The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew

by Lee Kuan Yew

The Singapore Story is the first volume of the memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, the man who planted the island state of Singapore firmly on the map of the world. It was first published in 1999.In intimate detail, Lee recounts the battles against colonialists, communists and communalists that led to Singapore’s independence. With consummate political skill, he countered adversaries, sometimes enlisting their help, at others opposing them, in the single-minded pursuit of Singapore’s interests. We read how he led striking unionists against the colonial government, how over tea and golf he fostered ties with key players in Britain and Malaya, of secret midnight meetings in badly lit rooms, drinking warm Anchor beer with a communist underground leader, of his purposeful forging of an alliance with communists to gain the support of the Chinese-educated masses. Readers will find inspiration in his tenacity as he fought for the people’s hearts and minds against first the communists and later the communalists – in parliament, on the streets and through the media.Drawing on unpublished Cabinet papers, archives in Singapore, Britain, Australia, New Zealand and the United States, as well as personal correspondence, he gives us a vivid picture of how others viewed determined (“Lee will bluff, bully and blackmail up to the eleventh hour”), motivated (“Choo knew I sweated blood to master Hokkien”), ambitious (“He would think himself as legitimate as I was to be the leader of Malaya”), dangerous (“Crush Lee! Put him inside”). It is a sometimes controversial yet strangely consistent portrait of this Asian statesman.These experiences and his dealings with the political leaders were to shape his views and policies, which have had a major impact on Singapore and the region.About the AuthorLee Kuan Yew was born in Singapore on 16 September 1923. He read law at Cambridge University, England. In 1954, he formed the People’s Action Party. Five years later, the PAP won the Singapore general election and he became Prime Minister at age 35. He stepped down in November 1990 and assumed the post of Senior Minister until 2004. He was Minister Mentor till his retirement in May 2011.ReviewsMore than a decade ago Lee Kuan Yew’s two-volume autobiography opened many eyes and minds to the astounding Singapore success story. The new digital editions should expand the audience and deepen the understanding even more.-- Professor Tom Plate, author of "Conversations with Lee Kuan Yew"

Genres: Biography, History, Politics, Nonfiction, Memoir, Economics, Autobiography

793 pages, Kindle Edition

First published October 14, 1998

About the author

Lee Kuan Yew was born in Singapore in 1923. He was educated at Raffles College, Singapore and Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, England. He was called to the Bar, Middle Temple, London, in 1950 and practised law in Singapore. He became advisor to several trade unions.

In 1954, he was a founder of the People's Action Party and was Secretary General up to 1992.

Mr Lee became Singapore's Prime Minister in 1959, serving successive terms until he resigned in November 1990, when he was appointed Senior Minister by Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong. He was re-appointed again after the 1991, 1997 and 2001 general elections.

In August 2004, Mr Lee was appointed Minister Mentor by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, and was reappointed again after the 2006 general elections. He stepped down as Minister Mentor in May 2011, and was appointed Senior Advisor to the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation.

Reviews

[آلاء · Rating 4 out of 5]

من الملاحظ على قارة آسيا أنه لا تجدي في حالتها شراكة أو تعاون
متبادل دون تدخل أجنبي
فهناك تسود الخلافات التي لا تنتهي حول الجزر والحدود والمياه، والشك متبادل بما لا يسمح بقيام اتحاد أو صداقة، وهذا ما حدث في قصة سنغافورة أثناء تجربة اتحاد الملايو مع ماليزيا التي لم تدم أكثر من ثلاث سنوات تقريبا..
وكان لانقسام هذه الدول ما بين الغرب وروسيا في فترة ثنائية القطبية أثناء الحرب الباردة دور كبير في عدم الانسجام هذا، ومن ناحية أخرى كان بمثابة شر لابد منه فلم يبق مجال لوحدة داخلية، وبات من الضروري إبقاء قوة دفاع غربية، وفي حالة سنغافورة كانت تلك القوة هي بريطانيا بقواعدها العسكرية..

يعتبر هذا الكتاب مع كتاب كيشور محبوباني من الركائز الأساسية في فهم العالم الآسيوي بالشرق الأقصى وعلاقاته وتاريخ أعراقه المشترك واختلاف أوضاعهم عن الكثير من دول العالم ومن خلال التعرف عن قرب إلى تلك الأعراق ما بين مالاويين، وصينيين، وهنود وغيرهم يزداد الفهم لسياسات حكوماتهم والاستفادة من نجاحهم السريع والمبهر واستحقاقهم للقب نمور آسيا.

فتمكن "لي كوان يو" من تحويل مدينة سنغافورة في ربع قرن من مكان بائس مستضعف ومطالب بالخضوع لشروط ماليزيا بدون تفاوض إلى ما نرى عليه سنغافورة الآن، أمر يستحق التقدير لخطوات هذا الرجل..


سنغافورة بين الماضي والحاضر

يبدأ الكتاب بسرد قصة "لي كوان يو" من ميلاده حتى انفصال سنغافورة عن ماليزيا ومن خلالها نعرف تاريخ سنغافورة منذ كانت مستعمرة بريطانية ثم وقوعها تحت الاحتلال الياباني ثم استقلالها الذاتي والاتحاد مع ماليزيا ثم الاستقلال كدولة سنغافورة في منتصف الستينيات وبقدر كبير من التفصيل يتناول لي كوان يو كل تلك الأحداث ويتأمل في مشاكل شعبه واختلاف نظرتهم للغرب ولأنفسهم (ما بين إحساس بفوقية الغرب أو الكره التام لهم أو الولاء للشيوعية..) وتوصل إلى أن أهم ما يسعى إليه كرئيس للوزراء هو الحصول على الأفضل لشعب سنغافورة كوحدة واحدة متجاوزاً الأعراق العديدة.
حياة الرجل كانت غنية سياسياً بشكل ملهم قضى أيام متواصلة في الحديث إلى الشعب وطلاب المدارس والجامعات بالذهاب إلى قراهم ومدارسهم وتعريفهم بحزب العمل الشعبي الذي أسسه، أنشأ علاقات مع الكثير من دول العالم ولفت نظري اهتمامه بصداقة مصر كدولة بارزة في دول عدم الانحياز لتعريفهم بتجربة سنغافورة كدولة ناشئة!!
والجدير بالذكر أن الرجل كان شابا في الثلاثينات من عمره أثناء رئاسته للوزراء ولم تمنعه سنه من القيام بوظيفته السياسية بشكل أكثر كفاءة من اللذين يرون أن الرئيس أبو الشعب ويجب ان يكون على الأقل عمره خمسون عاماً..
كانت قراءة تلك الأجزاء محزنة ومدهشة عند مقارنتها بالأحزاب في بلادنا وببلادنا نفسها في علاقاتها الخارجية الجيدة.
أخيرا الكتاب بسيط جدا كمحتوى فهوى سيرة ذاتية ولكن يحتاج لمجهود كبير في الالتزام بقرائته بسبب حجمه الكبير، وأظن أن الكتاب بعد حوالي ثلثه الأول أكثر إمتاعا بكثير من بدايته خصوصاً عند بداية العمل السياسي للحزب ورئاسة لي كوان يو للوزراء.
اكتشفت أن للمذكرات جزء ثان أكبر من هذا الجزء🤦
أرى أن لي كوان يو يحب الكتابات الطويلة تبدو تلك ظاهرة شرق آسيوية ولكني أفضّلها من موراكامي يا عزيزي كوان يو.
الله المستعان على قراءة الجزء الثاني ولكن بعد هدنة طويلة إن شاء الله ( مع ذلك لا اظنني سأبتعد كثيراً عن آسيا في الوقت الحالي وسأظل في الجوار)
Sun, Nov 6, 2022♥️📚

[Andrew · Rating 3 out of 5]

Unfortunately I was unable to finish this book and thus my review remains incomplete.

This autobiography was a fascinating view into a bygone era: the decline of Britain's empire and the struggle of Asian colonies for independence and against the spread of Communism. It's difficult to truly understand the significance of the twin challenges of Imperialism and Communism, so far removed are we from those times.

Lee accomplishes three things here: he states his principles, he tells the story of his own life, and he tells the story of Singapore.

The first task is somewhat awkwardly done in this format; I got the sense that Lee couldn't help slipping in strongly held views, but doesn't spend much time justifying them. He nails his flag to the mast against soft punishments and cites his experiences in the Japanese occupation as being formative of his understanding of human nature but doesn't expound. Lee is deliberate in his mentions on race but doesn't argue his views at any length. I was intrigued in particular by his Left-leanings and departure from Fabian Socialism and wanted to know more, but Lee merely dismisses the issue with a minor comment about how he disliked their views on education.

Lee's actions earlier in his life often seem at odds with his later actions, but little time is spent in reflection. He describes his use of the media to fight issues when he had no chance on the legal merits but doesn't reconcile this with his later use of litigation and legal controls against political discussion. The young Lee Kuan Yew unquestioningly participates in extensive industrial action but there is no discussion of it as something other than a political tool.

