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Modernity's Alternative
In the 20th century, a movement of priests and laypeople sought to find a way past the clash of ideologies that wracked Latin America.
They found a solution in Latin America itself, which was born out of the conflict between Europeans and natives when, with the appearance of the Virgin Mary at Guadalupe, the grace of God forged one, new people out of strangers and enemies.
This movement—called “theology of peoples”—focuses on the reality known as “a people.” Every human person belongs to a people. And every people has a “world”: the way it makes sense out of life, work, love, and the uncertain future.
In this book, Rocco Buttiglione ranges through history and philosophy to shed light on this key dimension of life. How, through our peoples, do we find meaning? How does Christianity help a people’s “world” develop and grow? And how can peoples shape history, not merely have history happen to them?
This is a reflection on the significance of the contemporary upsurge of populism around the globe and on the proper Christian response. Our modern world—rich and powerful, yes, but ever more systematized, uniform, lonely, and unfree—need not be the last word. With “theology of peoples,” a way opens to a truer to a new and different modernity, founded on the transcendent human spirit.
Praise for Modernity's Alternative
In this book, Buttiglione, ... author of one of the most important books on the thought of Karol Wojtyła, ... has been able to reflect in an original way on some of the most important issues before us in the world today.... [He] dares to go beyond repetition or conceited erudition, once more making Christian philosophy an authentic passion for the truth, a diakonía of the intellect, a path of service to the person, to peoples, and to their cultures.... [He] helps us rediscover ... the way in which we Christians must learn to read history.... I hope this book gives rise to intense discussion. — Pope Francis, from the Introduction
In this rich book, Rocco Buttiglione tackles with great lucidity some of the most important cultural and political questions of our the meaning of modernity, globalization, the relationship of religion and culture, and the significance of the Francis papacy. Highly recommended. — Carlo Lancellotti
They found a solution in Latin America itself, which was born out of the conflict between Europeans and natives when, with the appearance of the Virgin Mary at Guadalupe, the grace of God forged one, new people out of strangers and enemies.
This movement—called “theology of peoples”—focuses on the reality known as “a people.” Every human person belongs to a people. And every people has a “world”: the way it makes sense out of life, work, love, and the uncertain future.
In this book, Rocco Buttiglione ranges through history and philosophy to shed light on this key dimension of life. How, through our peoples, do we find meaning? How does Christianity help a people’s “world” develop and grow? And how can peoples shape history, not merely have history happen to them?
This is a reflection on the significance of the contemporary upsurge of populism around the globe and on the proper Christian response. Our modern world—rich and powerful, yes, but ever more systematized, uniform, lonely, and unfree—need not be the last word. With “theology of peoples,” a way opens to a truer to a new and different modernity, founded on the transcendent human spirit.
Praise for Modernity's Alternative
In this book, Buttiglione, ... author of one of the most important books on the thought of Karol Wojtyła, ... has been able to reflect in an original way on some of the most important issues before us in the world today.... [He] dares to go beyond repetition or conceited erudition, once more making Christian philosophy an authentic passion for the truth, a diakonía of the intellect, a path of service to the person, to peoples, and to their cultures.... [He] helps us rediscover ... the way in which we Christians must learn to read history.... I hope this book gives rise to intense discussion. — Pope Francis, from the Introduction
In this rich book, Rocco Buttiglione tackles with great lucidity some of the most important cultural and political questions of our the meaning of modernity, globalization, the relationship of religion and culture, and the significance of the Francis papacy. Highly recommended. — Carlo Lancellotti
350 pages, Hardcover
Published May 5, 2025
5 people are currently reading
12 people want to read
About the author
Rocco Buttiglione
36 booksMr. Buttiglione is an Italian Union of Christian and Centre Democrats politician and an academic.
Buttiglione's nomination for a post as European Commissioner with a portfolio that was to include civil liberties, resulted in controversy as some political groups opposed him for his conservative Roman Catholic views against homosexuality, despite his assurances that these were only his personal convictions and would not dictate his administration.
Buttiglione is a Professor of political science at Saint Pius V University in Rome, and member of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences. He served as a minister for EU policies (from 2001 to 2005) and then as Minister for Cultural Assets and Activities (from 2005 to 2006) in Silvio Berlusconi's governments. In 2005 Buttiglione received an honorary doctoral degree[1] for his commitment to the ideas of liberty.
Buttiglione's nomination for a post as European Commissioner with a portfolio that was to include civil liberties, resulted in controversy as some political groups opposed him for his conservative Roman Catholic views against homosexuality, despite his assurances that these were only his personal convictions and would not dictate his administration.
