as a particularly manipulative and deceptive individual, even when used against him it included an admission of his ability. I won’t delve too much into James’s philosophy right now, but it suffices to say that, while he was ‘absolutist’ in a sense (I use the term colloquially), he was more complex than that, and he did, indeed, have some novel characteristics as a monarch, such as his desire to lift the veil of mysticism around government, and a compulsion to explain himself and justify himself to his subjects, to win them by word and not just gavel.
But intellect makes not a great ruler, and intellect is varied enough that it is a truism to say that, for instance, a great poet may not make a great political thinker, policy developer, or head of government.
Was James VI and I a good king on his own terms? Jackson is surprisingly and disappointingly quiet about this, and even in the final sentence of the book only goes as far as to call him ‘interesting’. It’s hard, in part because of the prioritisation decisions mentioned above, to glean too much of a conclusion from the book, but the initial indications, I would say, are…not particularly?
Those successes most clear from the book are from his reign in Scotland: he showed remarkable political cunning to extricate himself from his dismal situation as a child and he asserted kingly authority as it had not been for generations and secured the safety of his person and, even if he had not inherited the English throne, his progeny. He reined in the over-mighty nobility and significantly lowered (though did not end) their internecine violence, quarrelling, and duelling. Yet even here, he showed a bizarre lack of ruthlessness perhaps associated with his traumatic relationship with violence as above—the Earl of Bothwell was at his mercy several times, yet his inaction allowed Bothwell’s rebellions to continue incessantly, endangering the state’s and his own personal health.
In England, it seems he was less successful, especially at those issues he valued most of all. He failed to stabilise the royal finances or to establish a stronger or more stable basis for state spending, he failed to enact any sort of closer union between England and Scotland, the early colonial endeavours of his kingship were mostly failures, he failed to rein in the power of the English Parliament or to heighten the King’s powers institutionally, he failed to pacify Ireland such that it would break out in another serious rebellion after his death, he dithered and delayed to the point where he achieved not a great deal with his dynastic diplomacy, he failed to act with force or coherence amidst a catastrophic continental European scene, he failed to quell either the Catholic or Puritan religious trends, he (accidentally) fostered a toxic and dysfunctional court culture through his favouritism and inability to separate love from work, he failed to reform the inefficient, ultra-corrupt monopoly system of economic production. That said, he did oversee the embryonic development of the scientific method, but the extent to which that can actually be credited to him is debatable.
It’s worth discussing two things here that have been debated in the historiography, but not so much in this book. First, it is partially true that the lavish opulence of James wasn’t just from his own personality but was part of the process of government at the time, still being so heavily based on patronage in its most unpleasant form. Still, James actually did take it to an extreme, and damaged the royal finances far more than, say, Elizabeth had.
Second, it’s worth going back to the ‘favourites’ discussion a bit, to try and sketch a mechanism of the ‘favourite problem’ that can be explained without homophobia. When one talks of harmful favourites in English history, you think of James VI and I and of Edward II. Both of them were attracted to men and ‘favourited’ their romantic partners. You hear of this a lot more than you hear of female favourites destroying this or that government—why? Perhaps you can say the women just aren’t getting credit for their good work, but I think a simpler explanation is just that the maladaptive (for the governance of the realm) relationships between a King and a woman are less noticeable because women, even if the favourite of a King, were not permitted to enter the realm of government to such an extent. What made Carr and Villiers favourites, but Charles II’s Nell Gwyn and Moll Davis mere mistresses? That Charles could not, in any circumstance, make nobility of them, bring them into the privy council or other decision-making bodies, and could not afford to “disrespect” his nobility so as to treat the women as their equals, let alone superiors. To raise a lower-born (gentry, not labourer, of course) man to such a high station was already scandalous, but a woman? Inconceivable, sans those with royal blood. Thus even undoubtedly ambitious, cunning, and scheming women like Nell Gwyn could not accrue the prestige, power, and wealth (for patronage) to impact the court and to upset the balance of power within the government so much. Gwyn was no less a favourite than Carr, but she was cursed to limit herself to putting laxatives in her rival’s cakes rather than poisoning them and dominating governance. Sad!
One should not retrospectively condemn James’s reign because of what befell his son, Charles, ipso facto. In any case, one does not need to do so to recognise the structural defects he either inherited and failed to fix, inherited and worsened, or helped to create. He was brilliantly intelligent and thoughtful, but unable to overcome the difficult strictures he inherited from 1603, and lacked the political ability to match his intellectualism such that he was, ultimately, an unsuccessful king, if undoubtedly still an interesting and historically important one.
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PS: I don't really get the choice of title. He wasn't a mirror of Great Britain, and the book doesn't try to do anything so playful, so I don't really get why it was chosen. Not a big deal, and I obviously haven't factored that tiniest of pet peeves into the actual rating.