Lee lambasts the Straits Times for receiving editorial direction against his party, but has no problem with it receiving direction in his favour. He accuses the newspaper of subversion, then when he wins power claims the flight of its staff demonstrates their unwillingness to live under the policies they advocated. Lee vociferously denounces foreign ownership of the press, but his censure is more than a little self-serving.

For an autobiography, I had incredible trouble engaging with Lee's emotional life. He's a merciless rationalist, reeling off incidents and ideas, piercing assessments of people, brilliant political tactics and analysis, remaining emotionally detached throughout. Lee bluntly repudiates youthful ideologies and sharply criticises his own legal cases: he thought this once, but it is wrong and stupid; he successfully defended someone who should have been convicted by applying media pressure - and that is all. There's no sense of ruefulness or regret, no self-doubt. It's all black-and-white.

Most tellingly Lee's romance with his eventual wife is described in the starkest of terms: she is described in terms of her background and education, her most prominent attributes commitment and intelligence. I'm a poor romantic, but the matter-of-fact tone permeating this tome felt immensely jarring here. Their association seemed like a business transaction, and I couldn't help but wonder about what Lee and his fiancee were feeling at the time, what they spoke about, and how they spent those days together.

Throughout the book Lee describes very precisely his political tactics, how he intended to appear to different parties, and the efforts he went to to manage his public image (appearing sorrowful rather than angry, appealing to workers without spooking the middle-class). The narrative covers what appears to be the establishment of Lee's reputation rather than the illumination of his character. He is persistently concerned by appearances and means and does not discuss values or goals. Lee single-mindedly pursues the independence of Singapore over many years but doesn't explain why this is so important to him. He describes the arguments he made in different fora, but not his own personal reasons.

The book begins in media res when Lee announces Singapore's independence, betraying his allies with backroom dealings, crying on camera. Given book's clinical tone and focus on image management, I struggled to believe that this abundance of emotion was genuine, and not artifice designed to attract the sympathies of the audience and dramatise the prologue.

Lee's autobiography is most successful portraying the political struggles of Singapore's early years from the midst of the action. Defeating the erratic David Marshall, using and opposing the unions, allying and then clashing with the powerful Communists, meeting the mysterious Plenipotentiary, fortifying the party against infiltration, employing one opponent to fight another - it's gripping, high-stakes, means-justifies-the-ends political action. Lee has penetrating insight into the schemes and strategems of the political game, and readily guides the reader through the labyrinth of manipulation.

Until I read this book I had no idea how divorced the Chinese community of Singapore was to the English-educated society, or how powerful, well-organised and legitimate the Communists were in the region. As a senior member of government Lee the author has access to the investigations British Special Branch performed on him so many years ago - I found this quite amusing.

The writing is technically very workmanlike - recitations of detail that struggle to be evocative.

Other political biographies are bland, self-justifying pieces designed to elevate the politician's image for posterity. Lee Kuan Yew eschews this dissemblance, telling it like he sees it, revealing exactly how he made his decisions. While there may be flaws in his arguments and views, I got the sense that they were truly his.

[Mohamad Dahrouj · Rating 4 out of 5]

الان عرفت كيف ولدت سنغافورة من خلال حياة اول رئيس وزراء لها في عهد الاستقلال . قبل الكتاب كنت اعتقد ان سنغافورة سلخت عن ماليزيا بواسطة الاستعمار البريطاني لكني الان اعرف انها دمجت بماليزيا حتى تصبح قابلة للحياة وتنال حريتها . لكن الاختلاف العرقي والتنازع القوي بين المالاويين المسلمين وهم السكان الاصليين للبلاد وبين الصينيين وخوف المسلمين من تكاثر الصينيين في ماليزيا وسيطرتهم على الحيلة فيها وخاصة انهم يسيطرون على عصب الاقتصاد كل هذا جعل المسلمين يدفعون الى فصل سنغافورة ذات الأكثرية الصينية عن ماليزيا ذات الأكثرية المسلمة وهذا أيضاً وجد صداه عند لي كوان يو ورفاقه فتم الانفصال من دون حروب او مشاكل .
الى الجزء الثاني بعنوان : من العالم الثالث الى الاول.

[Asmaa · Rating 3 out of 5]

اخيييرا خلصته كتاب جيد بس للأسف مطول جدا ويحتوي على تفصيلات كتير مالهاش لازمه عالعموم الجزء التاني أهم لانه بيحكي عمل ايه بعدالانفصال عن ماليزيا و ازاي بقت من دول العالم الاول

[Rob Price · Rating 4 out of 5]

https://pricelesseconomics.wordpress....
(a few pictures are included in the blog post, link above)

I recently visited Singapore and read Lee Kuan Yew’s (LKY) “3rd World to 1st World – The Singapore Story” to get a feel for the history, culture and politics. What an incredible character and an intriguing place! LKY is an unusual mixture of free-market advocate, state interventionist, anti-communist but adherent of socialism and yet he’s also against the welfare state.

NO NONSENSE, NO AID, NO COMMUNISM
When he came into power in the late 1950’s LKY tried to avoid ideology and pragmatically targeted what was needed, jobs. Singapore refused aid handouts from developed countries because of the dependency it created. He wanted Singaporeans to add value, learn new skills and create productive sustainable jobs. After being a union lawyer in his earlier years, he managed to persuade the unions, align them with goals and breakup the more militant strikers. Let’s not beat around the bush – govt. came down like a shit ton of bricks on communist disrupters – sometimes putting people in detention for years and expelling people from the country. He opened the economy up to international competition, partnered with large multi-nationals, encouraged them to do business in Singapore and created a culture of training, hard work and merit based reward. He refused to see Singapore as a victim and chose to leapfrog economic neighbours, generating unprecedented economic and social development from the 1950’s onwards. Singapore is one of the very few countries to transition from a 3rd world country to 1st world. It’s incredible how few have achieved this transition in the past century (off the top of my head, Singapore, South Korea and perhaps Estonia) so there should be lots to learn.

CAPABLE BUT LIMITED STATE
The Democratic Alliance (DA) in South Africa often cites Singapore as an example of a “capable state” that other statists can aspire to. Yes, the government is integrally involved in the Singaporean economy but budgets are always balanced outside of recessions and the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) ran a prudent monetary policy from the start. They refused to use debt, low interest or a cheaper currency to stimulate the economy because they understood the negative long-term consequences of these short-term policies. He doesn’t actually spend much time detailing these concepts in the book, almost taking them as a given. What I would give to live in a country where monetary and fiscal prudence are the default… Perhaps these, in of themselves, are enough to drive a capable state, or at least limit the degree of destruction caused by government in society.

PEOPLE BENEFIT BY RESPECTING CAPITAL
Added to these core principles, Singapore has astonishingly low tax rates. Approximately 28% for the top income tax rate, 26% corporate tax, 3% VAT, 5% estate duties and no capital gains taxes. Back in the 50s and 60s Singapore would sign 10-year tax exempt agreements with multinationals to encourage them to set up industry and train local people. Talk about an effort to promote savings, capital accumulation and economic growth! LKY also didn’t just pander to multinationals. Singaporeans were trained, upskilled and eventually held senior positions. If you’re uncertain about the impact on Singaporeans, consider that in 1960 Singapore’s per capita real GDP was 7 times smaller than the United States and equivalent to South Africa’s. By 2017 Singapore’s per capita real GDP was equivalent to the United States and 10 times higher than SA’s.

HARD-LINE ON CORRUPTION
Officials, including Lee himself, had to pay for any legal fees if there was any wrong-doing. This seems like a no-brainer – why doesn’t every government implement! After admitting guilt for a corruption offence, one senior official chose to commit suicide rather than face the public backlash, which provides an idea of the social cost of being found guilty of corruption in Singapore. LKY refused to curry favour to political friends and managed to create a capable public service. These guys seem like angels in comparison to any other public service around the globe. This level of integrity is not the norm, which is why I generally favour a limited government approach in order to limit the potential destruction government can reap in society.

INTEGRITY ABOVE ALL ELSE?
One defining aspect that comes across clearly in LKY’s book is his personal integrity. He stood for the truth at each and every turn, spoke his mind even under trying circumstances and held his colleagues to the same standard. This characteristic was apparent at international conferences when he openly criticised world leaders, major powers and stood against the status quo when needed. For example, supporting US involvement in Vietnam because he appreciated the buffer it created against Chinese and Russian communism, as well as criticising the US for their overreach when trying to impose their political and economic systems in the 3rd world. He also criticised 3rd world leaders for their focus on race politics, lavish lifestyles and consistent focus on the past (LKY took ordinary passenger aircraft into the 1990’s in attempt to maintain 3rd world wealth, while much poorer countries’ Presidents were cruising in private jets in stark contradiction to their requests for aid support). My sense is that these criticisms were offered to their face and in a non-antagonistic way, which is a delicate balance that he seemed to navigate successfully. There were also examples where he potentially overstepped the mark – like when he encouraged educated Singaporeans to marry other educated Singaporeans – but he was afforded a degree of leniency because people appreciated his honesty and knew his heart was generally in the right place.

