For radicals in Europe and North America, the anti-imperialist—and Chinese—revolutions continued the great task of 1789, 1848, and 1870, the “bourgeois revolution” in Marx’s terms, and the creation of nations that would release the energies and unity of purpose to create new worlds of prosperity and freedom. The nationalist focus led to an emphasis on autarkic development—the nation, it was said, already possessed within its own boundaries all the requirements and resources to match the accomplishments of global civilization.
The overthrow of empire in the 1950s and 1960s—of which the coming to power of the Chinese Communist party in 1949 was a important part—seemed to augur a new era in world history, one in which the majority of the world’s population secured liberation. There was perhaps a sense in which this was true, but the reality for the majority was far removed from this giddy hope. And in the case of the ordinary Chinese, the newly “liberated” regime proved far more brutal and exacting than those that it had replaced (which also attained high standards of brutality and injustice). In China the great famine of 1958–62 was only the most spectacularly cruel and gratuitous product of that new order.
For the former inhabitants of the old empires, national liberation turned out to be not liberation of all, but the creation of a new national ruling class, as often as not exploiting its position at home to make fortunes then smuggled abroad.
"“In sum, Mao Zedong thought is a return to pre-Marxist doctrines of socialism and philosophical idealism. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word—the correct Marxist-Leninist line—was with the Communist party, or, in certain circumstances with Mao alone. The elite, defined both by its possession of the Word and its exemplary spiritual character, will emancipate the majority, lift them and enlighten them. All the problems are in the area of doctrine, arising from those who misinterpret or neglect the doctrine and thereby become the prey of alien forces. Mao does not refashion Marxism, he merely se the terminology to express something quite different, something which contradicts it. As a result, Mao Zedong thought can scarcely even count as a form of “revisionism” since it does not “revise”, it ignores."
Harris provides a dutifully researched account of Mao's perversion of Marxism through, as one would hope, a thoroughly Materialist recounting of the conditions and events surrounding the People's Revolution.
As a Materialist and an ignorant American, I loved the rich historical context with primary source citations presented in the first 90% of the book. As a Marxist and an ideological American, I chuckled at Harris's searing critique in the last 10%.
I come away from this with a much more informed, nuanced, and grounded understanding of the rise of modern China. I am glad to now understand exactly how this major world power was built practically overnight under the watchful eye of the West, and under what conditions it was formed. I am also struck by a profound respect for Mao. I can't really elaborate without repeating the majority of this book, but if you're curious about how I arrived at this conclusion then I recommend you read the whole thing.
knew a little about Maoism, in contrast to Marxism as a broad strategy. think this text expanded a little on what I already knew, without providing any revolutionary analysis