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Problems of Leninism
One of the two major anthologies of Stalin's principal theoretical works, including The Foundations of Leninism, Concerning Questions of Leninism, The Right Deviation in the C.P.S.U.(B.), Dizzy With Success, and Dialectical and Historical Materialism.
PUBLISHER'S NOTE:
The present English edition of J. V. Stalin's Problems of Leninism corresponds to the eleventh Russian edition of 1952. The English translation up to page 776 (including the relevant notes at the end of the book) is taken from Stalin's Works, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1953-55, Vol. 6 and Vols. 8-13, while the rest is taken from the same publishers' 1953 edition of Problems of Leninism. Minor changes have been made in the translation and the notes.
Volume and page references to Lenin's Works are made in the text are to the third Russian edition. References to English translations are added, as footnotes, by the present publisher.
PUBLISHER'S NOTE:
The present English edition of J. V. Stalin's Problems of Leninism corresponds to the eleventh Russian edition of 1952. The English translation up to page 776 (including the relevant notes at the end of the book) is taken from Stalin's Works, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1953-55, Vol. 6 and Vols. 8-13, while the rest is taken from the same publishers' 1953 edition of Problems of Leninism. Minor changes have been made in the translation and the notes.
Volume and page references to Lenin's Works are made in the text are to the third Russian edition. References to English translations are added, as footnotes, by the present publisher.
961 pages, Paperback
First published April 1, 1926
About the author
Joseph Stalin
589 books490 followersJoseph Stalin, originally Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili, was a Soviet revolutionary, politician and statesman who became the leader of the Soviet Union from 1924 until his death in 1953. He held power as General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (1922–1952) and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union (1941–1953).
Initially governing the country as part of a collective leadership, he consolidated power to become an informal dictator by the 1930s. Ideologically adhering to the Leninist interpretation of Marxism, he formalised these ideas as Marxism–Leninism, while his own policies are called Stalinism.
Initially governing the country as part of a collective leadership, he consolidated power to become an informal dictator by the 1930s. Ideologically adhering to the Leninist interpretation of Marxism, he formalised these ideas as Marxism–Leninism, while his own policies are called Stalinism.
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Displaying 1 - 7 of 7 reviews
February 21, 2011
É a obra sobre as questões formuladas por Leninismo, em defesa da sua interpretação, o autor faz a sua argumentação para se defender aos ataques da oposição que o caminho e a sua direcção estavam a ter com a revolução da Rússia. Em protecção da sua interpretação sobre os ensinamentos que teve do Lenine os problemas essenciais: União do proletariado e dos camponeses, oposição sobre a revolução permanente por da oposição não levar a sério a questão dos camponeses, a dualidade entre partido/classe proletariado. Em suma, a planificação e a direcção faria sentido, numa época inicial do capitalismo, em chamada a acumulação original. A questão dos tempos ultimatos será: Fará sentido a planificação e distribuição de riqueza numa sociedade só sabe produzir o caos?
January 29, 2025
A work that gets to the heart of Marxist-Leninist philosophy and theory. What propels Stalin's work isn't just that he tackles these subjects thoroughly, but that he covers them succinctly and with brevity. There's no bloviation present here, but a quick and to the point breakdown of the core concepts of Leninism. Stalin's style is easy to read and compelling, and not just for Communists, but for anyone interested in philosophy or political theory.
July 3, 2021
interessante fortführung und aktualisierung von „grundlagen des leninismus“. gerade die kapitel zum system der diktatur des proletariats, der rolle der bauernschaft in der sowjetunion und zur frage des sozialismus in einem land fand ich gut.
August 27, 2026
I have two major issues with the writings of Stalin's vision of 'Socialism in one Country', that were written during a time to consolidate absolute power of the party against Trotsky and Zinoviev, 'the counter revolutionaries'. Most of his writings are contradictory.
1) Stalin writes:
"It means the possibility […] of the proletariat seizing power and using that power to build a complete socialist society in our country, with the sympathy and the support of the proletarians of other countries, but without the […] victory of the proletarian revolution in other countries"
And also:
"The prestige of the Party and the iron discipline of the working class that is necessary for the dictatorship of the proletariat are built up not on fear nor on ’unrestricted’ rights of the Party, but on the confidence of the working class in the Party, on the support which the Party receives from the working class".