Perhaps integrity should be the primary characteristic we look for in politicians and society needs to find a reliable format to test these principles? Unfortunately, politics seems to attract the opposite characteristics, flaky individuals who bend to popular pressure in order to win favour at the next election.

VALUES: CONFUCIAN SOCIALISM VS. WESTERN INDIVIDUALISM
Singapore is often taken to task for its authoritarian approach. LKY argues that they aren’t authoritarian but that their Confucian values elevate society above the individual, which is why they’re more comfortable on limiting the rights of the individual than Western Democracies. The contrast between various values is a common thread throughout the book and LKY has a wonderful handle on it due to his extensive travel. While clearly some ideas are better at targeting certain outcomes, LKY was very cognisant of the values that held certain cultures together and disliked the mono-philosophical approach followed by some. For example, free markets support economic growth and democracy can empower individuals, which are reasonably good outcomes. However, LKY disagreed with the dogmatic way in which the US tried to assert these values across the 3rd world because it under appreciates the societal differences. This naivety lead to significant failure. Western countries, particularly America with it’s brash approach, should have been more careful in the way they imposed their values. An evangelical approach can turn people against the values in the first place. This really resonates with me. Good ideas should be shared but they need to be grappled with, understood and adapted to circumstance. A dogmatic student-teacher, “I’m right – you’re wrong” approach is dangerous and I think we’re seeing the consequences in society today. I can appreciate where they come from but reactionary anti-colonial movements that espouse communist values result in damaging outcomes for their people.

AUTHORITARIANISM RESTRICTS INDIVIDUAL FREEDOMS
There’s no doubt that there are authoritarian aspects to Singapore that I wouldn’t appreciate. Alcohol and liquor taxes are outrageous, Singaporean’s get charged special fees for entering casino’s, there are strong mandates on savings with very little choice for the individual and I’m sure there are a ton of other annoying restrictions on personal freedom. It’s also probably also a little boring living in Singapore – my friend living there tends to fly elsewhere to have fun in SE Asia. LKY obviously doesn’t spend too much time on the negatives in his book… He does, however, note that Singaporeans aren’t as entrepreneurial as some of cultures because people have become dependent on the state. It’s not all unicorns and rainbows but just glance back to the increase in per capita GDP…

DIFFERENT LAND POLICIES FOR A VERY DIFFERENT STATE
After full independence from Malaysia in 1965, the Singaporean government started to purchase large portions of its national land for housing developments. This example is used as a justification for nationalisation of South African land by the government but I think the examples above highlight clear differences between South Africa and Singapore. National land ownership is not the normal economic path but perhaps a state with almost zero corruption, an incredibly disciplined approach to property rights and a strong record in obeying contract law is capable of land ownership and distribution on an incredibly small island. Singapore’s land mass is 722km2, which is 25 times smaller than Gauteng – South Africa’s smallest province (Singapore is 1700 times smaller than SA). Even if it were possible to overcome the pressures created by the sheer size of South Africa, corruption is endemic, respect for property rights is poor and policies are prone to change depending on the political pressure at the upcoming election. The character of government couldn’t be further apart between Singapore and South Africa. If here’s one thing I took from LKY it’s a pragmatic approach to target policies that could logically work and avoid those that cannot. Until such time as the South African government shows itself capable of clamping down on corruption, respecting property rights and sticking to long term plans it would be unwise for the population to put further power in the hands of an extractive political elite.

Overall, 3rd world to 1st world wasn’t the greatest book I’ve ever tucked into – there were long sections of geopolitical ramblings of little interest to me that I did my best to skim over – but it certainly provided wonderful context and enhanced my travel experience. I had lots to chew on as I experienced the professional service on Singapore Airlines, walked through the ultra-clean streets, whizzed around the city on efficient (and cheap) public transport, ate a variety of tasty foods at their world-renowned restaurants, glared up at the towering sky-scrapers and took solace in the beautiful parks, gardens and multitude of flowers in this wonderfully green city. It’s also great to be posed with so many intriguing political, economic, historical and cultural questions. Singapore confirms my belief in free markets, sound money, austere fiscal policies, education and integrity but it also challenges my scepticism of the state, authoritarianism and centralised planning. It’s great to be challenged and learn from such an iconic figure of the 20th century.

[Caleb Liu · Rating 3 out of 5]

He is too fascinating a man, and has left far too large an imprint on modern Singapore history for this to be an uninteresting book. Having lived through many of the climactic moments surrounding the foundation of the modern Singapore state, this first volume of memoirs would have value in itself as a historical account of what happened. Still, one gets the sense in reading this of a didactic lecturer not seeking justification - he never has felt the need - but closer to that of a stern father instructing his wayward children. One gets the sense that the events, his personal image and everything else is presented through a very particular and finely polished patina. This is sad, as all too often, what lies beneath is far more interesting.

[قصي بن خليفة · Rating 5 out of 5]

عجباً لهذا التاريخ ¬¬ولهذه الأحداث فكأن المسلم تقنّع بمبادئ غير المسلم، وغير المسلم (لي كوان يو) تلبّس بخلق ونظام وعدالة وشجاعة الإسلام

كتاب ملحمي! فيه سيرة عملاق من صُنّاع التاريخ. وفيه دروس لنا وأي دروس. وفيه تاريخ سياسي مهم للناس عامة وللمسلمين خاصة! وفيه فائدة وحكمة وظرافة
~~~~~~~~~~~
كنت أظن قصة سنغافورة هي قصة نجاح اقتصادي مذهل، وهي كذلك ولكن القصة الحقيقية حدثت قبل. وهي قصة تأسيس هذه الدولة المتقدمة في وسط دول من العالم الثالث! ... وهي في نفس الوقت سيرة ذاتية للمؤسس الفعلي للدولة لي كوان يو فقصة حياته هي قصة سنغافورة

يحكي لنا باني هذه الدولة قصة مولده ونشأته وبدايات سنغافورة ومن ثم الاستقلال والانضمام لماليزيا والانفصال بعد ذلك. وهي قصة ملحمية فيها من البطولات الحقيقية ما يجعلك تتأمل في معنى البطولة، وكيف نجح هذا غير المسلم في الاقتداء بسيرة محمد عليه الصلاة والسلام في السياسة والإدارة والحرب والسلم والعلاقات. وهو خلال كل هذه المراحل شديد الإصرار على مبادئ العدالة والحضارة، وبروح فيها كثير من المرونة والتنازلات المرحلية لخدمة الرؤية البعيدة وللحصول على أفضل ما يمكن. هذا الكتاب هو فعلاً مدرسة في السياسة
الآن فقط فهمت معنى أن السياسة هي فن الممكن! وكنا نظن أنها نصب وكذب وتحايل وألاعيب! ربما ليست كذلك
~~~~~~~~~~~
في البداية الكتاب مشوّق لأنه يحكي نشأته وتدرجه في الحياة والأحداث التي مرت به قبل وأثناء وبعد الحرب العالمية الثانية والاحتلال الياباني لسنغافورة. ثم وعندما بدأ يدخل المعترك السياسي وبدأ يسرد لنا تفاصيل لا نفقه منها شيئاً قلت لنفسي، وقد بدأت أضجر من التفاصيل، لعلي سأتركه الآن خصوصاً أني لا أزال في الثلث الأول منه وبقي الكثير
في ص 290 وبعد قراءة أكثر من 100 صفحة مملة وصلت لنتيجة أن الكاتب عبقري سياسي. كان لابد أن أصبر على قراءة هذه الصفحات ذات التفاصيل السياسية المتعلقة بالأحزاب وصراع القوى في سنغافورة قبل الاستقلال. تعامل لي كوان مع القوى الشيوعية من جهة والبريطانيين من جهة، وفي نفس الوقت كان قريباً من الناس وحرص ألا يخسر الشعب، فكان نموذجا للسياسي الناجح صاحب المبادئ النظيفة، فنعم السياسة هذه. يوجد فهم واضح للقُوَى سواء خارجية أو داخلية شعبية وفهم واضح لأهمية الحكم الرشيد
~~~~~~~~~~~~
أسلوب الكتابة في النسخة الإنجليزية التي قرأتها كان سهلاً لطيفاً لا توجد فيه فلسفات أو تأملات أو نصائح أو حتى تبريرا�� مملة لمواقفه السياسية ولذا لم تكن اللغة صعبة وإنما سلسة ومنطقية وفيها عرض للأحداث والمواقف كما هي وكما حدثت مع وعي جيّد بما يجب ذكره في كل موقف. وقد تكون كثرة الأسماء والاصطلاحات من شخصيات ومنظمات متعبة قليلاً. ولعل الكاتب يفترض بنا أن نعرفهم وعندما يذكرهم تجد نفسك في زحمة التفاصيل تحتاج للتأكد مَن هذا وما هو منصبه

أعجبني أنك تشعر أن لي كوان يحدثك شخصياً وتجده مقنعاً ومنطقياً دائماً ولعل ذلك سبب نجاحه الواقعي ويسرد الأحداث بقدر مناسب من التفاصيل تسمح به المساحة. وكما قلت إن صبرت قيلاً لن تندم
~~~~~~~~~~
السيرة غنية جداً بالأحداث والتفاصيل التي قد تراها خطأ أنه لا داعي لذكرها، ولذا لم يغفل الكاتب عن إدخال الكثير من التلميحات الظريفة وخفة الدم والتي تجعلك تستمتع فعلاً وتشعر بظرافة الكاتب وخفة دمه. ربما هو صاحب شخصية فيها بعض المرح فكيف يمكنه أنه يصبر على الصعوبات ويعيش هذه السيرة العظيمة
رغم تفاصيله، وهي مطلوبة لتستوعب ما مر به لي كوان يو، الكتاب عظيم الأهمية التاريخية والسياسية

~~~~~~~من الكتاب~~~~~~~
لي كوان إنسان مجتهد مثل كثيرين وحريص على مصلحته ولذا كان يؤدي أفضل ما لديه في الدراسة فتفوّق، وعمل بجدية لأهله ولنفسه فرُزِق. وقد نشأ في بيئة حرب مشتعلة فتعلّم أنه هناك دائماً طريقة أخرى. فلم يكن يعترف بالحوائط أمامه ولا يقبل بوجود نظام أو شيء يقف أمامه دام موقفه صحيح أو سليم منطقياً
أثناء دراسته الجامعية واجه الدكتور الزعلان وكان قد تركه لحصوله لفرصة أفضل في جامعة أخرى وهو يستطيع أن لا يلتفت إليه أبداً ولكنه رأى المواجهة أفضل!! لاحظ هذا مجرد مدرس في جامعة أنت تركتها، فكرت لم هذا الإصرار وبذل الجهد النفسي في المواجهة والجهد البدني في السفر؟ فقط لتوضيح موقفه وحفظ علاقاته! يبدو أنها مسألة مبدأ
قالوا عنه في الجامعة أنه غير صبور وهي في الحقيقة مدح كبير له وليس ذم كما بينت الأيام
يقول عندما كنت في بريطانيا قارنت ما رأيته هناك من حوار وجدال حول الأهداف والمصالح الوطنية وما نحن عليه في الملايو وأخبار الجرائد عندنا التي لا تُعنى بشيء سوى من جاء ومن غادر من الانجليز الكبار ومن حولهم