Buttiglione is a Professor of political science at Saint Pius V University in Rome, and member of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences. He served as a minister for EU policies (from 2001 to 2005) and then as Minister for Cultural Assets and Activities (from 2005 to 2006) in Silvio Berlusconi's governments. In 2005 Buttiglione received an honorary doctoral degree[1] for his commitment to the ideas of liberty.
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July 19, 2025
Far from finished, but there is a character limit to updates. Sharing the notes I wrote (so far!) for the book club. Sorry for the weird formatting. Double stars means bold in markdown.
The ideology that is sketched in this book (because it is nothing more than sketched) has led to terrorism of the worst kind (my historical claim) will certainly lead to similar forms of terrorism in the future (my predictive claim), and **necessarily** leads to terrorism, due to the nature of the concepts it mobilizes (my conceptual claim).
The May Revolution marked the beginning of national sovereignty by overthrowing colonial rule ([1810], political freedom). The Assembly of the Year XIII abolished slavery for newborns and ended noble privileges ([1813], civil liberty). Full independence from Spain was formally declared a few years later ([1816], political freedom). The National Constitution established civil rights and the rule of law, though without universal suffrage ([1853], legal and civil liberty). The Sáenz Peña Law introduced secret and compulsory voting for men, democratizing political participation ([1912], political privileges). Women's suffrage was finally secured with Law 13.010, expanding democratic rights to half the population ([1947], gender equality and political privileges). By this point you have all the civil liberties and political privileges one can imagine. So WHAT ON EARTH does he mean by liberation and full citizenship (or even justice), which the pueblo have been denied for so long? Hint: commandments 7 and 10.
The idea that Argentina struggles to integrate an isolated group of colonizers with a vibrant and omnipresent *indio* culture is absolutely absurd, considering that not even 3% of the population would consider itself as native (and most of those that do inhabit the same cultural sphere as the white majority, which is a melting pot of ALL European nationalities and much more).
![[Pasted image 20250719153904.png]]
In the same way, depicting poor people as this monolithic block of believers is ludicrous. Not only is there a variety of important subgroups and divisions, but what the author describes as the 'deeper religiosity' seen in them is not a surplus of piety, but a propensity for superstition.
The defense of Peron and his concept of antipueblo is ridiculous. This was just a term he used for political dissidents as he gathered power around the presidency. By the way, one of the main targets of this label was the church.
- tensions grew over time due to **Perón's increasing authoritarianism**, the rise of a **cult of personality**, and especially his efforts to assert **state control over areas traditionally dominated by the Church**, such as education and marriage.
- By **1954–1955**, the conflict had become open and severe. Perón legalized **divorce**, **prostitution**, and **secular education**, moves seen by the Church as moral betrayals. In turn, the Catholic hierarchy began to criticize Perón publicly, and **bishops refused to participate in state ceremonies**. The situation escalated further when Perón **expelled two bishops**, banned religious processions, and removed **Catholic instruction from public schools**. In June 1955, a **Catholic-led protest** was violently suppressed, and shortly afterward, **a church was set on fire**, likely by Peronist mobs
But the author does not care about the church or its values. All that matters is that wealth is stolen from some and given to others, not on the principle of merit (or even need), but on the principle of total equality of material conditions. Why? Liberation theology.
So what were the fruits of this ideology? Well, priests influenced by liberation theology, became directly involved with or sympathetic to the Marxist-Leninist and Maoists terrorist groups that held Argentina hostage for many years by kidnapping, robbery and placing bombs under the beds of members of the antipueblo. Based on liberation theology, these priests saw armed struggle as a form of commitment to the poor and oppressed. Among the most prominent figures was **Carlos Mugica**, a priest who ministered in the villas miseria (slums) and initially supported the Montoneros' goals. Though he later distanced himself from their violent methods, Mugica radicalized (and later maintained personal ties with) some of their most important leaders and remained committed to the broader Peronist cause.
Estimates vary, but **dozens of priests**—often from the **Movement of Priests for the Third World**—were associated with or actively supported the Montoneros and other revolutionary groups, offering ideological justification for rebellion rooted in Christian ethics. Violence was seen as a legitimate tool given the 'violence' that those with less money lived on a daily basis.
On a more conceptual level, the essentialism espoused by this guy is off the charts. There is no 'Latin American' way of perceiving the world. If there *ever* was, which I also doubt, it most certainly was not due to an essential distinction in the categories used to understand reality. This last idea is a mix of racism with noble savage mythology that also abuses from equivocation and lack of clarity.
Talking of lack of clarity and intellectual sleigh of hand, what about mirror Churches vs. source Churches? We need to adapt our theology to the people being evangelized, not impose a European (?) theology. What does this actually mean? Catholic child sacrifices? Again, lots of hand waving with some continental pseudo-philosophy sprinkled on top.
