‘In 1346 it started to become clear that this war would be different from those that had preceded it. The battle of Crécy marked a new high point in Anglo-French hostilities and revealed that the war would be fought according to a new and changing set of rules. Those who had previously comprised the core of French and English armies, the military aristocracy, would be changed fundamentally by the experience.’ -- Introduction (1337)
The history of the Hundred Years' War can be inscribed in terms of its consequence on English institutions. The king was out of England for long campaigns and always in need of money. Henceforward the king's subjects in parliament found it stress-free to make conditions when they granted extraordinary taxes. They asked for pledges about the spending of their money; they demanded the right to audit the king's accounts and to query whether his pledges had been kept. They suspended money grants until the end of a session and thus secured the redress of complaints before the vote of supplies.
Parliament itself was taking a separate form. It was no longer a distended meeting of the king's council; the statutes which had become the legal expression of parliamentary decisions began to be regarded as more important than the ordinances of the council. The two 'houses of parliament were also assuming something of their modern form.
The title house of lords' dates only from the 16th century, but in the early part of the 14th century certain families, or rather the holders of certain estates, were receiving writs of summons as a matter of course. By 1400 this summons by special writ was coming to be regarded as a hereditary right.
Before the demise of Edward III the knights and burgesses were putting their case to the king and lords through a Speaker; the fact that they met to deliberate their answers outside the parliament house and in the chapter-house or refectory of the Abbey of Westminster added to their awareness of themselves as a body separate from the lords spiritual and temporal.
It is also important that, although statutes and petitions were still written in Latin or, more often, in a corrupted Anglo-French jargon, parliament was opened in 1362 for the first time with an English speech. In his old age Edward, III allowed the affairs of the kingdom to be mishandled by an immoral clique of household officials, with the involvement of his mistress Alice Perrers and the support of John of Gaunt. A parliament of 1376, known as the 'Good Parliament', took matters in hand by enforcing upon the king a council of advisers.
This action --- it succeeded for only a short time -- was taken not, as fifty years earlier, by a baronial party acting on its own accountability, but by a joint committee of lords and commons.
The only territorial gain which accrued to England from the Hundred Years, War was the port of Calais. Its loss under Mary was pure gain and helped the Elizabethans to look westward for new lands.
In England and France it arrested social, moral and economic progress. It demoralised the character of the combatants, reduced the peasantry to wretchedness, made the king more despotic and the barons were ruthless and arrogant. It began the break-up of English medieval society and a period of anarchy and moral prostration.
Worst of all, it brought into prominence, a class of mercenary soldiers who became the scourge of Europe for three centuries. It also brought in some good results. If it brought any compensating good, it was of the imperceptible and academic order a strong national self-consciousness, more democratic than feudal; great memories and traditions; a belief in the island qualities, which helped Englishmen to carry their heads high in the coming century of eclipse behind the crescent monarchies of France and Spain.
In earlier medieval times hostility was normally felt against the na- tives of a neighbouring town, shire, or village. This unneighbourliness diminished as insular patriotism enlarged the mind and pointed out the Frenchman or the Spaniard as the true foreigner'. The habits of thought and feeling that were contracted during the Hundred Year's War with France sharply defined the new patriotic feeling in the form of racial hatred of the French.
It was exaggerated in the era of Bertrand du Guesclin by disparaging enemy raids on the South coast and not ineffective warfare against English shipping. The feeling the French outlasted the war and helped to put an end to that relegation of English to French culture which the Norman Conquest had established. It also added to the prestige of the English language.
A hundred years before the, days of Chaucer's Prioress, Frenchmen of Paris' used to laugh at the strange hybrid that passed for their tongue in the mouths of English gentlefolk Yet, such as it was, it was their everyday speech till the reign of Edward III, and was regarded as the hall-mark of a gentleman, till the increasingly racial character of the war compelled all men to regard French as an antagonist language.
Among other things, the pages of this book offer a renewed outlook on a period of energetic, vivacious, ruthless change. The cauldron of war forged and reforged the English and French nations into something new; it redefined the devotions and associations of individuals to one another, their internal organisation, and their place in a widening world.
The Hundred Years War brought about a revolution that fundamentally changed the character of military conduct and organisation. It led to the professionalisation of warfare, resulted in the decline of (chivalric) cavalry and the rise of infantry and artillery. The war forced the peasantry into a new role: as both victims and wrongdoers of violence peasants were battered and brutalised by the conflict, but they also emerged stronger despite their terrible experience.
The Church and clergy, too, were bound to familiarize to new circumstances, shaped as they were by political conflict and riven by disputes among the ecclesiastical hierarchy, but also galvanised by a period of intense spirituality. The war redesigned political and personal priorities, driving some individuals to extraordinary lengths in search of a resolution to the struggle, whereas others wafted the flames of the conflict, drawn to it, enticed by the promise of riches, loot and payoffs.
The miscellaneous involvements of occupation and the conditions endured by prisoners of war and women reflect many of these changes both in the wider population and in distinct groups brought into being by the grinding pressure of endemic warfare. Many were assaulted and abused, others treated with care and consideration.
This is not a narrative history of the Hundred Years War; rather it explores the impact of the conflict on those groups and individuals who fought in a struggle that redefined the peoples of England and France, and the nations in which they lived.
The book has been divided into ten chapters:
1) Knights and Nobles: Flowers of Chivalry (1346)
2) The Peasantry: Vox Populi (1358)
3) The Church and the Clergy: Voices from the Pulpit (1378)
4) Making Peace: Blessed are the Peacemakers (1396)
5) The Madness of Kings: Kingship and Royal Power (1407)
6) Soldiers: Views from the Front (1415)
7) Occupation: Coexistence, Collaboration and Resistance (1423)
8) Women and War: Power and Persecution (1429)
9) Prisoners of War: Gilded Cages (1435)
10) National Identities: St George and La Mère France (1449)
The chapters explore:
**The influence of the war on the people of England and France
**The altering roles of representative groups within the Three Orders that had comprised earlier medieval society – those who fought, prayed and worked
**The bearing of the war on those individuals drawn from a range of social backgrounds, who comprised distinct groups within the context of the struggle – such as prisoners of war, or who were influenced by the war in distinctive ways – such as women
**Given the significance of kingship to the Anglo-French war, the position and status of monarchs are questioned
**Finally, the effect of the conflict on the peoples of England and France as a whole will be considered through a confab of the ways in which the war fashioned new senses of national identity on both sides of the Channel