~~~~~تجربته مع الاحتلال الياباني~~~~~
رأيه عجيب في المذابح اليابانية للصينيين في سنغافورة حيث قال ربما فعلوا ذلك للسيطرة على الأمن وللقضاء على أي تمرد! يعني ربما لهم عذر!! وكذلك بيوت الدعارة رآها شيء عملي لحماية السكان. براغماتية أصيلة ولكن صعبة
انهيار الجيش البريطاني ذي المائة والثلاثين ألف مقاتل تحت الهجوم الياباني بقوة ستين ألف فقط بشكل مريع وسقوط سنغافورة خلال أسبوعين فقط من القتال. هذا ما شهده الكاتب شخصياً. سجل شاهد على عصره
عمل الكاتب لدى اليابانيين وكان يستمع أخبار الإذاعات الناطقة بالإنجليزية ليتطلع الأخبار لليابانيين، كأنه شغل جاسوسية. وكان راضياً بذلك وليس لديه تحفظات مع إنهم محتلين لبلاده. ولكن هل هي بلاده أم بلاد الإنجليز أم بلاد الملايو. للعلم فهو وأبوه وجده من مواليد سنغافورة وهو لا يرى نفسه إلا ابن أصيل للبلد
يقول الكاتب أنه أثناء الاحتلال الياباني لسنغافورة أن البلاد كانت آمنة والسرقة والجريمة كانت معدومة نسبياً وذلك لقسوة اليابانيين في التعامل وشدة عقابهم للمخالفين. يقول رأيت الشدة مفيدة بشكل عام قبل الغزو وأثناءه وبعده عكس ما يفعله الأوروبيون من تساهل ونعومة في النظام الأمني

~~~~~~~بعد الحرب وعودة الانجليز~~~~~~~
دول كثيرة استقلت عن بريطانيا بعيد الحرب العالمية الثانية لماذا؟ لأن الانجليز كانوا مثل فاقد الوعي بعد التحطيم الياباني فاستغلت الدول المناضلة الفرصة. وللأسف الكثير ممن تأخر في الاستقلال لم يريده على ما يبدو
الاستعمار كله كان من أجل الاقتصاد والمصادر الطبيعية والمواد. الدول الكبرى لا تريد أي ارتباك في التوريد ولذا فهي تسيطر على المصادر سواء بشكل مباشر أو غير مباشر. عندما ترى اهتمام أو عدم اهتمام ببلاد فانظر ماذا لديها
لي كوان فهمها من البداية المطاط (كان مهماً للعالم) والقصدير كان مصدرهما منطقة الملايو
بدأ حياته كمحام ناجح ضمن إطار القانون الذي وضعه الانجليز وكان قوياً شجاعاً مستوعباً للقانون مجتهداً في التفاصيل فنجح في نصرة كثيرين
ولكن لم يكن هناك قسوة من الانجليز ولا قمع للمظاهرات السلمية ولا صياغة قوانين خاصة ولا سفك دماء وسجن بدون الأسباب. قارن تلك الأيام بما نحن عليه
~~~~~~~~ السياسة~~~~~~~~
في مقتبل حياته السياسية انتبه لي كوان لحقيقة مهمة أن العطايا الحكومية مكلفة بأضعاف ما يتخيل المرء. يقول أسوأ شيء أن يجتهد المواطنون للحصول على أكبر عطايا مجانية ممكنة أكثر من حرصهم وجهدهم في التحصيل والإنتاج بأيديهم بالطريقة الطبيعية للبشرية المطلوبة للتطور والتقدم الإنساني
في سباق الانتخابات والناس يريدون الثورة على الانجليز كان الشيوعيين هم الثوار اللذين لهم أعلى صوت ينادي بالاستقلال، ولذا تبعهم الكثير بغير وعي. وفي رأي الكاتب أن الشيوعيين كانوا يركبون موجة الديمقراطية. وكانوا قد تحالفوا معه للمصالح السياسية المشتركة فهو ضليع بالقانون والسياسة الإنجليزية وله بعض الشعبية أما هم فقدرتهم على تحريك الجماهير لا تضاهى. ولهذا كان الاتهام إليه من طرف الانجليز أنه شيوعي ومن طرف الشيوعيين أنه حليف الاستعمار. ولكنه كان وبكل براعة وسط بين ذلك
لغته الأم هي الإنجليزية، فهو ضليع بها وباللغة الشعبية للملايو. وتعلم اللغة الصينية المندرين متأخراً. ولكن العجب أنه، وهو رئيس الوزراء، تعلّم لغة جديدة أخرى وهي الهوكيان ليخاطب بها فئة مهمة الجماهير؟ تأمّل ذلك