In theory, this would be ideal scenario for a Leninist rule, but in pratical terms, it is a contradictory nightmare. One cannot simply build a intellectualist, bureaucratic vanguard party 'that knows the most advanced theory' to lead, and simply expect that the working class without civil liberties and democracy will faithfully abide by this rule, and follow it through, without the very same knowledge that is gatekeeped to that of elitist intellectuals. In the summer 1929, when Stalin forcefully collectivized grains, the peasants resisted because the lack of trust in the party and its vision. That shows directly that working class did not have faith in the party. This forceful collectivization lead to the famine of Ukrainians called Holodomor from 1932-1933, that killed an estimated 5 million people. It is simply put, hypocrisy.
2) Stalin writes:
"Can this task be fulfilled […] without the joint efforts of the proletarians in several advanced
countries? No, it cannot. […] For the final victory of socialism, […], the efforts of the proletarians
of several advanced countries are required"
But also writes:
"It is no use engaging in building socialism without being sure that we can build it completely, without being sure that the technical backwardness of our country, is not an […] obstacle to the […] construction of a fully socialist society. To deny such a possibility is to display lack of faith in the cause of building socialism, to abandon Leninism"
Stalin cannot choose between the international nor national effort to consolidate a socialist revolution. He writes later that this is because of the bourgeoisie will never 'wither away', and the imperialist forces will invade Russia, but this is simply paranoia, to consolidate a further power grip on the party against 'fractionism'.
1) Stalin writes:
"It means the possibility […] of the proletariat seizing power and using that power to build a complete socialist society in our country, with the sympathy and the support of the proletarians of other countries, but without the […] victory of the proletarian revolution in other countries"
And also:
"The prestige of the Party and the iron discipline of the working class that is necessary for the dictatorship of the proletariat are built up not on fear nor on ’unrestricted’ rights of the Party, but on the confidence of the working class in the Party, on the support which the Party receives from the working class".
In theory, this would be ideal scenario for a Leninist rule, but in pratical terms, it is a contradictory nightmare. One cannot simply build a intellectualist, bureaucratic vanguard party 'that knows the most advanced theory' to lead, and simply expect that the working class without civil liberties and democracy will faithfully abide by this rule, and follow it through, without the very same knowledge that is gatekeeped to that of elitist intellectuals. In the summer 1929, when Stalin forcefully collectivized grains, the peasants resisted because the lack of trust in the party and its vision. That shows directly that working class did not have faith in the party. This forceful collectivization lead to the famine of Ukrainians called Holodomor from 1932-1933, that killed an estimated 5 million people. It is simply put, hypocrisy.
2) Stalin writes:
"Can this task be fulfilled […] without the joint efforts of the proletarians in several advanced
countries? No, it cannot. […] For the final victory of socialism, […], the efforts of the proletarians
of several advanced countries are required"
But also writes:
"It is no use engaging in building socialism without being sure that we can build it completely, without being sure that the technical backwardness of our country, is not an […] obstacle to the […] construction of a fully socialist society. To deny such a possibility is to display lack of faith in the cause of building socialism, to abandon Leninism"
Stalin cannot choose between the international nor national effort to consolidate a socialist revolution. He writes later that this is because of the bourgeoisie will never 'wither away', and the imperialist forces will invade Russia, but this is simply paranoia, to consolidate a further power grip on the party against 'fractionism'.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
July 30, 2026
« К вопросам ленинизма » est une œuvre majeure parmi les travaux de Staline, en complément du texte plus connu Les Principes du léninisme. Dans ce court texte, Staline s'attaque aux déviations opportunistes de l'opposition, principalement de Zinoviev, ainsi qu'à la théorie de la révolution permanente de Trotsky. Staline décrit la relation entre l'État de la dictature du prolétariat et les masses, et l'oppose à la vision erronée de Zinoviev qui substitue à la dictature du prolétariat la dictature du parti. La dictature du prolétariat, comme la décrit Staline, se compose de plusieurs éléments, dont la direction de l'avant-garde du prolétariat (le parti), mais celle-ci se fait surtout par l'intermédiaire des organisations de masses, des syndicats et par la confiance des masses dans le parti, lequel dirige en fonction des intérêts des masses travailleuses et de leur niveau de conscience.