His claims of colonialism by the UK and the dynamic between port cities and the interior go beyond historical revisionism and straight into parallel universe fan fiction. Particularly page 83. As a personal aside, he needs to get San Martin's name off his peronist mouth.
The ideology that is sketched in this book (because it is nothing more than sketched) has led to terrorism of the worst kind (my historical claim) will certainly lead to similar forms of terrorism in the future (my predictive claim), and **necessarily** leads to terrorism, due to the nature of the concepts it mobilizes (my conceptual claim).
The May Revolution marked the beginning of national sovereignty by overthrowing colonial rule ([1810], political freedom). The Assembly of the Year XIII abolished slavery for newborns and ended noble privileges ([1813], civil liberty). Full independence from Spain was formally declared a few years later ([1816], political freedom). The National Constitution established civil rights and the rule of law, though without universal suffrage ([1853], legal and civil liberty). The Sáenz Peña Law introduced secret and compulsory voting for men, democratizing political participation ([1912], political privileges). Women's suffrage was finally secured with Law 13.010, expanding democratic rights to half the population ([1947], gender equality and political privileges). By this point you have all the civil liberties and political privileges one can imagine. So WHAT ON EARTH does he mean by liberation and full citizenship (or even justice), which the pueblo have been denied for so long? Hint: commandments 7 and 10.
The idea that Argentina struggles to integrate an isolated group of colonizers with a vibrant and omnipresent *indio* culture is absolutely absurd, considering that not even 3% of the population would consider itself as native (and most of those that do inhabit the same cultural sphere as the white majority, which is a melting pot of ALL European nationalities and much more).
![[Pasted image 20250719153904.png]]
In the same way, depicting poor people as this monolithic block of believers is ludicrous. Not only is there a variety of important subgroups and divisions, but what the author describes as the 'deeper religiosity' seen in them is not a surplus of piety, but a propensity for superstition.
The defense of Peron and his concept of antipueblo is ridiculous. This was just a term he used for political dissidents as he gathered power around the presidency. By the way, one of the main targets of this label was the church.
- tensions grew over time due to **Perón's increasing authoritarianism**, the rise of a **cult of personality**, and especially his efforts to assert **state control over areas traditionally dominated by the Church**, such as education and marriage.
- By **1954–1955**, the conflict had become open and severe. Perón legalized **divorce**, **prostitution**, and **secular education**, moves seen by the Church as moral betrayals. In turn, the Catholic hierarchy began to criticize Perón publicly, and **bishops refused to participate in state ceremonies**. The situation escalated further when Perón **expelled two bishops**, banned religious processions, and removed **Catholic instruction from public schools**. In June 1955, a **Catholic-led protest** was violently suppressed, and shortly afterward, **a church was set on fire**, likely by Peronist mobs
But the author does not care about the church or its values. All that matters is that wealth is stolen from some and given to others, not on the principle of merit (or even need), but on the principle of total equality of material conditions. Why? Liberation theology.
So what were the fruits of this ideology? Well, priests influenced by liberation theology, became directly involved with or sympathetic to the Marxist-Leninist and Maoists terrorist groups that held Argentina hostage for many years by kidnapping, robbery and placing bombs under the beds of members of the antipueblo. Based on liberation theology, these priests saw armed struggle as a form of commitment to the poor and oppressed. Among the most prominent figures was **Carlos Mugica**, a priest who ministered in the villas miseria (slums) and initially supported the Montoneros' goals. Though he later distanced himself from their violent methods, Mugica radicalized (and later maintained personal ties with) some of their most important leaders and remained committed to the broader Peronist cause.
Estimates vary, but **dozens of priests**—often from the **Movement of Priests for the Third World**—were associated with or actively supported the Montoneros and other revolutionary groups, offering ideological justification for rebellion rooted in Christian ethics. Violence was seen as a legitimate tool given the 'violence' that those with less money lived on a daily basis.
On a more conceptual level, the essentialism espoused by this guy is off the charts. There is no 'Latin American' way of perceiving the world. If there *ever* was, which I also doubt, it most certainly was not due to an essential distinction in the categories used to understand reality. This last idea is a mix of racism with noble savage mythology that also abuses from equivocation and lack of clarity.
Talking of lack of clarity and intellectual sleigh of hand, what about mirror Churches vs. source Churches? We need to adapt our theology to the people being evangelized, not impose a European (?) theology. What does this actually mean? Catholic child sacrifices? Again, lots of hand waving with some continental pseudo-philosophy sprinkled on top.
His claims of colonialism by the UK and the dynamic between port cities and the interior go beyond historical revisionism and straight into parallel universe fan fiction. Particularly page 83. As a personal aside, he needs to get San Martin's name off his peronist mouth.
Displaying 1 of 1 review