المفاوضات الماراثونية مرة أخرى ! كتاب الطريق الوعر لميونج باك قد لفت نظري بها سابقاً والآن مع لي كوان يو فقد ترسخت لديّ الفكرة. دائما كنت أظن المفاوضات ما هي إلا جدال فإن اختلفنا ولم نتفق خلال دقائق نفترق وخلاص! دقائق وليس ساعات
ولكن الواقع يؤيد الساعات والساعات الطويلة جداً والتي تمتد للفجر أحياناً، وليس الدقائق لأن المصالح كبيرة! والطرفان يريدان الإتمام ولكن مع الصبر تنال ما تريد فإن كان أحدهما غير صبور نال الآخر مراده وإن كان الطرفين صبورين أصبحت ماراثونية

~~~~~~ماليزيا الأم~~~~~~~~
الماليزيين هم أصحاب الأرض ولكن الصينيين والهنود هم الأكثر تعليماً وخبرة وبالتالي الأشطر والأنجح في الحياة حسبما يرى الكاتب وعلى لسان الماليزيين أنفسهم. ولهذا لجأ الماليزيين لاستخدام السياسة والغالبية لتحقيق مزايا خاصة بهم. وقد تعامل لي كوان مع الحساسية العنصرية بطريقة طيبة فيها الكثير من الواقعية والكثير من المراعاة

وهذا سبب الانفصال فالصينيين ويمثلهم لي كوان يريدون المساواة في الحقوق والواجبات مع الماليزيين عدا بعض المميزات المرحلية، ولكن نظراً للفارق الكبير في المؤهلات خاف الماليزيين من خسارة كل شيء وهم السكان الأصليين

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
إذا كان ما ذكره صدقاً عن ماليزيا في الخمسينات
ذكر أنه من بين أسباب الانفصال الرئيسية هي عجز السياسيين الماليزيين عن منافسته في الحكم الرشيد وكسب رضا الناس بما فيهم الماليزيين المسلمين في الأراضي الماليزية الأم، ولا حتى مجاراته في ذلك فقد كانوا بعيداً عنه. أضف إلى ذلك ترفهم وحبهم للهو على حساب مبادئ الديمقراطية والعدالة ومن قبلهما الإسلام

يقول كنا مجتهدين وصبورين ولا ننجرف نحو المتع ونلتزم بالدستور والاتفاقيات وهذه أمور مرعبة بالنسبة للسياسيين الماليزيين، ألا يذكرنا هذا بسيرة الحبيب

[kewan alghofaily · Rating 2 out of 5]

الكتاب بدايته مشوقه, وفي النص يقل التشويق في مقابل إنه يزيد الملل
كنت جدًا متحمسة للكتاب, لكوني ماأملك أي معلومات عن سنغافورة
سنغافورة كانت تابعة لبريطانيا, هجوم اليابان عليها أدى لخسائر صحية, نفسية, مادية.أصبحت جزء من ماليزيا, إلى نهاية الكتاب حيث استقلت أخيرًا

شخصيته جدًا مبهرة, ذكية, اعجبني تصرفه لمن توجه إلى تعلم اللغة/اللهجة حتى يضمن موافقتهم عليه, مافيه التزام أكبر من تعلم لغة في وقت ضيق وقصير, وعدم خجله من الاعتراف باخطاءه اللغوية

الممل بالموضوع, أنا شخص ما أفقه في 90% من محتوى الكتاب, وكثير من المواضيع كانت كسبنا مقعد, خسروا مقعد, كان لنا غالبية المقاعد :| :|, كذلك كنت متوقعة الكتاب نشر حديثًا, بحيث في منتصف الصفحات كان الاستقلال ومابعدها يحكي عن تجربتها في جعلها بلد تجاري أو اقتصادي "واحد منهم" :p

[Charlie · Rating 5 out of 5]

Mr Lee Kuan Yew has gone down in history has one of the greatest leaders of his generation. In this book, he tells his story of how Singapore went from a fishing village to a first-world nation in the course of a generation. If you're looking for a read that tells you how Singapore developed to how it did in modern times, this is required reading. One of the strongest aspects of the book is how Mr.Lee developed policies to create a country with few natural resources.

One of the most admirable facets of Mr.Lee is that he is never afraid to make unpopular decisions. He does what he thinks is right for the long-term prosperity of the nation. While the success of Singapore cannot be entirely credited to one man alone; what great leaders do is provide a vision and the follow-through for that vision to create something in tangible terms. While many do not agree with all of Mr.Lee's policies, they have been effective in catapulting a former fishing village into a thriving economy in the course of a generation.

[Eileen]

annoying

[Saif · Rating 3 out of 5]

هذا الكتاب ظل في الرف وقتاً طويلاً وكنت أتهيب قراءته لكبر حجمة وأوراقة البيضاء المتعبة للعين، وما لفتني إلية هو كتاب طبيب في رئاسة الوزراء لمهاتير محمد رئيس وزراء ماليزيا
فأردت معرفة سر تقدم هذين البلدين من خلال مهاتير ولي كوان

بالنسبة لطبيب في رئاسة الوزراء الذي يقع في قرابة ١٠٠٠ صفحة لم يخيب مهاتير ظني فقد أظهر سعة إطلاعة ومقدرتة الإدارية وكذلك تطرق للمشكلات التي واجهتة وطرق حلها وكيف طور الاقتصاد

أما بالنسبة لهذا الكتاب فإذا ما قارناه بكتاب مهاتي�� فأقدر أن أحكم عليه بأنه خيب ظني، فلم أجد ما أبحث عنه وهو سر تقدم سنغافورة عوضاً عن ذلك وجدته مرهقا وبه حشو كثير وأسماء وأحزاب كثيرة وعسيرة الحفظ

ولكني أعجبت بكفاح لي كوان يو واصراره على الوصول للسلطة وجهده الدؤوب ومثابرته واخلاصه، رغم أنه بداء لي من خلاله كتابه هذا بأنه شخص براغماتي تهمة مصلحة العمل ومصلحة بلاده في المقام الأول

ما أود أن ألفت نظرنا إليه نحن كعرب من خلال هذين العملاقين الآسيوين مهاتير ولي كوان يو هو طريقة تعاطيهما مع خلافاتهما ، فكلاهما يذكر خلافاتهما مع الآخر الخلاف الفكري والديني والاداري وغيرها
إلا أنهم لم يوصلاه أبداً ليصبح خلاف شخصي
وأيضا فرغم هذا الإختلاف فكلاهما نجح في الارتقاء ببلاده بطريقته
وهذا يدلنا على نعمة الاختلاف وأنه رحمة وأنه ليس هناك رأي صائب ١٠٠٪؜ وآخر خاطئ ١٠٠٪؜

[Sean Liu · Rating 5 out of 5]

Some countries are born independent. Some achieve independence. Singapore had independence thrust upon it.

I loved this memoir. It is an incredible testament to the fact that so much of the Singapore story is inextricably tied to the Lee Kaun Yew story. From the days of the Japanese occupation, to his overseas education in the UK, to his weeks of golf/whiskey/poker diplomacy with the Tunku of Malaysia, LKY's history is nothing short of an adventure filled with drama and world travel that I'm sure will one day make a great TV miniseries.

Another reason why I appreciated this book so much is more personal. I've read many biographies of great presidents and statesmen but I've never studied one that was Asian, let alone Hakka. And as a Hakka and overseas-born, English-educated Chinese myself, I couldn't help but feel kinship with his family history and also pride in what a Hakka person achieved in such a historic and transformative period in Southeast Asian history. Living in Singapore now, a city state that is lauded for its strong and efficient governance, it feels more and more like home every day (especially in light of what's happening in the US where I grew up).

The last thing that really struck me is that it's easy to take for granted Singapore's rise and pivotal role in the "Asian economic miracle," but this memoir serves as a reminder of just how unlikely this outcome was. LKY repeats often that Singapore was just a "small Chinese island in a sea of Malays," with grim hopes of surviving after failing to merge with Malaysia, let alone thriving as its own independent nation. It was an incredibly uncertain time. Understanding the character and wisdom of LKY helps us understand how Singapore was able to beat the odds and emerge as the wealthy and successful city-state we know today.

Can't wait to read his "sequel" next, From Third World to First, which covers the 25 year period following Singapore's independence in '65.

[Otgontuya · Rating 5 out of 5]

Нилээн хэдэн жилийн өмнө зурагтаар энэ хүний оршуулганд зориулсан, намтар нэвтрүүлгийг үзсэн юм. Бороотой хүйтэн өдөр байсан ч бараг л Сингапур улсын бүх хүн цугларчихсан гэмээр маш олон хүмүүс замын хоёр талд зогсоод энэ хүнд хүндлэл үзүүлж байсан. Төрийн удирдлагууд нэг нэгээрээ үг хэлж, зарим нь нулимс унагаж байсан, хэн ч тэр нэвтрүүлгийг үзсэн, нас нөгчсөн энэ хүн энэ улсад үнэхээр л их зүйл хийж дээ гэж бодохоор байсан.

Өөрийнх нь бичсэн ном болохоор ч тэр үү, маш их нарийвчилж бичсэн, сонирхолтой ном болсон байна. Хуудас бүр нь мэдлэг, мэдээлэл шингэсэн, улс орондоо хайртай хүн бүрийн унших ном. Хэрхэн аюул заналхийлсэн, ядуу дорой байдлаас одооны өндөр хөгжилтэй Сингапур улсыг бүтээж чадсан талаар маш сонирхолтой бичсэн. Яавал гадаадын хөрөнгө оруулалтыг эх орондоо татаж чадах вэ?, Яавал ард түмнийхээ аливаа зүйлд хандах хандлагыг өөрчлөх вэ? гэх зэрэг асуудлуудаас авахуулаад, бүхэл бүтэн нэг том улс гүрэн удирдахад тулгардаг нарийн ширийн бүхий л асуудлуудыг яаж шийдвэрлэж байсан тухайгаа хойч үедээ мэдүүлэхийн төлөө их тодорхой бичсэн.

Ли Кан Ю бусад улс гүрнээс хөрөнгө оруулагч нар ирэх үед тэдний сэтгэлийг татахын тулд онгоцны буудлаас өөрийнхөө өрөөг хүртэлх бүх замыг аль болох цэвэрхэн, сайхан байлгахад анхаардаг байсан. Ширүүн бороо орсон хүйтэн өдөр байсан ч гадаа зүгээр л гудамжинд зогсоод дэргэдүүр нь өнгөрч байгаа хүн бүрт зориулж илтгэл тавьдаг байсан. Аливаа ажлыг чин сэтгэлээсээ хийдэг, бусдын итгэлийг дааж, шударгаар удирддаг байснаараа ард түмнийхээ төдийгүй дэлхийн бусад удирдагчдын хүндлэлийг хүлээж чадсан. Маргарет Тетчер "үргэлж түүний зөв байдаг" гэж хэлсэн удаа бий. Үнэхээр л гаргасан шийдвэр бүр нь ул суурьтай, нухацтай бас дандаа зөв байж дээ гэж бодохоор... Яг л энэ өвөө өөдөөс минь харж суугаад, инээд алдангаа, надад өөрийн гайхалтай амьдралын түүхээ ярьж, зөндөө зүйлийг зааж зөвлөж байгаа мэт, мэдрэмж төрж, энэ сайхан номыг шимтэн шимтэн уншиж дуусгалаа :)

[anna b · Rating 4 out of 5]