L'autre question majeure de ce texte est celle de la révolution permanente ou du socialisme dans un seul pays. Ici, Staline s'oppose à cette vision et rectifie l'incompréhension liée à la nécessité internationale de la révolution. Loin de prétendre que la victoire finale et décisive du socialisme peut s'opérer dans la stricte limite de l'URSS, Staline affirme que la construction du socialisme est possible dans un seul pays, mais que le risque d'intervention étrangère et de contre-révolution existera tant que la victoire du socialisme ne sera pas une réalité dans une majorité de pays, ou au moins dans quelques pays.
Il s'ensuit que la théorie de la révolution permanente, prenant son origine dans une incompréhension des dynamiques de classes et notamment de la signification de la dictature du prolétariat, nie la possibilité de la construction du socialisme dans un seul pays, faisant reposer le salut de la révolution sur le prolétariat européen. Brillant ainsi par son défaitisme et son absence de confiance dans les masses travailleuses soviétiques, la théorie de la révolution permanente ne leur offre aucune perspective et doit obligatoirement aboutir, soit à l'aventurisme guerrier pour exporter artificiellement le socialisme en Europe (soudant ainsi l'alliance de la bourgeoisie réactionnaire dans la destruction de l'URSS), soit à la capitulation et la trahison de la révolution, voie que choisira Trotski par ailleurs dans les années qui suivront son exil.
L'autre question majeure de ce texte est celle de la révolution permanente ou du socialisme dans un seul pays. Ici, Staline s'oppose à cette vision et rectifie l'incompréhension liée à la nécessité internationale de la révolution. Loin de prétendre que la victoire finale et décisive du socialisme peut s'opérer dans la stricte limite de l'URSS, Staline affirme que la construction du socialisme est possible dans un seul pays, mais que le risque d'intervention étrangère et de contre-révolution existera tant que la victoire du socialisme ne sera pas une réalité dans une majorité de pays, ou au moins dans quelques pays.
Il s'ensuit que la théorie de la révolution permanente, prenant son origine dans une incompréhension des dynamiques de classes et notamment de la signification de la dictature du prolétariat, nie la possibilité de la construction du socialisme dans un seul pays, faisant reposer le salut de la révolution sur le prolétariat européen. Brillant ainsi par son défaitisme et son absence de confiance dans les masses travailleuses soviétiques, la théorie de la révolution permanente ne leur offre aucune perspective et doit obligatoirement aboutir, soit à l'aventurisme guerrier pour exporter artificiellement le socialisme en Europe (soudant ainsi l'alliance de la bourgeoisie réactionnaire dans la destruction de l'URSS), soit à la capitulation et la trahison de la révolution, voie que choisira Trotski par ailleurs dans les années qui suivront son exil.
March 1, 2023
One of the most important works in the study of Leninism, to be read by any serious Marxist-Leninist many times over.
In this short piece, Stalin defends the points outlined in his most famous book, the Foundations of Leninism, and the theory of Leninism overall from the distortions of the deviationists in the CPSU(B), most notably Zinoviev. Stalin elaborates in further detail on the role of the Communist Party in the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the proletarian revolution, the importance of the Soviets, and explains both the rejection of Leninism posed by Trotsky's theory of "permanent revolution" and defending the theory of socialism in one country. Stalin does this primarily by basing himself on the writings of Lenin, proving that the points he makes are the positions Lenin held and would have supported.
Overall an excellent book which should be read by every person interested in the study of Leninism after reading the Foundations of Leninism.
In this short piece, Stalin defends the points outlined in his most famous book, the Foundations of Leninism, and the theory of Leninism overall from the distortions of the deviationists in the CPSU(B), most notably Zinoviev. Stalin elaborates in further detail on the role of the Communist Party in the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the proletarian revolution, the importance of the Soviets, and explains both the rejection of Leninism posed by Trotsky's theory of "permanent revolution" and defending the theory of socialism in one country. Stalin does this primarily by basing himself on the writings of Lenin, proving that the points he makes are the positions Lenin held and would have supported.
Overall an excellent book which should be read by every person interested in the study of Leninism after reading the Foundations of Leninism.
July 27, 2022
نفس فكره كتاب مشاكل اللينينيه والتى كانت تدور حول التعاون مع المناشفه وكل من ناصر الثوره
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