I'm a 3rd generation Singaporean and have great reverence for LKY (I've work on a small project directly involved with him and partly also due to the propaganda in school.) Hence, I find it hard to reconcile the fact that my grandparents disliked him and my parents (and their siblings) find him bearable. This book is a candid memoir of his early life as well as his political journey which led to the separation of Singapore and Malaysia. I got to know LKY better and the reason why some may dislike him - my grandparents came from China and had immediate families in Malaysia. My parents and their generation are the products of those seeking the Singapore (then, Nanyang) dream and are a part of the progress of the country.

Right at the beginning of the book, he has proved himself to be an elitist, a belief I abhor but have to accept as it helped in Singapore's progress then. He did so much dirty politicking that if it were not for Singapore, it will make me really dislike him. He is also extremely aggressive. All these attributes were good for Singapore then, it is the now that the Singapore government has to mull over - what sort of man will it take to lead Singapore to her next course? A man like him worked for Singapore 50 years ago and totally worth the ministerial-level salary we paid him. As an educated Singapore leading a comfortable life, I owed what I have today to him.

The first part of the book ends with the climax of separation and I can't wait to read the next part which I can relate more to. I dropped a star as there are still many difficult words in the book despite him advocating the use of simple English. Oh well, he was a lawyer!

Edited to add: I get a deeper knowledge of history of Singapore and the Malays of the region, the political sentiments between Singapore and her immediate neighbours. A must-read for all Singaporeans.

[Abdullah Almuslem · Rating 3 out of 5]

هذه المذكرات هي لأول رئيس لسنغافورة ومؤسس سنغافورة الحديثة. يتكلم لي كوان يو في هذه المذكرات عن حياته في صغره وشبابه حتى استقلال سنغافورا وانفصالها عن ماليزيا عام 1965م .عاصر الاحتلال الياباني لسنغافورة في الحرب العالمية الثانية، وعاش رعب حكمهم وبطشهم في تلك الجزيرة. درس في جامعة كامبريدج في انجلترا القانون وعمل محامي عدة سنوات حتى انخرط في السلك السياسي وأسس حزب العمل الشعبي. تزوج سرا من زوجته (تشو) في إنجلترا ثم عاد وتزوج منها علنا في سنغافورة. يتحدث لي كوان يو عن معاركه السياسية من أجل وحدة سنغافورة ومن أجل ازدهارها. ويتحدث عن الشيوعيين والمالاويين والصراعات الطائفية والدولية والقلاقل والفتن التي حصلت حتى استقلت سنغافورة عن بريطانيا ومن بعدها انفصلت عن ماليزيا.

لم يتحدث كثيرا عن نهضة سنغافورة بالتحديد إلا أنه تكلم قليلا عن أولى الخطوات التي اتخذها من أجل اصلاح سنغافورة عندما استلم رئاسة الوزراء. ومن أول الأشياء التي فعلها، هي تكييف الوزارات والمؤسسات الحكومية، وذكر أن لهذا الأمر أهمية عظمة في تطوير سنغافورة، لأن جوها حار رطب يسبب الكسل وقلة العمل، فكان ضروريا من أجل نهضة الحكومة تكييف مبانيها. وأحد أيضا أول الأشياء التي فعلها، هي تنظيف شوارع سنغافورة بأكملها وأغلق أماكن الفساد والدعارة، وبنى شقق ومساكن جديدة للفقراء. وحاول لي أن يوفق بين طوائف سنغافورة المتعددة وهذا كان أحد أصعب الأشياء التي تعامل معها بسبب تعقيد التركيب السكاني لتلك الجزيرة. للأسف لم يتكلم كثيرا عن خطوات تطوير سنغافورة بل اكتفى في هذه المذكرات بسرد تاريخ استقلال سنغافورة والمعارك السياسية التي حصلت من أجل تحقيق ذلك.

الكتاب لا بأس به

[Marcus · Rating 5 out of 5]

The growth of Singapore is almost always presented as the rapid transformation from a dilapidated fishing village to bustling city state. As a child, I've largely been left to my imagination to fill in the gaps as to what transpired in order to create the modern Singapore.

In this book, the late LKY shares in intricate detail the hardships that he & his fellow party members endured from the Japanese occupation to the final separation from Malaysia. The memoir is not only an extremely well-written autobiography of Mr Lee, but also one of Singapore and how it came to be.

Many citizens express their concerns of the growing apathy that Singapore's youths have towards politics & the direction that Singapore's leaders have chosen for the nation.

I strongly encourage fellow Singaporeans to read this book; for in order to decide the future for ourselves and our home, we must first know our past.

[Mohamed · Rating 2 out of 5]

The book is a propaganda about modernization of a small country by force and by ignoring all the costs that societies will pay. How one person vision could overthrow all other things. It reminds us that modernity should be multiple ways. There should be many modernizations not only the western backed route. World shouldn't get away from their roots and became one dimensional societies which live inhuman life. Humans should be more than that.

But the book also gives us some details about the history of this region and some successful management stories.

[Pieter Vermeulen · Rating 5 out of 5]

Extremely insightful book covering a variety of topics. It ranges from exlaining the development of Singapore to South East Asian history and politics. The part about China is very interesting still relevant even after 20 years

[Freedom Breath · Rating 1 out of 5]

يبدو أنني اخترت الكتاب الخطأ لمطالعة سيرة نهوض دولة سنغافورة وتحولها للوجه الحضاري الحالي لأن هذا الكتاب بكل أسف يسرد سيرة سياسية للكاتب وصراعاته والعقبات التي واجهته خلال مسيرته السياسية للنهوض بدولته سنغافورة.

[Kyle Qian · Rating 4 out of 5]

Excellent read. This volume covers LKY's childhood and young adulthood, as well as his early career, the founding and rise of the PAP, Singapore's break from Britain, the PAP's skirmishes against the communists, and finally, Singapore's unexpected separation from Malaysia. It ends at the very moment Singapore is thrust, against its will, into a precarious independence, with a 41 year old LKY as its first Prime Minister.

Because it ends in 1965 just following the failed merger, this book doesn't cover much of the Singapore we know today. If you're looking to solely learn about Singapore's transformation from swamp to metropolis, I would consider the following volume instead, also confusingly with "Singapore Story" in its title (1965-2000). That was indeed my original goal (and to understand, in contrast, how SF might move on from its decrepit state), but I nonetheless found myself engrossed in LKY’s personal story, Singapore's earlier origins, and the broader geopolitics of the 50s and 60s, especially postwar attitudes toward communism.

There's certainly a lot to the man behind the myth. LKY was born into a chaotic time in the history of Singapore and the rest of Asia. Growing up under British rule, LKY was in college when the Japanese beat out the British and occupied Singapore until the end of WWII. The ghoulish brutality with which the Imperial Japanese Army descended upon the rest of Asia needs no rehashing, but LKY noted that their victory at least showed Singaporeans that the British were not all-powerful. Nonetheless, the Japanese occupation chapter made me ill.

LKY’s scrappiness in his early years was admirable, and hinted at his later adaptability and shrewdness as a politician. During Japanese occupation, he engaged in private enterprises and black market activities to survive, including developing and selling a new kind of tapioca-based glue, and working as a translator for a Japanese propaganda publication. The latter was especially interesting as an early example of his extreme pragmatism. Idealism and pragmatism often juxtapose during times of great change, and LKY’s willingness to collaborate with enemies for survival would be later reprised in his dealings with the communists.

After the bombs fell and Japan retreated, LKY set off to study law at Cambridge, and was convinced by the time he left that the British were unable and unwilling to properly govern Singapore. Upon returning, he practiced law for a few years before founding the PAP at the tender age of 31, which became Singapore’s majority party and would win every general election for the next six decades to this day. As with many founding stories, if you’ll permit me, there was a "why now.” In this case, it was the ratification of the new Rendel constitution that immediately enfranchised hundreds of thousands of native-born Singaporeans. Overnight, the elected government was up for grabs, and the PAP seized it with help from the communists.

At the time, communists in Singapore lacked an official party and needed the PAP for legitimacy. In turn, the PAP needed the communists to secure leftist votes, since the Chinese majority in Singapore were inspired by stories from the newly unified China and the CCP. This mutual instrumentality came to a head as the PAP gained power and began negotiations for a merger with Malaya. The communists, ironically, wanted a fully independent Singapore, presumably to create an autonomous communist state like Cuba. By 1963, the civil conflict culminated in Operation Coldstore, during which the LKY-led PAP arrested and detained, without trial, over 100 communist political leaders, many of them former PAP associates.

LKY, in a 2010 interview with the NYT: “I'm not saying that everything I did was right, but everything I did was for an honourable purpose. I had to do some nasty things, locking fellows up without trial.”

I thought his dealings with the communists were fascinating. The clandestine meetings with the Plen, the infighting and later schism, and his struggle to control the communists’ popular appeal felt straight out of a fantasy or spy novel. But even beyond that, it was interesting seeing communism treated by statesmen as essentially a mind virus. The language was epidemiological: contagion, inoculation, tainting, outbreak. It was not seen as a legitimate political ideology, but rather as a kind of fever symptomatic of real, underlying grievances. LKY believed that a truly communist state would have been disastrous, and his success in synthesizing a globalized political philosophy would go on to influence fellow pragmatist Deng Xiaoping and China’s 70s reforms. Capitalism with Chinese characteristics, if you will.

Because the book details LKY and the PAP’s rise to power, a lot of it’s about political maneuvering, rather than actual policymaking en route to modern Singapore. I’ve left a lot of details out, but LKY’s inexplicable political genius is clear as day. He displays a shocking level of attention to detail and interpersonal intuition at every level of governance, a young blood running laps around supposed professionals who had been in the game much longer. I can only conclude that this man was a generational genius, and that Singapore was fortunate to have produced him at the right time. I’m positive he would have made an equally excellent military leader in the past or businessman in the future.

More personally, I identified more with LKY’s background and cultural environment than I would have guessed. He was ethnically Chinese, grew up speaking his mother tongue at home and English at school, was educated in the West, struggled to improve his Mandarin in adulthood, and served a technocratic nation full of Chinese and Indian immigrants (SF; and I can’t help but wonder about an extended parallel between the rest of California and Malaysia). I’m cherry picking of course, but all this hit closer to home than I expected. LKY’s lifelong struggle with multiculturalism—both his own and that of his nation—was deeply compelling and unexpectedly existential.

This was an unexpected but worthwhile diversion, and I look forward to actually learning about modern Singapore in the next volume.

[Celeste · Rating 4 out of 5]

In 2015, I had this conversation with a Yale-NUS student:

Me: I’m reading that book you recommended me.
Him: Liu Cixin?
Me: Yeah, I don’t like it. I’m a person rooted in reality. I don’t like books about fantasy; I find them hard to relate to.
Him: Did you read Lee Kuan Yew’s Hard Truths? That is fantasy to me.

I admit I picked this up when a mentor at work advised me to familiarise myself with the Singapore story so I could add value(TM) to my future classmates at business school in the US. It’s funny how one reads the alternate versions and criticisms of Singapore’s “myths” before reading about the man himself. Since university, sociology courses have taught us to critically examine our understanding of Singapore history as taught by Social Studies courses. Since then, I read anthologies like A Luxury We Can Afford that criticised how the value of the arts was diminished beside commerce and science based on a famous LKY phrase; and The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye, presenting an alternative view of Lim Chin Siong and PAP’s collaboration with Communists.

The Singapore Story follows the journey of Singapore from pre-World War 2 to gaining independence in 1965. I initially thought this memoir would be 600 lengthy pages of how LKY dislikes communism, plays golf, and visits the Cameron Highlands to clear his mind. I then considered abandoning this tome for the next chapter in Singapore’s history — from Third World to First — but I realised that there was so much wisdom to glean from the Man even before all that.

This book was brilliant political maneuverers, LKY’s skill for reading situations and positioning his allies and detractors in ways that would help him advance his cause. It was breathtaking and awesome to read his analysis of Communism and the ways in which Singapore would gain independence. LKY is steely, clear minded, and a strongman. He does not seem to have any room for self-pity, any denigrations or criticisms are water off a duck’s back. LKY is the kind of leader that comes about once a century, and even business leaders should look up to him for the way he handles negotiation and thinks for the best for his country, not a sell-out who flips and flops whichever the wind blows. Yes — in the memoir you realise he’s not the most popular diplomat, and some contemporaries criticised him for being two-faced and uncooperative, but goddamnit he pulled it off didn’t he?

On a personal level, I drew parallels between LKY’s experiences and mine. LKY was willing to learn to speak in Chinese, Hokkien and Malay to gain the trust and popularity amongst his constituents. He was able to sit through marathon schmoozing sessions to achieve his aim of achieving acceptance and awareness of Singapore and Malaysia. And for me — should I learn French to fit into my partner’s family, and likewise play the part of graceful power couple in marathon social sessions? I sense a fundamental difference between us — he was a political figure, and willing to play politics; but I am unwilling to compromise what I perceived as authentic self. On another note, it’s dismaying to read accounts of brilliant people and realise you could never be as impressive as them. Finally, LKY is a stunning reminder for one to be tough and not to end up succumbing to a comfortable bourgeoise life even though you might be provided with opportunities to be. For if he were like his contemporaries who internalised the inferior status of “Asiatics”, or a “colonial stooge” who was just interested in lining his pockets and having gentleman’s agreement at the club, where would Singapore be?

4 stars as I thought this memoir could be shorter and more concise, my eyes glazed over when he detailed every diplomatic visit he had — no doubt affirming his boundless energy, but did not contribute to the overall narrative.

[Revere · Rating 3 out of 5]

I must not conflate my book rating with the man himself. While LKY is undoubtedly the most important man in the history of modern Singapore, his writing is prone to being painfully dry and irritatingly pretentious. Despite that, the contents of the book provides really valuable insights into the turbulent era in which he steered Singapore through: British colonialism, Japanese occupation, the threat of Communism, Konfrontasi, Malay racism, and internal interracial relations. These issues have all shaped Singapore into what it is today.

In terms of the reading experience, I found myself constantly skimming through passages of largely irrelevant details, or even entirely skipping passages of haughty self-praise. For a book titled "The Singapore Story", it is voiced entirely by LKY himself, leaving out the voices of many others who also shaped the country, notably Goh Keng Swee, Toh Chin Chye, or the Tunku. This is my biggest gripe with the book: the history of Singapore is NOT the history of Lee Kuan Yew. The arrogance within put me off.

Nevertheless! As a Singaporean myself, I have an even greater respect for the man now that I better understand what he did for Singapore, as well as how he did it all. Despite my criticism, I think it's valuable reading for all Singaporeans to have a greater appreciation for home. I would not recommend to the average reader.

[Thuy Phan · Rating 4 out of 5]

Một bản tóm tắt lịch sử - chính trị - văn hóa Singapore rất đáng để đọc! Cuốn sách mô tả chi tiết nhiều sự kiện chính trị nổi bật và mang tới góc nhìn về sự khác biệt văn hóa giữa các dân tộc hay nói cao hơn là mâu thuẫn sắc tộc.
Mỗi đất nước có số phận khác nhau, số phận của Singapore được độc lập, thịnh vượng như hôm nay là nhờ công lớn của Lý Quang Diệu. LQD là chính trị gia hết sức thông minh, được nhiều chính trị gia đánh giá "nguy hiểm". Ông có bộ óc quan sát và phân tích chiến lược tuyệt vời. Ông có khả năng thay đổi tình thế và tận dụng điểm mạnh/điểm yếu của đồng minh/kẻ thù vô cùng sắc sảo. Ông sẵn sàng bỏ rơi người từng là chiến hữu nếu thấy cần thiết. Khá thú vị là ông cũng có khả năng kinh doanh khá tốt.
Lý Quang Diệu là người gốc Hoa, sinh ra và lớn lên tại Singapore. Ông sinh trưởng trong một gia đình hạnh phúc và hiếu học. Ông và vợ ông bà Kha Ngọc Chi là những người học giỏi nhất bán đảo Mã Lai thời đó. Gia đình, môi trường học tập Tây học (đậm tính giáo dục Anh quốc), thời kỳ SGP bị Nhật chiếm đóng có ảnh hưởng rất lớn đến nhân sinh quan của ông. Từ rất trẻ ông đã nuôi lý tưởng giải phóng SGP.
Sau khi tốt nghiệp Luật từ Anh về, LQD làm luật sư tại SGP. Ông có những bước tiến trong chính trị khi bảo vệ cho các thân chủ là công đoàn và những cá nhân có mâu thuẫn với chính quyền, nhờ đó, ông chiếm được một số cảm tình nhất định của quần chúng.
Cùng với những người bạn thưở đi học, ông lập ra Đảng PAP. Đảng PAP sớm nắm được chính quyền SGP, một lý do lớn nhờ ông cộng tác với những người cộng sản/thân cộng để tận dụng sức mạnh quần chúng dành cho phe cộng sản thời điểm đó. Trong mắt LQD, cộng sản tàn bạo và có kỷ luật đáng gờm, và ông công khai quan điểm không bao giờ muốn SGP trở thành đất nước cộng sản.
SGP tiến tới sát nhập vào Malaysia thành Liên bang Malaysia. Việc này gặp phải phản đối từ những cộng sản nhưng sự sát nhập vẫn được tiến hành và sau 2 năm, do mâu thuẫn sắc tộc giữa người Mã Lai và người Hoa cộng thêm những áp lực chính trị khác, SGP đã bị "đá" ra khỏi Malay và độc lập ngày 9/8/1965. Những mối quan hệ lợi ích chính trị giữa các bên là SGP, Malay, Anh và các nước trong Khối Thịnh Vượng chung, các nước cộng sản (đặc biệt ở đây là Trung Hoa) đã được phô bày một phần nào đó qua cuốn sách này.

[Cristian · Rating 5 out of 5]

Wow

[feifei · Rating 3 out of 5]

Every day is National Day! This is where I won't be alone and "Lee Kuan Yew Is Not Always the Answer," shout out to Inez Tan! Beyond the BBC documentary screened by my Social Studies teacher in P5 and the history lessons in Y2, my first real encounter with material relating to Singapore's pre-independence history was at the Projector (!) when RGS brought us on a learning journey to watch a documentary about the rise and fall (and rise again?) of 新谣 (a kind of simple pop music written by Chinese Singaporean students). That documentary was obviously more sympathetic towards the Chinese students and, in association with them, Lim Chin Siong, Fong Swee Suan, and the rest of the Barisan Socialis; it seemed to mourn the shutting down of Nantah as a death spell for Straits Chinese culture. LKY's memoir obviously has a different take on this. His personal experience interacting with 'the Plen' and witnessing the efficiency of the underground networks makes the communist threat (at that time) feel much more real and alarming, and the justification he offers for conducting Operation Cold Store also becomes more convincing as a result. He provides the same kind of detail and analysis for almost every other big event, and this book ends up being a little dense and difficult, but I appreciate how real he be with it. Contrary to what I thought before reading this, he's definitely not a lisan-al-gaib kind of figure because oftentimes he (and his besties GKS, TCC, & co.) seemed to be engineering things to move the Big Movers to turn the tide rather than dictating where the tide should turn. Small state, poisonous shrimp, etc. etc. The LKY idol-worship is also ingrained so deeply within my subconscious that he gets away with all the insults he arrows at his opponents. Case in point: "[Tan Siew Sin] was mean-spirited and petty and it showed in the long, pale face behind the rimless glasses"—this was actually so uncalled for but also quite funny.

[Hussain Buhlaigah · Rating 3 out of 5]

يقص "لي كوان يو" (أو هاري حسب اسمه الانجليزي) قصة حياته منذ الطفولة مع والديه وما مر به في فصول الدراسة حتى التخرج وبعد ذلك الابتعاث إلى بريطانيا لاستكمال دراساته قبل أن يعود إلى وطنه سنغافورا. بعد العودة تبدأ قصته مع السياسة أولا كمحامي ثم إلى حزبي ترأس المعارضة ثم رئاسة الوزراء. يحكي السياسي المحنك باسهاب وتفاصيل جمة عما مر به خلال عمله السياسي ونضاله أمام الشيوعيين ثم أثناء حملته المضنية لانضمام سنغافورا إلى إتحاد ماليزيا وهو ما نجح بتحقيقه فعلاً. لم تستمر سنغافورا ماليزيا إلا لسنتين فقط بالرغم من كل محاولات لي كوان وعكس كل ما عمل لاجله.

أطلعت على هذه المذكرات بالرغم من عدم اهتمامي بالتاريخ السياسي حقيقة لذلك احسست بالملل الشديد من الاسهاب في التفاصيل وذكر الاحداث واسترجاعها. الكتاب طويل جداً وقد فرحت فعلياً عندما انتهى أخيراً لكني بصدق أتطلع إلى الجزء الثاني من المذكرات وهو الجزء الخاص بعمل لي كوان بعد استقلال سنغافورا وانفصالها التام عن ماليزيا. أعتقد أنه الجزء المبهر من قصة لي كوان.

استمعت إلى الرواية على تطبيق "كتاب صوتي" الممتاز بإلقاء صوتي لـ "محمد العبار" الذي كان أداءه الصوتي رائعاً جداً.

[Volodymyr Stoyko · Rating 4 out of 5]

Мій обов'язок полягав у тому, щоб дати людям надію, а не деморалізувати їх.

Дуже вчасно я взявся читати останню книжку із бізнесової бібліотеки мого друга, який з'єжджає з нашої квартири наступого тижня. Книжка немала, більше 1000 сторінок, розбита на 2 томи, тому попорядку про кожен з них далі.

Забігаючи вперед - в "Сингапурській історії" я очікував в основному політичних та економічних історій, переповнених незрозумілими мені термінами та посиланнями на всякі прецеденти політичного життя інших країн, що знаходилися у схожій із Сингапуром ситуації після Другої світової війни. Частково мої очікування оправдалися, але з деякими поправками. Перший том - це в першу чергу історія боротьби за права для людей. Не економічне зростання та добробут, не територіальні суперечки і, навіть, не державність лежать в основі цієї боротьби. Безумовно - це кінцеві цілі, шлях до яких передбачає завоювання довіри серед мультикультурного населення. Довіри, маючи яку за плечима, можна будувати стратегію боротьби за міжнародне визнання прав та свобод жителів Сингапуру.

Я дуже слабо обізнаний з історією Азії та Океанії, тому для мене було справжнім відкриттям те, що Лі Куан Ю ніколи не ставив собі за мету створення незалежного Сингапуру. Але розібравшись з фактами, стає зрозуміло - федерація з Малайєю була справді правильним рішенням, враховуючи проблеми з постачанням води, які могли виникнути при відокремленні Сингапуру в окрему державу. Потреби у питній воді, звісно ж, переважає потребу в ідентифікації нації, особливо коли 80% населення - китайці та малайці. Додати сюди ще вихідців з Індії, Пакистану, Бангладешу, Шрі-Ланки, Індонезії і стає зрозумілим, чому мемуари Лі Куан Ю користується такою популярністю у найвпливовіших політиків світу. Лі Куан Ю - неймовірно успішний стратег, який попри всі палиці в колеса від комуністів як головних політичних опонентів, зміг знайти баланс у цьому мультикультурному середовищі; зміг здобути повагу у світового співтовариства, включно з європейськими, африканськими, американськими, азійськими державними лідерами. Цей правильний курс і призвів до того, що Тунку Абдул Рахман, прем'єр-міністр Малайської Федерації (з 1963р - Малайзії), побоюючись впливу ПНД (Партія Народної Дії, лідером якою був Лі Куан Ю), наполягав на незалежності Сингапуру, яку острів і отримав у 1965 році.

Книжка обов'язкова до прочитання. Навіть, незважаючи на слово "мемуари" у назві. Лі Куан Ю - титан праці, приклад відношення до поставлених цілей якого вартий наслідування у будь-якій сфері. Порівнюючи запал, з яким працював Лі Куан Ю та його соратними із нашими політичними діячами, моя віра у реформи зовсім поникає. Сотні зустрічей, перемовин, рішень, конфліктів. Кожного дня. Кожної години в роботі над реалізацією коротко- та довгострокових цілей. І, навіть, незважаючи на повну віддачу - повільні темпи змін, які, проте, лише підсилювали бажання працювати ще більше на благо людей, що довірилися твоїй політичній силі. Чи відчуває хтось з українців таку ж самовіддачу від нашого "бомонду"?

[عبد الله القصير · Rating 3 out of 5]

هذا الجزء الأول من مذكرات لي كوان يو وفيه يتكلم عن طفولته في سنغافورة وتعليمه حتى انفصال سنغافورة عن ماليزيا. كوان يو ينتمي لنوع من البشر النادر وهو الذي يلتزم بمبادئ ثابته ويقاتل في سبيلها لحد الموت، هذا النوع من السياسيين هو ما ينقصنا هنا. على طول الكتاب لا تجد إلا صراعات بين لي كوان يو إمل مع الشيوعيين في سنغافورة أو مع الملاويين في كوالالمبور. الكتاب ملئ بتفاصيل هذه الصراعات لذلك وجدت نفسي اقفز لكي أصل إلى نتيجة هذا الصراع أو ذاك، لكي أبتعد عن التفاصيل المملة نوعًا ما ( مع وجود عدد كبير من الأسماء الصينية المتشابهة)
لأن الكتاب ينتهي بانفصال سنغافورة عن ماليزيا، لم يقل الكثير عن أسباب نهضة سنغافورة التي كان هو عامودها الأساسي والذي نقلها من العالم الثالث إلى العالم الأول. لذلك أرى أنه يستحسن لي قراءة الجزء الثاني من مذكراته!

[Maxim · Rating 4 out of 5]

Overrated book, i think, but still very interesting, since the author was leader of Singapore for almost half a century. His comments on politics and economics are often very smart and iteresting to read, as well as his comments on many famous politicians, but at times are boring and superficial (or maybe it is just eastern politeness). The book is worth to read for everybody who is interested in history, politics and economic policy.

[Madhumitha · Rating 3 out of 5]

It was a good read to understand what happened before the formation of Singapore and the hardship that Lee Kuan Yew and his team faced internally and externally during this period.

But what I really wanted to know was how Lee Kuan Yew transformed Singapore from a struggling island to a thriving developed country.

Perhaps my expectations from the book was something else.